Indicators Of Structural Racism Research Articles

State-level structural racism and adolescent mental health in the United States.

We explored state-level indicators of structural racism on internalizing symptoms of depressive affect among US adolescents. We merged 16 indicators of state-level structural racism with 2015-19 Monitoring the Future surveys (N=41,258) examining associations with loneliness, self-esteem, self-derogation, and depressive symptoms using regression analyses. Students racialized as Black in states with bans on food stamp eligibility and temporary assistance for drug felony conviction had 1.37 times the odds of high depressive symptoms (95% C.I. 1.01-1.89) compared to students in states without bans. In contrast, students racialized as White living in states with more severe disenfranchisement of people convicted of felonies had lower odds of high self-derogation (OR=0.89, 95% C.I. 0.78-1.02) and high depressive symptoms (OR=0.83, 95% C.I. 0.70-0.99) compared to states with less severe disenfranchisement. These findings demonstrate the need to address the legacy of structural racism at the state level to reduce mental distress for US youth.

Residential Structural Racism and Prevalence of Chronic Health Conditions

Studies elucidating determinants of residential neighborhood-level health inequities are needed. To quantify associations of structural racism indicators with neighborhood prevalence of chronic kidney disease (CKD), diabetes, and hypertension. This cross-sectional study used public data (2012-2018) and deidentified electronic health records (2017-2018) to describe the burden of structural racism and the prevalence of CKD, diabetes, and hypertension in 150 residential neighborhoods in Durham County, North Carolina, from US census block groups and quantified their associations using bayesian models accounting for spatial correlations and residents' age. Data were analyzed from January 2021 to May 2023. Global (neighborhood percentage of White residents, economic-racial segregation, and area deprivation) and discrete (neighborhood child care centers, bus stops, tree cover, reported violent crime, impervious areas, evictions, election participation, income, poverty, education, unemployment, health insurance coverage, and police shootings) indicators of structural racism. Outcomes of interest were neighborhood prevalence of CKD, diabetes, and hypertension. A total of 150 neighborhoods with a median (IQR) of 1708 (1109-2489) residents; median (IQR) of 2% (0%-6%) Asian residents, 30% (16%-56%) Black residents, 10% (4%-20%) Hispanic or Latino residents, 0% (0%-1%) Indigenous residents, and 44% (18%-70%) White residents; and median (IQR) residential income of $54 531 ($37 729.25-$78 895.25) were included in analyses. In models evaluating global indicators, greater burden of structural racism was associated with greater prevalence of CKD, diabetes, and hypertension (eg, per 1-SD decrease in neighborhood White population percentage: CKD prevalence ratio [PR], 1.27; 95% highest density interval [HDI], 1.18-1.35; diabetes PR, 1.43; 95% HDI, 1.37-1.52; hypertension PR, 1.19; 95% HDI, 1.14-1.25). Similarly in models evaluating discrete indicators, greater burden of structural racism was associated with greater neighborhood prevalence of CKD, diabetes, and hypertension (eg, per 1-SD increase in reported violent crime: CKD PR, 1.15; 95% HDI, 1.07-1.23; diabetes PR, 1.20; 95% HDI, 1.13-1.28; hypertension PR, 1.08; 95% HDI, 1.02-1.14). This cross-sectional study found several global and discrete structural racism indicators associated with increased prevalence of health conditions in residential neighborhoods. Although inferences from this cross-sectional and ecological study warrant caution, they may help guide the development of future community health interventions.

State-Level Indicators of Structural Racism and Severe Adverse Maternal Outcomes During Childbirth.

Structural racism (SR) is viewed as a root cause of racial and ethnic disparities in maternal health outcomes. However, evidence linking SR to increased odds of severe adverse maternal outcomes (SAMO) is scant. This study assessed the association between state-level indicators of SR and SAMO during childbirth. Data for non-Hispanic Black and non-Hispanic white women came from the US Natality file, 2017-2018. The exposures were state-level Black-to-white inequity ratios for lower education level, unemployment, and prison incarceration. The outcome was patient-level SAMO, including eclampsia, blood transfusion, hysterectomy, or intensive care unit admission. Adjusted odds ratios (aORs) of SAMO associated with each ratio were estimated using multilevel models adjusting for patient, hospital, and state characteristics. A total of 4,804,488 birth certificates were analyzed, with 22.5% for Black women. SAMO incidence was 106.4 per 10,000 (95% CI 104.5, 108.4) for Black women, and 72.7 per 10,000 (95% CI 71.8, 73.6) for white women. Odds of SAMO increased 35% per 1-unit increase in the unemployment ratio for Black women (aOR 1.35; 95% CI 1.04, 1.73), and 16% for white women (aOR 1.16; 95% CI 1.01, 1.33). Odds of SAMO increased 6% per 1-unit increase in the incarceration ratio for Black women (aOR 1.06; 95% CI 1.03, 1.10), and 4% for white women (aOR 1.04; 95% CI 1.02, 1.06). No significant association was observed between SAMO and the lower education level ratio. State-level Black-to-white inequity ratios for unemployment and incarceration are associated with significantly increased odds of SAMO.

Structural racism and geographic access to food retailers in the United States: A scoping review.

This scoping review summarized findings and key measures from U.S.-based studies that 1) examined associations between geographic indicators of structural racism (e.g., redlining, racial segregation) and access to food retailers (e.g., supermarkets, convenience stores) or 2) documented disparities in access by neighborhood racial/ethnic composition. In 2022, relevant scientific literature was reviewed using Covidence software. Independent reviewers examined 13,069 citations; 163 citations advanced to the full-text review stage and 70 were selected for inclusion. Twenty-one studies (30%) linked one or more indicator of structural racism to food retailer access while 49 (70%) solely examined differences in access by neighborhood racial/ethnic composition. All studies featuring indicators of structural racism reported significant findings; however, indicators varied across studies making it difficult to make direct comparisons. Key indicators of structural racism in the food access literature included redlining (n=3), gentrification (n=3), and racial segregation (n=4). Many U.S.-based studies have evaluated food retailer access by neighborhood racial/ethnic composition. Moving forward, studies should model indicators of structural racism and determine their influence on geographic access to large and small food retailers.

The relationship between state-level structural racism and disparities between the non-hispanic black and non-hispanic white populations in multiple health outcomes

AimsWhile several studies have examined the impact of individual indicators of structural racism on single health outcomes, few have explicitly modeled racial disparities in a wide range of health outcomes using a multidimensional, composite structural racism index. This paper builds on the previous research by examining the relationship between state-level structural racism and a wider array of health outcomes, focusing on racial disparities in mortality from firearm homicide, infant mortality, stroke, diabetes, hypertension, asthma, HIV, obesity, and kidney disease. MethodsWe used a previously developed state structural racism index that consists of a composite score derived by averaging eight indicators across five domains: (1) residential segregation; (2) incarceration; (3) employment; (4) economic status/wealth; and (5) education. Indicators were obtained for each of the 50 states using Census data from 2020. We estimated the Black-White disparity in each health outcome in each state by dividing the age-adjusted mortality rate for the non-Hispanic Black population by the age-adjusted mortality rate for the non-Hispanic White population. These rates were obtained from the CDC WONDER Multiple Cause of Death database for the combined years 1999-2020. We conducted linear regression analyses to examine the relationship between the state structural racism index and the Black-White disparity in each health outcome across the states. In multiple regression analyses, we controlled for a wide range of potential confounding variables. ResultsOur calculations revealed striking geographic differences in the magnitude of structural racism, with the highest values generally being observed in the Midwest and Northeast. Higher levels of structural racism were significantly associated with greater racial disparities in mortality for all but two of the health outcomes. ConclusionsThere is a robust relationship between structural racism and Black-White disparities in multiple health outcomes across states. Programs and policies to reduce racial heath disparities must include strategies to help dismantle structural racism and its consequences.

Investigating the impact of structural racism on black birthing people - associations between racialized economic segregation, incarceration inequality, and severe maternal morbidity

Black birthing people are twice as likely to experience severe maternal morbidity (SMM) as their white counterparts. Structural racism provides a framework for understanding root causes of perinatal health disparities. Our objective was to investigate associations between measures of structural racism and severe maternal morbidity (SMM) among Black birthing people in the US. We linked delivery hospitalizations for Black birthing people in the National Inpatient Sample (2008–2011) with data from the American Community Survey 5-year estimates and the Vera Institute of Justice Incarceration Trends datasets (2008–2011). Structural racism measures included the Index of Concentration at the Extremes for race and income (i.e., racialized economic segregation) and Black-white incarceration inequality, assessed as quintiles by hospital county. Multilevel logistic regression assessed the relationship between these county-level indicators of structural racism and SMM. Black birthing people delivering in quintiles 5 (concentrated deprivation; OR = 1.45, 95% CI = 1.16–1.81) and 3 (OR = 1.27, 95% CI = 1.04–1.56) experienced increased odds of SMM compared to those in quintile 1 (concentrated privilege). After adjusting for individual characteristics, obstetric comorbidities, and hospital characteristics the odds of SMM remained elevated for Black birthing people delivering in quintiles 5 (aOR = 1.32, 95% CI = 1.02–1.71) and 3 (aOR = 1.24, 95% CI = 1.02–1.51). Delivering in the quintile with the highest incarceration inequality (Q5) was not significantly associated with SMM (aOR = 0.95, 95% CI = 0.72–1.25) compared to those delivering in counties with the lowest incarceration inequality (Q1). In this national-level study, racialized economic segregation was associated with SMM among Black birthing people. Our findings highlight the need to promote maternal and perinatal health equity through actionable policies that prioritize investment in communities experiencing deprivation.

Empirical evidence on structural racism as a driver of racial inequities in COVID-19 mortality.

This study contributes to the literature by empirically testing the extent to which place-based structural racism is a driver of state-level racial inequalities in COVID-19 mortality using theoretically-informed, innovative approaches. CDC data are used to measure cumulative COVID-19 death rates between January 2020 and August 2022. The outcome measure is a state-level Black-White (B/W) ratio of age-adjusted death rates. We use state-level 2019 administrative data on previously validated indicators of structural racism spanning educational, economic, political, criminal-legal and housing to identify a novel, multi-sectoral latent measure of structural racism (CFI = 0.982, TLI = 0.968, and RMSEA = 0.044). We map B/W inequalities in COVID-19 mortality as well as the latent measure of structural racism in order to understand their geographic distribution across U.S. states. Finally, we use regression analyses to estimate the extent to which structural racism contributes to Black-White inequalities in COVID-19 mortality, net of potential confounders. Results reveal substantial state-level variation in the B/W ratio of COVID-19 death rates and structural racism. Notably, regression estimates indicate that the relationship between the structural racism and B/W inequality in COVID-19 mortality is positive and statistically significant (p < 0.001), both in the bivariate model (adjusted R2 = 0.37) and net of the covariates (adjusted R2 = 0.54). For example, whereas states with a structural racism value 2 standard deviation below the mean have a B/W ratio of approximately 1.12, states with a structural racism value 2 standard deviation above the mean have a ratio of just above 2.0. Findings suggest that efficacious health equity solutions will require bold policies that dismantle structural racism across numerous societal domains.

State-Level Socioeconomic Racial Inequity and Food Insecurity in the U.S.

Racial inequities in food insecurity have been documented for the past 2 decades in the U.S., with the prevalence of food insecurity among Black households being 2-3 times higher than that among White households across time. The purpose of this study was to determine the association between socioeconomic indicators of structural racism at the state level and food insecurity among White and Black households in the U.S. This study is a secondary analysis of pooled, cross-sectional data from the Current Population Survey and the American Community Survey, 2015-2019 (N=158,551 Black and White households). Data analysis occurred in 2021-2022. The outcome was household food insecurity, and the exposure was structural racism indicators, operationalized as state-level racial inequities in income, earnings, education, unemployment, and home ownership. Individual-, household-, and state-level sociodemographic covariates were included. Among Black households, state-level racial inequities in income, unemployment, and home ownership were associated with 34% (OR=1.34; 95% CI=1.05, 1.70), 14% (OR=1.14; 95% CI=1.02, 1.28), and 11% (OR=1.11; 95% CI=1.05, 1.16) higher odds of food insecurity, respectively. For White households, state-level racial inequities in income, education, unemployment, and home ownership were associated with 21% (OR=0.79; 95% CI=0.63, 0.98), 27% (OR=0.73; 95% CI=0.66, 0.85), 10% (OR=0.90; 95% CI=0.82, 0.98), and 8% (OR=0.92; 95% CI=0.89, 0.95) lower odds of food insecurity, respectively. Structural racism may be a key driver of food insecurity among Black households and may be protective against food insecurity among White households. Implementing policies addressing state-level racial inequity in socioeconomic indicators could be effective at reducing racial inequities in food insecurity.

Racial differences in transfusion practices: Time to address structural racism

See article on page 1519–1526, in this issue

Variations in the association between education and self-reported health by race/ethnicity and structural racism

Research has documented a longstanding association between education achievement and physical health outcomes. However, research has suggested that the health benefits gained from education differ by race, with minoritized racial groups generally experiencing poorer health and fewer health benefits from education. One potential explanation for this phenomena of “diminished returns” is the influence of structural racism. The purpose of this paper is to assess how structural factors at the state level are associated with self-reported health and the association between education and health. Utilizing a sample (N = 6819) from the NLSY dataset, measures of structural racism (political participation, employment and job status, education attainment and judicial treatment) were used to assess the hypotheses. Results indicated significant differences in key areas, with some nuanced findings – indicating that structural racism is an important health factor. These indicators of structural racism are discussed in the context of complexity of linked lives. Further research regarding structural racism, education, health and developmental stages is warranted.

Intersecting Structural Oppression and Suicidality Among Black Sexual Minority Male Adolescents and Emerging Adults.

This study examined associations between structural racism, anti-LGBTQ policies, and suicide risk among young sexual minority men (SMM). Participants were a 2017-2018 Internet-based U.S. national sample of 497 Black and 1536 White SMM (ages 16-25). Structural equationmodeling tested associations from indicators of structural racism, anti-LGBTQ policies, and their interaction to suicide risk factors. For Black participants, structural racism and anti-LGBTQ policies were significantly positively associated with depressive symptoms, heavy drinking, perceived burdensomeness, thwarted belongingness, self-harm, and suicide attempt. There were significant interaction effects: Positive associations between structural racism and several outcomes were stronger for Black participants in high anti-LGBTQ policy states. Structural racism, anti-LGBTQ policies, and their interaction were not significantly associated with suicide risk for White SMM.

Structural Racism and Triple-Negative Breast Cancer Among Black and White Women in the United States.

Purpose: To determine the associations between state-level indicators of structural racism and incidence of triple-negative breast cancer (TNBC) among black and white women diagnosed with breast cancer.Methods: Black and white women diagnosed with breast cancer between 2010 and 2016 were identified from 12 states represented in the Surveillance, Epidemiology, and End Results (SEER18) program. State-level disparities were measured by black to white rate ratios in educational attainment, political participation, incarceration, and unemployment; and dichotomized to “high” or “low” structural racism using the median rate ratio of the 12 states. Logistic regression was used to examine the associations between indicators of structural racism and TNBC among black and white women.Results: Living in states with high levels of structural racism in the domains of educational attainment, judicial treatment, and political participation were generally associated with greater odds of TNBC among black and white women. The increased odds of TNBC was greater for black women living in states with high levels of racial disparities than white women. Among black women diagnosed with breast cancer, the odds ratio (OR) of being diagnosed with TNBC comparing women living in states with high disparities in educational attainment versus those with low disparities was 1.50 (95% confidence interval [CI]: 1.27–1.77). For white women, the OR for educational attainment was 1.17 (95% CI: 1.10–1.23).Conclusion: Results from this study support the notion that racial health disparities need to be contextualized. Further research should address mechanisms through which structural racism influences health disparities.

The Association Between Neighborhood Social Vulnerability and Cardiovascular Health Risk Among Black/African American Women in the InterGEN Study.

Black/African American women in the United States are more likely to live in neighborhoods with higher social vulnerability than other racial/ethnic groups, even when adjusting for personal income. Social vulnerability, defined as the degree to which the social conditions of a community affect its ability to prevent loss and suffering in the event of disaster, has been used in research as an objective measure of neighborhood social vulnerability. Black/African American women also have the highest rates of hypertension and obesity in the United States. The purpose of this study was to examine the relationship between neighborhood social vulnerability and cardiovascular risk (hypertension and obesity) among Black/African American women. We conducted a secondary analysis of data from the InterGEN Study that enrolled Black/African American women in the Northeast United States. Participants' addresses were geocoded to ascertain neighborhood vulnerability using the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention's Social Vulnerability Index at the census tract level. We used multivariable regression models to examine associations between objective measures of neighborhood quality and indicators of structural racism and systolic and diastolic blood pressure and obesity (body mass index > 24.9) and to test psychological stress, coping, and depression as potential moderators of these relationships. Seventy-four percent of participating Black/African American women lived in neighborhoods in the top quartile for social vulnerability nationally. Women living in the top 10% of most socially vulnerable neighborhoods in our sample had more than a threefold greater likelihood of hypertension when compared to those living in less vulnerable neighborhoods. Objective neighborhood measures of structural racism (percentage of poverty, percentage of unemployment, percentage of residents >25 years old without a high school diploma, and percentage of residents without access to a vehicle) were significantly associated with elevated diastolic blood pressure and obesity in adjusted models. Psychological stress had a significant moderating effect on the associations between neighborhood vulnerability and cardiovascular risk. We identified important associations between structural racism, the neighborhood environment, and cardiovascular health among Black/African American women. These findings add to a critical body of evidence documenting the role of structural racism in perpetuating health inequities and highlight the need for a multifaceted approach to policy, research, and interventions to address racial health inequities.

Intersecting Structural Oppression and Black Sexual Minority Men's Health

Although evidence indicates that Black gay, bisexual, and other sexual minority men experience vast psychological and behavioral health inequities, most research has focused on individual rather than structural drivers of these inequities. This study examines the associations between structural racism and anti-lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer policies and the psychological and behavioral health of Black and White sexual minority men. Participants were an Internet-based U.S. national sample of 1,379 Black and 5,537 White sexual minority men during 2017-2018. Analysis occurred in 2019-2020. Structural equation modeling tested the associations from indicators of structural racism, anti‒lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer policies, and their interaction to anxiety symptoms, depressive symptoms, perceived burdensomeness, heavy drinking, and HIV testing frequency. Separate models for Black and White sexual minority men adjusted for contextual and individual covariates. For Black participants, structural racism was positively associated with anxiety symptoms (β=0.20, SE=0.10, p=0.04), perceived burdensomeness (β=0.42, SE=0.09, p<0.001), and heavy drinking (β=0.23, SE=0.10, p=0.01). Anti‒lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer policies were positively associated with anxiety symptoms (β=0.08, SE=0.04, p=0.03), perceived burdensomeness (β=0.20, SE=0.04, p<0.001), and heavy drinking (β=0.10, SE=0.04, p=0.01) and were negatively associated with HIV testing frequency (β= -0.14, SE=0.07, p=0.04). Results showed significant interaction effects, such that the positive associations between structural racism and both perceived burdensomeness (β=0.38, SE=0.08, p≤0.001) and heavy drinking (β=0.22, SE=0.07, p=0.003) were stronger for individuals living in states with high levels of anti‒lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer policies. Neither of the oppression variables nor their interaction was significantly associated with outcomes for White sexual minority men. Results highlight the intersectional nature of structural oppression and suggest that racist and anti-lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer policies must be repealed to rectify health inequities facing Black sexual minority men.

Structural racism, racial inequities and urban–rural differences in infant mortality in the US

BackgroundWhile evidence shows considerable geographic variations in county-level racial inequities in infant mortality, the role of structural racism across urban–rural lines remains unexplored. The objective of this study was to...

Structural Racism and COVID-19 in the USA: a County-Level Empirical Analysis.

Substantial health disparities exist across race/ethnicity in the USA, with Black Americans often most affected. The current COVID-19 pandemic is no different. While there have been ample studies describing racial disparities in COVID-19 outcomes, relatively few have established an empirical link between these disparities and structural racism. Such empirical analyses are critically important to help defuse “victim-blaming” narratives about why minority communities have been badly hit by COVID-19. In this paper, we explore the empirical link between structural racism and disparities in county-level COVID-19 outcomes by county racial composition. Using negative binomial regression models, we examine how five measures of county-level residential segregation and racial disparities in socioeconomic outcomes as well as incarceration rates are associated with county-level COVID-19 outcomes. We find significant associations between higher levels of measured structural racism and higher rates of COVID-19 cases and deaths, even after adjusting for county-level population sociodemographic characteristics, measures of population health, access to healthcare, population density, and duration of the COVID-19 outbreak. One percentage point more Black residents predicted a 1.1% increase in county case rate. This association decreased to 0.4% when structural racism indicators were included in our model. Similarly, one percentage point more Black residents predicted a 1.8% increase in county death rates, which became non-significant after adjustment for structural racism. Our findings lend empirical support to the hypothesis that structural racism is an important driver of racial disparities in COVID-19 outcomes, and reinforce existing calls for action to address structural racism as a fundamental cause of health disparities.Supplementary InformationThe online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s40615-020-00948-8.

Structural Racial Inequities in Socioeconomic Status, Urban-Rural Classification, and Infant Mortality in US Counties.

Despite improvements in infant mortality rates (IMR) in the United States, racial gaps in IMR remain and may be driven by both structural racism and place. This studyassesses the relationship betweenstructural racism and race-specific IMR and the role of urban-rural classification on race-specific IMR and Black/White racial gaps in IMR. We conducted an analysis of variance tests using 2019 County Health Rankings Data to determine differences in structural racism indicators, IMR and other co-variates by urban-rural classification. We used linear regressions to determine the associations between measures of structural racism and county-level health outcomes. Study results suggest that racial inequities in education, work, and homeownership negatively impact Black IMR, especially in large fringe, medium, and small metro counties, and positively impact White IMR. Structural racism is also associated withBlack-White gaps in IMR. Factors related to structural racism may not be homogenous or have the same impacts on overall IMR, race-specific IMR, and racial differences in IMR across places. Understanding these differential impacts can help public health professionals and policymakers improve Black infant health and eliminate racial inequities in IMR.

Self-Rated Health and Structural Racism Indicated by County-Level Racial Inequalities in Socioeconomic Status: The Role of Urban-Rural Classification.

Recent attention to the interrelationship between racism, socioeconomic status (SES) and health has led to a small, but growing literature of empirical work on the role of structural racism in population health. Area-level racial inequities in SES are an indicator of structural racism, and the associations between structural racism indicators and self-rated health are unknown. Further, because urban-rural differences have been observed in population health and are associated with different manifestations of structural racism, explicating the role of urban-rural classification is warranted. This study examined the associations between racial inequities in SES and self-rated health by county urban-rural classification. Using data from County Health Rankings and American Communities Surveys, black-white ratios of SES were regressed on rates of fair/poor health in U.S. counties. Racial inequities in homeownership were negatively associated with fair/poor health (β = -0.87, s.e. = 0.18), but racial inequities in unemployment were positively associated with fair/poor health (β = 0.03, s.e. = 0.01). The associations between structural racism and fair/poor health varied by county urban-rural classification. Potential mechanisms include the concentration of resources in racially segregated counties with high racial inequities that lead to better health outcomes, but are associated with extreme black SES disadvantage. Racial inequities in SES are a social justice imperative with implications for population health that can be targeted by urban-rural classification and other social contextual characteristics.

Structural Racism and Odds for Infant Mortality Among Infants Born in the United States 2010.

While ecological studies indicate that high levels of structural racism within US states are associated with elevated infant mortality rates, studies using individual-level data are needed. To determine whether indicators of structural racism are associated with the individual odds for infant mortality among white and black infants in the US. We used data on 2,163,096 white and 590,081 black infants from the 2010 US Cohort Linked Birth/Infant Death Data Files. Structural racism indicators were ratios of relative proportions of blacks to whites for these domains: electoral (registered to vote and voted; state legislature representation), employment (civilian labor force; employed; in management; with a bachelor's degree), and justice system (sentenced to death; incarcerated). Multilevel logistic regression was used to determine whether structural racism indicators were risk factors of infant mortality. Compared to the lowest tertile ratio of relative proportions of blacks to whites with a bachelor's degree or higher-indicative of low structural racism-black infants, but not whites, in states with moderate (OR = 1.12, 95% CI = 0.94, 1.32) and high tertiles (OR = 1.25, 95% CI = 1.03, 1.51) had higher odds of infant mortality. Educational and judicial indicators of structural racism were associated with infant mortality among blacks. Decreasing structural racism could prevent black infant deaths.

Testing the Association Between Traditional and Novel Indicators of County-Level Structural Racism and Birth Outcomes among Black and White Women.

Despite decreases in infants born premature and at low birth weight in the United States (U.S.), racial disparities between Black and White women continue. In response, the purpose of this analysis was to examine associations between both traditional and novel indicators of county-level structural racism and birth outcomes among Black and White women. We merged individual-level data from the California Birth Statistical Master Files 2009-2013 with county-level data from the United States (U.S.) Census American Community Survey. We used hierarchical linear modeling to examine Black-White differences among 531,170 primiparous women across 33 California counties. Traditional (e.g., dissimilarity index) and novel indicators (e.g., Black to White ratio in elected office) were associated with earlier gestational age and lower birth weight among Black and White women. A traditional indicator was more strongly associated with earlier gestational age for Black women than for White women. This was the first study to empirically demonstrate that structural racism, measured by both traditional and novel indicators, is associated with poor health and wellbeing of infants born to Black and White women. However, findings indicate traditional indicators of structural racism, rather than novel indicators, better explain racial disparities in birth outcomes. Results also suggest the need to develop more innovative approaches to: (1) measure structural racism at the county-level and (2) reform public policies to increase integration and access to resources.