Indicators Of Structural Racism Research Articles

Testing the Association Between Traditional and Novel Indicators of County-Level Structural Racism and Birth Outcomes among Black and White Women.

Despite decreases in infants born premature and at low birth weight in the United States (U.S.), racial disparities between Black and White women continue. In response, the purpose of this analysis was to examine associations between both traditional and novel indicators of county-level structural racism and birth outcomes among Black and White women. We merged individual-level data from the California Birth Statistical Master Files 2009-2013 with county-level data from the United States (U.S.) Census American Community Survey. We used hierarchical linear modeling to examine Black-White differences among 531,170 primiparous women across 33 California counties. Traditional (e.g., dissimilarity index) and novel indicators (e.g., Black to White ratio in elected office) were associated with earlier gestational age and lower birth weight among Black and White women. A traditional indicator was more strongly associated with earlier gestational age for Black women than for White women. This was the first study to empirically demonstrate that structural racism, measured by both traditional and novel indicators, is associated with poor health and wellbeing of infants born to Black and White women. However, findings indicate traditional indicators of structural racism, rather than novel indicators, better explain racial disparities in birth outcomes. Results also suggest the need to develop more innovative approaches to: (1) measure structural racism at the county-level and (2) reform public policies to increase integration and access to resources.

Joint Effects of Structural Racism and Income Inequality on Small-for-Gestational-Age Birth.

We examined potential synergistic effects of racial and socioeconomic inequality associated with small-for-gestational-age (SGA) birth. Electronic medical records from singleton births to White and Black women in 10 US states and the District of Columbia (n = 121 758) were linked to state-level indicators of structural racism, including the ratios of Blacks to Whites who were employed, were incarcerated, and had a bachelor's or higher degree. We used state-level Gini coefficients to assess income inequality. Generalized estimating equations models were used to quantify the adjusted odds of SGA birth associated with each indicator and the joint effects of structural racism and income inequality. Structural racism indicators were associated with higher odds of SGA birth, and similar effects were observed for both races. The joint effects of racial and income inequality were significantly associated with SGA birth only when levels of both were high; in areas with high inequality levels, adjusted odds ratios ranged from 1.81 to 2.11 for the 3 structural racism indicators. High levels of racial inequality and socioeconomic inequality appear to increase the risk of SGA birth, particularly when they co-occur.

The Interplay Between Parenting Practices with Dopamine D2 Receptor and Catechol-O-Methyltransferase Genotype on Alcohol Drinking in Early Adolescence

The Interplay Between Parenting Practices with Dopamine D2 Receptor and Catechol-O-Methyltransferase Genotype on Alcohol Drinking in Early Adolescence

High Income Inequality Interacts with Indicators of Structural Racism to Increase Risk for Small-For-Gestational Age Births

High Income Inequality Interacts with Indicators of Structural Racism to Increase Risk for Small-For-Gestational Age Births

Structural racism and myocardial infarction in the United States

There is a growing research literature suggesting that racism is an important risk factor undermining the health of Blacks in the United States. Racism can take many forms, ranging from interpersonal interactions to institutional/structural conditions and practices. Existing research, however, tends to focus on individual forms of racial discrimination using self-report measures. Far less attention has been paid to whether structural racism may disadvantage the health of Blacks in the United States. The current study addresses gaps in the existing research by using novel measures of structural racism and by explicitly testing the hypothesis that structural racism is a risk factor for myocardial infarction among Blacks in the United States. State-level indicators of structural racism included four domains: (1) political participation; (2) employment and job status; (3) educational attainment; and (4) judicial treatment. State-level racial disparities across these domains were proposed to represent the systematic exclusion of Blacks from resources and mobility in society. Data on past-year myocardial infarction were obtained from the National Epidemiologic Survey on Alcohol and Related Conditions (non-Hispanic Black: N = 8245; non-Hispanic White: N = 24,507), a nationally representative survey of the U.S. civilian, non-institutionalized population aged 18 and older. Models were adjusted for individual-level confounders (age, sex, education, household income, medical insurance) as well as for state-level disparities in poverty. Results indicated that Blacks living in states with high levels of structural racism were generally more likely to report past-year myocardial infarction than Blacks living in low-structural racism states. Conversely, Whites living in high structural racism states experienced null or lower odds of myocardial infarction compared to Whites living in low-structural racism states. These results raise the provocative possibility that structural racism may not only harm the targets of stigma but also benefit those who wield the power to enact stigma and discrimination.

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Although evidence indicates that Black gay, bisexual, and other sexual minority men experience vast psychological and behavioral health inequities, most research has focused on individual rather than structural drivers of these inequities. This study examines the associations between structural racism and anti–lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer policies and the psychological and behavioral health of Black and White sexual minority men.Participants were an Internet-based U.S. national sample of 1,379 Black and 5,537 White sexual minority men during 2017–2018. Analysis occurred in 2019–2020. Structural equation modeling tested the associations from indicators of structural racism, anti‒lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer policies, and their interaction to anxiety symptoms, depressive symptoms, perceived burdensomeness, heavy drinking, and HIV testing frequency. Separate models for Black and White sexual minority men adjusted for contextual and individual covariates.For Black participants, structural racism was positively associated with anxiety symptoms (β=0.20, SE=0.10, p=0.04), perceived burdensomeness (β=0.42, SE=0.09, p<0.001), and heavy drinking (β=0.23, SE=0.10, p=0.01). Anti‒lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer policies were positively associated with anxiety symptoms (β=0.08, SE=0.04, p=0.03), perceived burdensomeness (β=0.20, SE=0.04, p<0.001), and heavy drinking (β=0.10, SE=0.04, p=0.01) and were negatively associated with HIV testing frequency (β= −0.14, SE=0.07, p=0.04). Results showed significant interaction effects, such that the positive associations between structural racism and both perceived burdensomeness (β=0.38, SE=0.08, p≤0.001) and heavy drinking (β=0.22, SE=0.07, p=0.003) were stronger for individuals living in states with high levels of anti‒lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer policies. Neither of the oppression variables nor their interaction was significantly associated with outcomes for White sexual minority men.Results highlight the intersectional nature of structural oppression and suggest that racist and anti–lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer policies must be repealed to rectify health inequities facing Black sexual minority men.