Structure In Vietnam Research Articles

The Safety of Building Structures Subject to Unusual Natural and Man-Made Disasters

Previously, we often use the statistical data on natural disasters and mathematical tools such as probabilistic theory, mathematical statistics and random processes to express and analyze natural disasters' phenomena when dealing with the safety problem of building structures subject to natural disasters. However, due to unusual change of the global climate, natural disasters have changed essentially the intensity, frequency and the appearing time so we cannot rely on the statistical data on natural disasters in the past to do that. Therefore, renovation of the thought on selection of plans, calculation, design, and evaluation of safety of building structures to accommodate to natural disasters and man-made disasters is a required task. This paper presents some points of view of the authors, including: (i) Why should we renovate our thought on selection of plans, calculation, design, and evaluation of safety of existing structures? (ii) What are the old thought and the new thought on the safety of building structures? (iii) How to renovate the selection of building plan, calculation, design and evaluation of the safety of building structures? and (iv) How were some building structures in Vietnam decided according to the new thought? Some specific examples on the selection of building plan given in this paper are to illustrate the authors' opinions. AJSTD Vol. 23 Issue 4 pp. 295-306 (2006)

About the Change of Class-Social Structure in Vietnam at Present and the Problem of Increasing the Leadership of Working Class in the Alliance of Worker - Peasant - Intelligentsia

About the Change of Class-Social Structure in Vietnam at Present and the Problem of Increasing the Leadership of Working Class in the Alliance of Worker - Peasant - Intelligentsia

VIETNAM AND THE ‘THIRD WAY’: THE NATURE OF SOCIO‐ECONOMIC TRANSITION

ABSTRACTA major dilemma for the Vietnamese state during transition from a command to market economy is how to manage the emergence of market forces within an existing Marxist ideology. The quandary for commentators is whether a hybrid form of the socialist market or the ‘third way’ is a viable goal. Underpinning the analysis of socio‐economic change in former socialist countries is some understanding of the processes by which the transition occurs. Questions of process are the major focus of the increasing volume of literature on transition in Vietnam. In this article questions of process are also addressed but the analysis is extended to a discussion of what the outcome of transition will be. It is clear in Eastern Europe and the former USSR that economic and political institutions which supported socialism disintegrated with a ‘big bang’ and that these countries are in the process of rebuilding themselves according to the principles of the capitalist market. It is argued that in Vietnam as in China, the process of transition has been one of ‘gradualism’ beginning with micro‐economic followed by macro‐economic reforms but with limited political reform. The intention of both Vietnamese and Chinese policy‐makers is not to create a capitalist market but a socialist‐oriented market in which the Communist Party leadership remains in place and that public ownership of the means of production is a declared priority. In this article historical, cultural, social as well as economic evidence is drawn upon to argue that persistence of a hybrid socio‐economic structure in Vietnam is possible.

Family and Household Structure in Vietnam: Some Glimpses From a Recent Survey

This analysis of Vietnamese families and households was based on the 1991 Vietnam Life History Survey which was not reliably a nationally representative sample. The sample was small (403 households) and was obtained from a rural village (Tien Tien) and a medium sized city (Hai Duong) in the North and a rural village (Long Hoa) near a city in the center of the Mekong River Delta (Can Tho) in the South. Households were generally modest in size with many nuclear families. Few lived with paternal relatives when growing up. Extended family ties were still reinforced by weekly or daily visits. The East Asian model is based on a patrilineal patrilocal and patriarchal Confucian-type heritage. The Vietnamese family system has been maintained in the Chinese-style among the ruling classes. The status of women and daughters was higher and involved the right to inherit property. The kinship system was described as bilateral. Recent fieldwork has reinforced traditional views about both the importance of patrilineal ties and ideals and the importance of maternal relatives and nuclear family relations. Responses to the 931 interviews revealed that 80% of the rural villages were headed by men and about 50% of heads in the cities were women. 30 out of 50 female heads in Can Tho were older widows. In the northern city 47 of 51 female headed households were married with husbands present. The issue of female headship in Vietnam requires additional study because in this society female headship does not mean absent husbands and disadvantaged status. The range in household size was 4.4 in the northern city to 6.0 in the southern city. Households were larger in the South. 10% of households in villages and 20% of households in cities were extended family units. 50% of the female headed households in the southern village and almost 66% of households in the southern city were extended families. Proximity of resident to the maternal or paternal side was not the common pattern. Regardless of proximity visitation with relatives was high; longer distances increased visits to longer than weekly. Men visited more frequently than women.

Knowing the Rational Peasant: The Creation of Rival Incentive Structures in Vietnam

This paper develops a rational model of individual participation in anti-regime activity based on the works of Tullock (1971), Mason (1986) and others, and applies it to the Vietnamese conflicts of the 1945-75 period. Concerns for physical security and expectations of victory by one side or another dominated the peasant `decision calculus' to the relative exclusion of such factors as ideology and provision of public goods. The critical factor in creating an attractive incentive structure is sound intelligence obtained through local forms of organization and coercion. Until the mid-1960s, the Viet Cong excelled in this regard, but subsequent governmental attention to local organization and deployment of forces narrowed the gap considerably, as did the Tet Offensive decimation of native Viet Cong forces in the South. Also contributing to this outcome were increased Viet Cong demands on the peasantry that made material rewards from supporting the anti-regime effort less appealing. The village emerges as the key unit in overcoming the free-rider problem in revolutionary participation. The apparent success within the village itself of the opposition or regime and behavior of local cadres or officials shaped villagers' perceptions of the credibility and capability of each side to threaten physical security. Villagers' judgment on the balance of terror at any time in turn conditioned their response to the various other incentives offered.