Strengthening Civil Society Research Articles

Wanted! ‘Strong publics’ for uncertain times: the Active Citizenship in Central America project

This article places the experiences of the Active Citizenship in Central America project, led by Dublin City University, within wider discussions on the role of civil society in building democracy and furthering development. The article examines project development and content and assesses its effectiveness, using a framework derived from Nancy Fraser’s (1993) concept of ‘weak’ and ‘strong’ publics. It finds that the project oscillates between these positions, and it makes policy recommendations to help to move it closer to a ‘strong publics’ conception. It ends by asserting that in the current conjuncture a ‘strong publics’ conception is a useful guiding principle for the design of development projects to strengthen civil society.

“They Have Achieved a Lot Because we Have Paid Them to do a Lot”: NGOs and the International Community in the West Balkans. Perceptions of Each Other

Strengthening civil society has had a prominent place in the international community's strategy for the West Balkans. Rather than creating an independent and sustainable NGO sector, however, it has made local NGOs largely dependent on the international community for funding and other assistance. This article examines the international community's perceptions of local NGOs and vice versa, drawing on findings from 60 in-depth interviews with representatives of the international community and 18 focus groups with NGO representatives in Bosnia & Herzegovina, Macedonia and Serbia. While the international community is fairly positive towards the NGO sector, the NGOs are more critical of the international community, and particularly so in Macedonia. Perceptions are shaped by a number of individual and organisational factors as well as by the international community's overall agenda in the region.

Mexican Solidarity: Findings from a National Study

This article presents the results of a two-year nationwide study presenting the structure and methodology utilized for the National Survey on Solidarity and Volunteer (ENSAV), one of the first national volunteer surveys ever undertaken in Mexico. This study is designed in two distinct segments to be able to engage all formal and informal volunteering in Mexico. The first segment is the analysis of a nationwide survey which presents the main data and findings plus the analysis of these numbers. The second segment reveals some of the main motivations that individuals have for giving and for participating both within and outside of group settings. The national nature of this research project reveals interesting patterns of volunteerism and citizen action by gender, location, and motivation, plus various forms of solidary participation that may be useful guides in the prevailing need to build and strengthen civil society organizations in Mexico and in this region of the world. These results provide an informed basis for decision making in the government public policy arena and reveal distinct and diverse ways for established CSOs to promote and enable citizens for more effective participation in community issues (Butcher, Springer, 2010).

Reconstructing civil society with intermedia communities

A healthy civil society is essential in order to deal with “wicked” societal problems. Merely involving institutional actors and mass media is not sufficient. Intermedia can play a crucial complementary role in strengthening civil society. However, the potential of these technologies needs to be carefully tailored to the requirements and constraints of the communities grown around them. The GRASS system for group report authoring is one carefully tailored socio-technical system aimed at unlocking this potential. Such systems may help to develop stakeholder communities that are more productive in societal conflict resolution.

The EU and Civil Society in the Georgian-Abkhaz Conflict

This paper deals with the role of the EU in supporting civil society in the case of the Georgian-Abkhaz conflict. It analyses the patterns of development of civil society actors that played a direct or indirect role in the development of the Georgian-Abkhaz conflict. In the case of Georgia the paper focuses on NGOs representing the interests of internally displaced persons and civil society players involved in promoting dialogue with the Abkhaz. In the case of Abkhazia, the paper focuses on the development of Abkhaz civil society, the relative strength of which is a mini-phenomenon in itself, as well as the Abkhaz approaches to dialogue with Georgia. The paper then outlines the main EU activities vis-a-vis the civil society actors on both sides of the conflict. The paper concludes that in the absence of strong EU political engagement in conflict-resolution, EU assistance to civil society could not prevent the re-escalation of the conflict and the radicalisation of the Abkhaz and Georgian societies. However EU assistance to civil society contributed to the (parallel and separate) strengthening of civil society on both sides of the conflict lines, which can be considered an achievement in itself, however modest.

Human Security and the Challenge of Automobile and Road Traffic Safety: A Cultural Historical Perspective

Die UN-Agenda zur menschlichen Sicherheit und die Herausforde rungen der Verkehrssicherheit aus kulturhistorischer Perspektive?. The worldwide enhancement of road traffic safety is one aspect of the UN agenda on security. The article examines the history of road traffic safety and the development of automobile safety technologies since the mid twentieth century with a strong focus on West Germany. From a historical perspective there are two reasons why the UN agenda includes the enhancement of road traffic safety. Firstly the development of road traffic safety is a success story in industrialized countries even though there are still high death rates globally. Secondly, the enhancement of road safety is linked to advanced civil societies with all their stakeholders, and strengthening civil society is a key concern of the UN worldwide. Beyond that, automobility is a symbol of modernity. Discourses about automo bile safety inform us about the conceptions and regulation of individual free dom and security in different societies. Moreover, new safety technologies such as the safety belt modify the interactions between human beings and ma chines and thus the idea of freedom, autonomy and responsibility. With the rise of the concept of human security, terms such as national security, internal and domestic security, social and economic security were fundamen tally expanded. This expansion of security as an important political term and concept integrates new societal values into the political discourse about secu rity.1 The human security agenda focuses on the global as well as the regional and integrates the protection of individuals, groups, and people. The UN pro gram strengthens individual rights, while the rights of groups, ethnicities or nations and in this respect the sovereignty of states have ostensibly taken a back seat. The report Our Global Neighborhood of the Commission on Global Governance claims the protection of individuals as its main concern,

The role of organized civil society in tobacco control in Latin America and the Caribbean

Civil society has been the engine that has permitted many of the accomplishments seen in tobacco control in Latin America and the Caribbean. However, the role of civil society is not clearly understood. Civil society plays five main roles: advocate, coalition builder, provider of evidence-based information, watchdog and service provider. Some of these roles are played weakly by civil society in the region and should be encouraged to support beneficial societal change. Civil society working in tobacco control has evolved over the years to now become more professionalized. The WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control and the Bloomberg Initiative to Reduce Tobacco Use have brought about significant change with positive and negative consequences. Strengthening civil society not only supports the tobacco control movement but it provides competencies that may be used in many ways to promote change in democratic societies.

The Landless Rural Workers Movement and Democracy in Brazil

This article takes issue with influential views in Brazil that depict the Movement of Landless Rural Workers (MST), the largest popular movement in this country, as a threat to democracy. Contrary to these assessments, it argues that a sober review of the MST's actual practice shows that it is far from an antistate or antidemocratic organization. Quite to the contrary, the MST demands that the state play an active part in reducing the nation's stark social inequities through the institution of an inclusive model of development. The MST's contentious edge has contributed to Brazil's ongoing democratization process by (1) highlighting the role of public activism in building political capabilities among the poor and catalyzing downward redistribution policies; (2) facilitating the extension of basic citizenship rights, broadening the scope of the public agenda, and strengthening civil society through the inclusion of groups representing the most vulnerable strata of the popu lation; and (3) fostering a sense of hope and utopia through the affirmation of ideals imbued in Brazil's long-term, complex, and open-ended democratization process.

Implementation of smokefree workplaces: challenges in Latin America

Latin America is at the forefront of global progress in smoke free workplaces. Comprehensive smoke free laws have been implemented in four countries, and in many cities, states and provinces. More than 130 million people in Latin America are now protected from secondhand tobacco smoke. Nevertheless, a survey of tobacco control advocates and governments in Latin America found several challenges to progress in smoke free workplaces: the need for voluntary workplace programs where there is no smoke free legislation; weak legislation or lack of comprehensive national smoke free laws; tobacco industry attempts to undermine progress with smoke free laws or overturn existing laws via litigation; lack of compliance with laws; the need for monitoring and evaluation of smoke free laws; the need to make better use of mass media campaigns; and strengthening civil society. However, much progress has already been achieved to address these challenges, in particular through collaborations and the exchange of experience and expertise across Latin America.

The role of women in building social capital in the region

The role of women in building social capital in region is topic worthy of ventilation in light of our almost total emphasis on building of human capital through formal education, and importance paid to individual and personal development. In so doing we have neglected importance of social capital with its emphasis on social and cultural networks for betterment of society. The paper will provide clear understanding of concept social capital and provide insights into role of women over time in building on its attributes, including socialization process in home and community in what we call informal education. The emphasis will not be on names and characters and their deeds (that work is yet to be done) but rather general impact on our contemporary social world. Social capital is created when individuals participate in civil society. Putnam (1995, p.67) has defined social capital as the features of social organization as networks, norms and social trust that facilitate coordination and cooperation for mutual benefit. Fukuyama (1995) defines social capital as trust and thriving civil society. He places emphasis on importance of cultural capital. High trust societies are those, which have cultural traditions of cooperation and trust among non-kin in civil society, which can be transferred to economic institutions. The prevailing orthodoxy is based on theory of human capital (Shultz 1961 and Becker 1964, 1975) and is at heart of globalization process with individuals as only source of sustainable competitive advantage. Karabel and Halsey (1977) have noted that theory was used to explain poverty of nations and communities resulting from under-development of their human capital. It diverted attention from other forms of capital, notably social and cultural. Social and cultural capital with their emphasis on social relationships, shared values, and cultural traditions could very well be major focus of The Open Campus as it seeks to reframe its practice. Coffield (1999) makes point that human capital theory has nothing to say about polarization in income and wealth that is taking place globally. Coffield quotes Manuel Castells (1998,p.l61) who has produced extensive evidence to show how new forms of capitalism are creating sharp divide between valuable and non-valuable people and locales and a fundamental split in societies all over world: on one hand, active culturally self-defined elites, on other hand, increasingly uncertain, insecure, social groups, deprived of informative resources and power, digging their trenches of resistance. A variety of social purpose educators recommend building social-capital as practical way of strengthening civil society, of encouraging civic participation, countering social exclusion and promoting public good. In fact it is felt by some that social capital should take its place alongside physical and human capital in successful and sustainable communities. We are already witnessing that with de-emphasis of social capital in region there is diminished civil society; that sector of public life that is outside political and economic spheres: sphere of voluntary and associations and informal networks in which individuals and groups engage in activities of public consequence (Friedland and Sirarmi, 1995, p. 15). It is about how we live together in communities and work together for common good. Large sums of money have been borrowed by our governments and spent on education but returns have been disappointing. On other hand social problems, poverty, 'brain drain' and growing loss of social identity exist. Reference will be made throughout to concept of informal education that is gaining prominence in educational research. Formal education refers to organized educational activity within established formal system both private and public, as well as specialised programmes offering technical and professional training. …

Promoting an Environmental Civil Society: Politics, Policy, and Russia's Post‐1991 Experience

AbstractIn recent years the United Nations Environment Program, UN Conference on Environment and Development, and other international organizations have acknowledged the importance of civil society for engaging stakeholders in environmental change—especially at the local community level—and in promoting democracy.1 In Russia, efforts by nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) to promote reform since 1991 have aimed at achieving both objectives and face numerous political, legal, and attitudinal hurdles. This article examines these hurdles and the factors that facilitate development of an environmentally conscious civil society in Russia through analysis of the views of 100 representatives of environmental NGOs, news media, scientific community, corporations, and public agencies. We also investigate three abbreviated but illustrative vignettes that illuminate civil society impediments. Our thesis is that successful efforts to ensure adequate protection of Russia's environment require a strengthening of civil society.

Strengthening civil society organizations/government partnership in Nigeria

There is broad agreement that civil society organizations (CSOs) refer to the set of institutions and organizations that inter-phase between the state, business world, and the family. Broadly speaking, CSOs include non-governmental organizations (NGOs), private voluntary organizations (PVOs), peoples’ organizations, community-based organizations (CBOs), civic clubs, trade unions, gender groups, cultural and religious groups, charities, social and sports clubs, cooperatives, environmental groups, professional associations, academia, policy institutions, consumer organizations, and the media.

Violence and Silence in Dictatorial and Postdictatorial Chile

The new Chilean narrative’s noir genre, exemplified in the work of Ramón Díaz Eterovic, is an allusive and tangential exposé of recent national history. Implicit in the detective stories of this genre are a critical approach and an attempt at reconstruction of the political and social conflicts of dictatorial and postdictatorial Chile through a criminological narrative. Situated between the authoritarianism of the dictatorial regime and the ambiguities of the transition, the noir genre enables engagement with the subject of memory as a possible tool for the strengthening of civil society.

Political strategy and climate policy: a rational choice perspective

Rational choice models are employed to explain both the formation of states' domestically derived negotiation positions on climate change and the dynamics of these international negotiations. This analysis leads to the identification of a number of promising political strategies: taking steps to enlarge the membership of environmental non-governmental organisations; assessing whether the resources of these organisations would be more effectively spent on campaign contributions rather than other activities; using organisations such as the World Bank to assist developing countries to strengthen civil society in these countries; stepping up information campaigns; re-balancing abatement costs between the EU and the US; and making abatement more efficient by introducing an international emissions cap and trade scheme.

Look Who's Talking!

Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are major players in development aid today. It is widely believed they represent civil society and that, for example, the UN and the World Bank would be strengthened if NGOs were given a larger influence over policy formulation and development. As one can hardly speak of an NGO community, the issue of representation is far from easily solved. NGOs often compete for visibility, clients and influence, and representation leaves a lot to be desired. Hence, governments' and inter-governmental institutions' reluctance to accept immediately NGOs as partners, may be necessary for NGOs to become representative and, paradoxically, for strengthening civil society as well.

Post-Earthquake Relief and Reconstruction Efforts: The Emergence of Civil Society in China?

AbstractMany analysts contend that participation in the Sichuan earthquake relief efforts strengthened Chinese civil society. I examine these claims based on interviews with civil society organizations, academics and local officials in Sichuan, and argue that participation in relief efforts has strengthened civil society through increased capacity, publicity and interaction with local government. Conversely, relief efforts also reveal weaknesses in civil society and their governing institutions which inhibit further development, such as the trust and capacity deficit of these organizations. Participation in relief efforts served as a learning process whereby government, society and civil society groups learned how to work together effectively. However, in order to consolidate these gains and further strengthen civil society, there must be greater institutionalization of these groups' roles, increased capacity building, and greater trust between society, groups and the local state.

Kebijakan Birokrasi dalam Upaya Pelayanan Publik Berkualitas

Qualified bureaucracy public services are very much needed in the new global trend. Everylocal government has to respond it and take necessary actions innovatively. This researchexplores about how to create qualified bureaucracy public services, and how is the bestpractices of bureaucracy public services in accordance with regional society. To elaborateon the issues this research maps out bureaucracy reform which has to be done by regionalgovernment, and asserts an example about the process of qualified bureaucracy publicservices in a smallest unit in the government structure. This research reveals that tocreate qualified bureaucracy public services need strong commitment of regional leadersand their stakeholders through among others: reorientation of service mission; changingservice culture; creation of service based education; choosing service culture based politicalleaders; strengthening civil society control.Keywords: bureaucracy, qualified public services, reform, strong commitment.

Home-grown strategies for greater agency: reassessing the outcome of civil society strengthening in post-Soviet Kyrgyzstan

This paper seeks to reassess the outcome of mainstream civil society promotion policies in post-Soviet Kyrgyzstan. While it agrees with critics that the distorting effects of funding relations have meant that the promised ‘grassroots citizen empowerment’ has not been achieved directly through NGOs, it does not agree that NGOs are therefore merely vehicles of the Western ideological agenda and international aid to the Kyrgyzstani population. It argues that the facilitation of international actors has opened up opportunities for individual NGO activists to pursue their own social and political development agendas. In recent years, some activists have begun to use these opportunities to develop strategies through which grassroots interests are represented to decision-makers, and citizens' abilities to represent their own interests are enhanced. The strategies adopted differ from the mainstream civil society model and have allowed some NGOs to function in a manner more relevant to the specific Kyrgyzstani context. This suggests that local Kyrgyzstani NGOs and activists should not all be written off as ‘artificial’ civil society, irrelevant to the dynamics of state–society relations.

The UE and Civil society in Serbia: Governance rather than politics

This paper looks at the impact of EU intervention on the third sector in post-Milosevic Serbia. We argue that the framing of EU pre-accession assistance to Serbia in terms of ‘developing civil society’ is a political distraction; it obfuscates the true purpose and outcomes of EU intervention by implying that the focus of aid is the empowerment and strengthening of civil society as an arena of political contestation and as the basis of democratic regime change. In practice, EU assistance has as its goal far less politically radical objectives: the aim is to build governance and state capacity.

Dangerous Correlations: Aid’s Impact on NGOs’ Performance and Ability to Mobilize Members in Pakistan

Based on a country-wide survey of 40 civil society organizations in Pakistan, this paper demonstrates that the policy of channeling development aid through NGOs in the South in the name of generating social capital and strengthening civil society is having a reverse impact: organizations reliant on development aid have no members. The survey indicates a strong correlation between receipt of international aid and absence of members; it further demonstrates a strong correlation between aid and rise in material aspirations among leaders of NGOs and lower organizational performance. The paper raises possibility of a causal relation where aid leads to material aspirations among leaders of NGOs, which in turn result in lower performance and an inability to mobilize members.