Forensic literature has witnessed a plethora of risk assessment tools, emphasizing on factors increasing recidivism risk. Thus, assessment and care practices of individuals who have offended have gradually evolved when professionals no longer ask what doesn’t work (Nothing works) but what does work (What works) with them. From this positivist forensic psychology perspective, the inclusion of so-called positive factors such as protective or desistance factors is an important issue. A strengths-based approach to risk assessment encourages a more balanced assessment by involving factors mediating, moderating, or even canceling out this risk, specifically protective factors. Despite a strong interest in them, there are many conceptual shortcomings that hinder their use. The existence of these factors is still assumed. While the importance of their integration in assessment is established, their lack of validity hinders it. Hence, the Structured Assessment of PROtective Factors (SAPROF) has been developed to measure exclusively protective factors. The SAPROF assesses internal factors (e.g., intelligence, secure attachment, etc.), motivational factors (e.g., work, leisure activities, etc.), and external factors (e.g., social network, intimate relationship, etc.). An additional version for Individual who have Committed Sexual Offenses (ICSO) has also been developed. The first study consists of a systematized literature review comprising six studies focusing on protective factors identified among ICSOs and the validity of their operational assessment using SAPROF. Main results suggest a poor prediction of the SAPROF. A section of narrative literature focuses on desistance. Desistance paradigm suggests that professionals would be better equipped to deal with individuals who have committed offenses if they were also allowed to guide them and listen to what they think is best for them, rather than insisting that our solutions are best. The principle of What works is therefore complemented by the Why works and How works approaches to rehabilitation by putting offenders back at the heart of the process. As a universal and complex process, desistance involves changes in identity related to exiting the criminal pathway. Therefore, it is a highly individualised and subjective process, whom definitional and operational modalities are still unclear. As with protective factors, narrative literature identifies external and internal factors that might influence the reintegration process. While some desistance factors seem to be common to protective factors such as employment, quality of relationships, or treatment, some non-operational factors are highlighted as narrative discourses or knifing off concept. The second study investigates desistance factors identified through discourses of six male ICSOs on probation or conditional release based on iterative thematic content analysis. Main results highlight a predominance of positive factors relating to desistance, specifically positive interpersonal relationships (external) and cognitive transformations marked by reflective processes linked to offenses (internal). For negative factors hindering their desistance process, ICSOs emphasize internal factors such as access to illicit substances and financial difficulties. To conclude, despite increasing attention, empirical and conceptual definitions are lacking, particularly regarding protective factors and related words. Less is known about how protective factors support desistance from sexual offending. The results of these two complementary studies will be discussed considering the literature, laying the foundations for future research necessary for conceptual and operational clarification of protective and desistance factors.