Party Strategies Research Articles

PERFORMANCE OF K-MEANS CLUSTERING AND KNN CLASSIFIER IN FISH FEED SELLER DETERMINATION MODELS

Feed is a crucial variable because it can determine the success of fish farming. Farmers can use two types of artificial feed, namely alternative feed and pellets. Many cultivators need pellets as the main food for the fish they are cultivating because the pellets contain a composition that has been adjusted to their needs based on the type and age of the fish. However, currently, cultivators are facing problem, namely the high price of fish pellets on the market. Therefore, an analysis of the classification of the selection of fish feed sellers is needed according to several criteria like the number of types of feed, price, order, delivery, payment, availability of discounts, and the number of assessments. This study conducted a predictive analysis to determine the criteria for selecting fish feed sellers in Kendal Regency by utilizing the K-Means Clustering and KNN Classifier methods in the classification method. This research aims to compare the fish feed seller classification method where the pattern of fish feed seller is identified by K-Means Clustering and KNN Classifier, and then the researcher conducts performance appraisal and evaluation. The results of this study are decision-making patterns to help formulate strategies for cultivators and other interested parties. For verifying the method used, measurements were made to obtain an accuracy value where K-Means was 98.6% and KNN was 86.7%.The results of this study indicate that the K-Means Clustering and KNN Classifier methods can classify the selection of freshwater fish feed sellers in Kendal Regency.

Populism of Religious Conservative Parties in Turkey: A Psychoanalytical Approach

Despite the growing number of works attempting to understand and explain the Justice and Development Party’s (JDP) populism, we possess limited insight into the longue durée of Islamic populism in Turkey and its pyscho-political origins. Therefore, this article highlights the lines of continuity and change in the populist strategy of Islamist parties with reference to the discourse of their leaders who managed to present their changing, growing, but partial support base as the totality of the people. Since social, economic, and political crises played a significant role in the rise of these Islamist parties in Turkey, this study relies on Laclau’s logic of populism blended with a Lacanian psychoanalysis, underlining the significance of crises in the formulation and articulation of populist demands. This study will thereby offer a new understanding of the rise of Islamist parties that successfully defined, redefined, and then redefined “the people” they claim to represent through a populist discourse and strategy in Turkey.

Incentive Mechanism for the Development of Rural New Energy Industry: New Energy Enterprise–Village Collective Linkages considering the Quantum Entanglement and Benefit Relationship

As an important foundation of and driving force for rural revitalisation, green and low-carbon energy development is an intrinsic requirement for meeting the people’s needs. Rural energy utilization efficiency is low, and there is an urgent need to develop and use renewable green energy. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to explore and clarify the entanglement mechanism between new energy enterprises (NEEs) and village collectives (VCs) considering the mutually beneficial evolutionary stability strategy of the main participants in the rural new energy industry (RNEI) regarding the quantum entanglement state. The quantum evolutionary game model for NEEs and VCs was constructed, and a set of quantum strategies of both parties was introduced. This not only expands the strategy set of the classical game model but also considers the characteristics of quantum entanglement in the implementation of the quantum game. This study also analysed the evolution path and stability strategy of participants in the process of RNEI’s development. The results of this study are presented as follows: (i) after considering the entanglement of states, it is easier to adopt the complete quantum strategy to realize the complete incentive situation that “income increases with the increase of one’s own efforts,” which is conducive to the development of the RNEI. (ii) Observable and quantifiable performance indicators are of greatest importance. Both parties involved in the development of the RNEI should make relevant information open and transparent to promote the smooth implementation of the RNEI development process. (iii) The signing of the “entanglement contract” requires a scientific, complete, specific, and quantifiable performance evaluation system to be established by a professional and independent third-party organization. The study not only makes a certain theoretical contribution to clarifying the mechanism of entanglement between NEEs and village collectives but also provides a theoretical basis for scientific and effective cooperation between NEEs and village collectives.

After Dobbs: The Partisan and Gender Dynamics of Legislating on Abortion in Congress

Abstract I examine the partisan and gender dynamics that shape Congressional policymaking on abortion since the early 1990s. I demonstrate how the movement of abortion from an issue that split the parties to a litmus test that defines what it means to be a Democrat or Republican has impacted policymaking. I highlight the increasingly central role female lawmakers play in crafting policy and shaping party messaging. Throughout this period, Democratic women are the most aggressive proponents for abortion rights and have expanded their influence over the party’s agenda. Meanwhile, Republican women were divided on the issue through the early 2000s and had limited influence on the party’s decision making. Since the Tea Party wave of 2010 brought more pro-life women to office, Republican women are pivotal players and will influence the direction of party strategy and legislating in the Post-Roe environment.

Mobilization in the Context of Campaign Functions and Citizen Participation

Mobilization strategies are an essential part of political parties’ campaign communication. By mobilizing voters and supporters, parties promote civic participation in politics, the forms of which have multiplied given the possibilities of user activities on social media. To define their online mobilization strategies, parties have to choose which forms of participation (e.g., voting, donating, or liking or sharing a post) they will seek to mobilize. Understanding mobilization as a communicative appeal to engage audiences in participatory actions, in our study we conceptually linked parties’ mobilizing appeals with three campaign functions—information, interaction, and mobilization—to systematize different types of mobilization. We applied that categorization to the social media campaigns of parties and top candidates in Germany and conducted a manual quantitative content analysis of 1,495 Facebook and 1,088 Instagram posts published in the run-up to the 2021 federal election. Results show that parties primarily mobilized their audiences to vote and seek out more information (e.g., on the party’s website). Although user reactions are generally an important factor of performance on social media, parties mostly avoided calls to like, share, or comment on posts. When compared, the strategies of parties and candidates indicate that mobilization is more the task of parties than of candidates. Differences between Facebook and Instagram can be attributed to the different technical affordances of the platforms. Because Facebook, unlike Instagram, supports clickable links in posts, parties are more likely to encourage users on Facebook to seek out more information online.

Dinamika Sistem Pemilu dan Demokratisasi Partai Politik di Indonesia Pasca Reformasi

The purpose of writing this article is to find a correlation between the differences in the electoral system adopted and the democratic index of political parties, through a comparative study of changes in the electoral system that have taken place since the Reformation. Election systems can be identified through regulatory changes to the Election Law. The analysis is seen through the perceptions index of Indonesian democracy, namely in the aspects of political institutions, political party variables, and regeneration indicators. This research is descriptive qualitative, using normative juridical analysis methods, and positivist legis. The results showed that differences in the representation system resulted in changes in political party strategy which had implications for internal democratization of political parties. The democracy index of political parties in Indonesia tends to decline after the implementation of an open proportional system and the strengthening of the parliamentary threshold, because political parties are more oriented towards getting votes than regeneration. An alternative that can be done is by combining a proportional electoral system and a district system, a two-chamber parliament system (bicamiral) and accommodating group groups, namely a functional representation system.Keywords: Dynamics, Election System, Democracy, Political Parties

Patterns of (party competition in) democracy: Voter certainty and party strategy in different institutional settings

AbstractObjectivesWhile some argue that parties reduce voter uncertainty to attract more votes, others claim that parties increase vote shares when beclouding their policy positions. To address the puzzle, I argue that as the degree of consensual characteristics increases, strategic uncertainty is electorally more helpful because parties in consensus models should consider the governing coalition and facilitate cooperation with other parties due to multiparty systems.MethodsUsing the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems, I employ multilevel modeling to analyze 335 parties in 32 countries including both advanced and postcommunist democracies.ResultsI find empirical evidence that as the political institutions have more consensus models, it is more beneficial (or less costly at least) for parties to pursue voter uncertainty with broad appealing strategies primarily in advanced democracies.ConclusionThe findings suggest that democratic institutional settings shape the incentives for parties to adopt either broad or narrow appeals in the context of party competition.

Political Communication Strategies of Local Parties in the Implementation of Aceh Peace

The purpose of this research is to analyse how the political communication strategies of local parties towards the implementation of Aceh peace and the impact of political communication strategies of local parties in the implementation of Aceh peace. This research uses the theory of political communication strategies that are ethical, elegant and professionalThis research uses qualitative research methods. The research informants came from local political parties, representatives of Aceh Nanggroe Party, MoU Helsinki peace negotiators and Aceh peace activists who have information about the object of research with a qualitative approach. The results showed that the political communication strategy is through the control of legislative and executive seats by the local party Partai Aceh and Partai Nanggroe Aceh, aims to initiate both policies and regulations (Qanun) and to increase the bargaining value in communication and policy to the central government towards the Aceh government to realise the points of the Helsinki MoU, Secondly, the full control of the legislative and executive seats by the local party (Partai Aceh and Partai Nanggroe Aceh) and reunited in one command of the Free Aceh Movement, the management of the local government runs according to the expectations and ideals of the Helsinki MoU, in addition to giving birth to Qanuns and decisions that have a direct impact on the people of Aceh.

Social capital as a political strategy: evidence from Nasdem Party in Makassar City, Indonesia

The social capital in a general election is understudied compared to the economic capital. This study discusses the social capital of the Nasional Demokrat (Nasdem) party in the 2019 legislative election. Nasdem was in the top three rows of political party seats in the legislative election and won the most votes in the city of Makassar. This study used primary data collected from various related stakeholders: Nasdem’s agent/organizer, Nasdem's legislative candidate, community leader, general election commissioner, and residents/voters. Content analysis based on in-depth interviews found the significant relation of social capital with Nasdem's strategy in winning the 2019 legislative election in Makassar. Therefore, social capital could be a theoretical and practical discussion in a general election, especially for the political party. More specifically, social capital in Nasdem strategy refers to bonding and bridging social capital, which was in the form of disaster care programs, free ambulance, family and friendship relations, and sons of the regions discourse. The study contributes to evidence of social capital implementation to political party strategy for winning the general election.

Who benefits from the social democratic march to the middle?

AbstractSocial democratic parties have experienced considerable electoral decline recently, which has often been attributed to their rightward policy movement. This paper advances this literature by examining who benefits from this moderation strategy and who is abandoning the social democrats. It does so by analyzing aggregate-level election results and individual-level Comparative Study of Electoral Systems data, on a sample of 21 advanced democracies, over 327 elections, from 1965 to 2019. I find little support for the assertion that social democrats are defecting to one party. However, in agreement with the spatial theory of party competition, results reveal that the radical left increasingly and significantly benefit from social democratic economic rightward positions, which is magnified when combined with rightward sociocultural positions. This predominantly occurs because left-leaning voters migrate to the radical left. The findings provide notable ramifications for party strategy and contribute to explanations for the rise of challenger parties, at the expense of mainstream parties.

Securing the Southwest: The Northern Pursuit of Texas, New Mexico, and California

Securing the Southwest:The Northern Pursuit of Texas, New Mexico, and California Daniel J. Burge (bio) Click for larger view View full resolution This image humorously depicts the Democratic Party's strategy to win the election of 1844. Northern Democrats saw the annexation of Texas as a winning partisan issue to use against their Whig rivals and a development that would be beneficial to the whole nation, not just the South. Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division, https://www.loc.gov/pictures/resource/cph.3a15078/ [Dec. 21, 2022]. [End Page 416] In September 1847 in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, Vice-President George Mifflin Dallas delivered an address on the U.S.–Mexico War defending President James K. Polk. After arguing that Mexico was to blame for starting the conflict, Dallas explored another question: "If, upon the conclusion of a treaty with Mexico, we should come into possession of one-half or two-thirds of her territory—what are we to do with it?" Although the outcome of the war was uncertain, Dallas remained confident that the United States would be able to seize a portion of Mexico—indeed that the United States was destined to obtain most of Mexico. "Of one thing we are quite certain," Dallas declared, "—the Yankees will in time overrun that portion of their territory; and though there is much Mexican blood upon it, we may look to the period . . . when a number of large States, stretching from the Gulf of Mexico to the Pacific ocean, will be distinguished in the constellation of our Union."1 Dallas was a northern man, speaking to a northern audience who believed that the future United States would include territory stretching from the Pacific to the Gulf of Mexico. Although historians have spent a great deal of time examining why antebellum southerners dreamed of acquiring what became the American Southwest, they have not adequately explained why northerners held similar views. On the rare occasions when historians have examined northern expansionists, they have generally [End Page 417] studied Stephen Douglas and the Young America movement.2 In contrast, then, this essay explores expansionists from New York and Pennsylvania who were not allies of Stephen Douglas or affiliated with Young America. By focusing on prominent northern expansionists such as George Mifflin Dallas, Daniel Dickinson, and James Buchanan and drawing on New York and Pennsylvania newspapers, this essay shows that not only did enthusiasm for territorial expansionism exist outside of the South, it was also to be found among older members of the Democratic Party. Indeed, it was the men whom the Young Americans would deride as "Old Fogys" who helped shepherd through the annexation of Texas and the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo and who would introduce popular sovereignty into political discourse.3 Northerners played a key role in securing the Southwest for the United States, but they embraced expansionism for different reasons than their southern peers. First, northern Democrats such as James Buchanan and George Mifflin Dallas routinely stressed the economic benefits to be gained from expansion. Northern manufactures, they argued, would find new markets if the United States acquired the lands stretching from Texas to California. In addition, they denied that expansion would empower enslavers. Texas, they argued, would weaken the institution of slavery, as it would drain the enslaved population out of the border states. A few years later, these same northern expansionists cobbled together the idea of popular sovereignty and argued that slavery, even if permitted in territories seized from Mexico, would never flourish. Linking expansion to national greatness, they believed the United States could gobble up territory without increasing sectional tension. These northern Democrats were not "northern men with southern loyalties," or "doughfaces," but were rather [End Page 418] traditional Jacksonian Democrats who believed in the beneficial effects of territorial expansion. Unwilling to accept that North and South would ever come to blows over slavery, they unwittingly propelled the United States toward a conflict by helping to vastly expand the boundaries of the young nation. Nobody championed expansion more earnestly than Robert John Walker.4 Born and raised in Pennsylvania, Walker came from a well-connected family and graduated from the University of...

Do politicians connect with young people? Analysis of Twitter use by candidates in the 2019 European Parliament election campaign

The use of social media, especially Twitter, has become part of the political communication strategies of parties and candidates. Reaching young voters and reducing their historical abstention has become a challenge, even more for candidates standing for the European Parliament, elections that have traditionally witnessed a much smaller turnout. To find out if the main six candidates in the 2019 European Parliament election campaign (10–26 May), called to occupy the presidency of the European Commission, connected with younger voters, this research applies the multiple-case study based on the analysis of their Twitter posts. The results show that candidates (Spitzenkandidaten) preferred to talk about tops such as territory, vote appeal, and their parties’ alliances above the topics that most interest young people: climate change and environment, education, poverty and inequalities, unemployment, human rights and democracy and health. Better political social media communication is needed to make candidates’ communication strategies more consistent and to promote voters’ participation, especially among youth.

Research on the evolutionary strategy of carbon market under “dual carbon” goal: From the perspective of dynamic quota allocation

Carbon trading is an effective tool to reduce emissions. And the implementation of the policy requires the cooperation of all participants in the carbon market, then it will cause a contradiction between social benefits and individual benefits. To break the dilemma faced by the carbon market, it is necessary to fully consider the behavioral strategies of all participants. However, no known literature discusses the effect of quota allocation under the banking mechanism on the behavior strategies of carbon market participants from the limited rational perspective. This paper analyzes the effect of the banking mechanism on each party's strategy in the carbon market. Results show that, under the regulation of the carbon trading management center, the promotion of carbon trading policy is separated into four periods, respectively, policy trial, policy promotion, policy adjustment, and policy stability. The evolutionary stability equilibrium represents the optimal equilibrium point of the system. Adopting a banking mechanism do not affect the outcome of evolutionary stability equilibrium, but has an effect on the rate convergence to the evolutionary stability equilibrium. The findings can be utilized as a guide for accelerating the achievement of the carbon-neutral goal, perfecting the carbon market mechanism, and creating targeted emission-reduction incentive policies.

Populist Right Parties on TikTok: Spectacularization, Personalization, and Hate Speech

Populist parties use social media as a fundamental element of their online communication strategies. This article aims to identify the strategies of right-wing populist parties and politicians on TikTok by measuring a set of features of their videos: It evaluates the presence of hate speech in these messages and the identification of certain groups as “enemies” of “the people,” and also pays special attention to the differences in engagement according to the presence of hate speech and entertaining or humoristic features. We apply a content analysis to a transnational sample (<em>N</em> = 293) of videos posted by the following populist right-wing parties and politicians on TikTok: Vox and Santiago Abascal (Spain), José Antonio Kast (Chile), and the UK Independence Party (UK). Findings show that while Vox and UKIP use TikTok to convey their ideology and values and to target the state as the main enemy of “the common person,” Kast used the same platform to build and project his image of leadership and to broadcast humoristic and entertaining content. Only 19% of the analyzed videos included hate speech elements. Not only was hate speech uncommon; it deterred engagement in terms of the number of comments as well. Contrarily, humour and entertainment favoured engagement. We conclude that TikTok might downplay the most controversial issues of the populist right.

Socio-Economic Inequality and Populism: A Theoretical Framework of Analysis

The literature connecting growing socio-economic inequality and populism as the main political consequence of it, is burgeoning. However, modern studies are often limited to one-directional models that are based on the available data and are often operationalized on a limited number of variables. This article provides an in-depth literature review of elements of socio-economic inequality and populism, as well as introduces a new conceptual framework to provide pointers for qualitative or qualitative applications. In terms of independent variables, the framework decomposes the multilayered concept of socio-economic inequality into inequality of income (insecurity, polarization and perception) and wealth (via its link to rent-seeking and state capture) as well as inequality of opportunity (circumstances and effort, perception of opportunity). The main dependent variables that define populism are attitudes and voting on the demand side of populism, as well as party strategy and policies on the supply side, with the latter having the potential for a reverse causality. The most important innovation of the theoretical model is the incorporation of the institutional filters as mediating variables and their influence on the impact of inequality on populism. When economic and political institutions do not function well or citizens do not evaluate them positively, it has a potential to further exacerbate the economic grievances and amplify the support of populism. The proposed theoretical framework is particularly useful for case study and large N research designs focusing on Central and Eastern Europe, as besides the role of institutions, it incorporates the literature on rents.

Vertical Integration of Electronic Health Records in Medical Consortiums: Dynamic Modeling Approach Based on the Evolutionary Game Theory.

China has continuously issued policies to speed up the interconnection, mutual recognition, sharing of medical information systems, and data integration management across regions and institutions. However, the vertical integration of electronic health records (EHRs) within the medical consortium is hampered by "poor mechanism and insufficient motivation" and the phenomenon of "free riding" among participating medical institutions, which makes the integration less effective. We hope to clarify the game mechanism of stakeholders in the vertical integration of EHRs, and put forward targeted policy suggestions for improvement. We constructed the "government-hospital-patient" tripartite evolutionary game model based on the detailed analysis of the research problems and their assumptions. We then simulated the game strategies and outcomes of each participant using the system dynamics approach to reveal the long-term strategy evolution mechanism of the core participants in the vertical integration of EHRs in the medical consortium, as well as the influencing factors and action mechanisms of each party's strategy evolution to provide references for improving relevant policies. The evolutionary game system could eventually reach an optimal equilibrium, but in areas where the government was required to be in a dominant position, patient supervision was necessary to have a positive role, while a reasonable reward and punishment mechanism can promote active participation of hospitals. The effective way to achieve the goal of vertical integration of EHRs in the medical consortium is to build a multiagent coordination mechanism under the guidance of the government. Meanwhile, it is necessary to establish a scientific integration performance evaluation mechanism, a reward and punishment mechanism, and a benefit distribution mechanism to promote the healthy development of vertical integration of EHRs in medical consortiums.

The Emergence of Global Maoism: China's Red Evangelism and the Cambodian Communist Movement, 1949–1979 by Matthew Galway

<i>The Emergence of Global Maoism: China's Red Evangelism and the Cambodian Communist Movement, 1949–1979</i> by Matthew Galway

Blurred positions: The ideological ambiguity of valence populist parties

While the diversity of populism has received considerable attention, surprisingly little is known about populist parties that defy clear-cut left-right categorization. We show that valence populist parties are non-positional and substantially different from both left-wing and right-wing populist parties. First, we demonstrate that valence populist parties deliberately take blurry positions on both the economic and socio-cultural dimensions of competition. Second, we show that such an ambiguity is counterbalanced by a disproportionate emphasis on anti-corruption appeals, the most paradigmatic example of a non-positional dimension. Our results have important implications for our understanding of varieties of populism, in particular, and the positional and non-positional competition strategies of political parties, in general.

Can women take the floor in parliament? Evidence from the Spanish lower chamber

Women's numeric representation has increased worldwide, still gender inequalities within parliaments hinder women's chance to effectively conduct legislative work. Despite the varied range of institutional designs aimed at enforcing gender equality in the electoral process in several liberal democracies, the path to gender equality in MP participation is still far from straightforward. The variation in the institutional mechanisms to enforce legal quotas, electoral systems, and party strategies has led to mixed conclusions regarding the relationship between women's descriptive representation and their level of parliamentary work. This article explores to what extent an institutional reform designed to enforce equal gender representation in parliament fosters equality in gender MP participation. To do so, we use individual-level data of the Spanish lower chamber (Congreso de los Diputados) during four legislative terms (2000–2016). The case is relevant because it offers a clear-cut example of the introduction of a legal gender quota for legislative elections in a political system strongly controlled by party organizations.

Re-framing Serbian identity within a global imaginary: Nation building through the Belgrade Waterfront project

The Belgrade Waterfront real estate development project has attracted a considerable amount of interest among scholars from various disciplines in a short period of time. Nevertheless, these works are limited in scope. This paper draws upon existing literature on nation building by first contextualizing it before adding insights from party strategies and cultural studies (with a particular focus on identity issues) research streams. It thus aims to contribute to the nascent debate about how the new ruling elite of Serbia uses such urban projects to emancipate from the nationalist rhetoric and supporting symbols of the 1990s. The main argument of this paper is that state narratives, media coverage and branded icons of Belgrade Waterfront illustrate political regime’s switch to the global to contain the national in order to build and publicize its own ‘revitalized’ idea of the nation and legitimize its take on power. The underlying strategy consists in manipulating individuals’ preferences by marginalizing opposition parties. The research design relies on a multi-method approach crossing participant and ethnographic observation over a period of 7 years, as well as a critical analysis of the Serbian regime’s discursive strategies and project’s branding efforts using an original visual material.