War Strategy Research Articles

The Concentration Camp as Site of Refuge: The Rise of the Refugee Camp and the Great War in the Middle East

The refugee camp today has been naturalized as a product of failed international idealism and political expediency that serves as a timeless reminder of the plight of displaced peoples. This article explores the refugee camp’s origins as a product of a late Victorian imperial and military legacy and the contingencies of World War I. The use of the concentration camp as a tool to provide refuge and control displaced populations began during the war as a humanitarian measure. Part of a larger world of camps that interned civilians, prisoners of war, and refugees during World War I, the refugee camp in the Middle East existed at the crossroads of Allied military objectives and the Western-led humanitarian movement. In the wake of victory in the east, the army of occupation, aid workers, and local actors fashioned the concentration camp as a site of refuge as part of an emerging international order. American relief efforts led by Near East Relief and later the League of Nations have been well studied. Less understood is how and why Britain, due to the central role it played in combat operations and eventually in dividing up the Middle East with its French ally, guided and shaped norms and conditions for dealing with displaced peoples. Ultimately, the experience of total war shaped Allied war strategy regarding civilian populations during the humanitarian crisis that engulfed the east. It produced the refugee camp as an ostensibly temporary solution to what became for many a permanent problem of statelessness.

North Nias Traditional Round House

North Nias’ traditional house is the only oval-shaped traditional house in the whole world. The oval floor plan that is not commonly found in other traditional buildings is analyzed based on anthropological (non-physical) and functional (physical) backgrounds of North Nias and other community groups in various regions whose traditional house forms resemble, which aims to compare and find similarities between them. The method used in this research is comparative, which is a type of descriptive research that aims to find a fundamental answer about cause and effect by analyzing the factors that cause a particular phenomenon. It was found that the process of forming an oval floor plan in a traditional house in North Nias was caused by several factors, including the functional aspect of North Nias community requiring a large oval-shaped space to gather among villagers, and also as a war strategy wherein an oval room, it is easier to observe around the building. From the anthropological aspect, the use of oval shape is related to the belief of the North Nias community. The benefit of this research is to add insight and public references about the use of architectural forms that are not commonly applied.

Competition Integration Strategies and Irregular Wars to Support National Security

The development of irregular warfare and various phenomena of post-modern warfare increasingly make war strategies develop dynamically and adaptively. Strategy is no longer used as a tool to win wars like in the traditional era but is more directed towards how to maintain space security or security. In addition, threats are also growing rapidly and extraordinary in line with the rapid development of science and technology so that the study of strategy itself must also be adaptive and dynamic. This study uses a qualitative approach by using a literature study. The results of the study prove that to deal with this, the government needs to integrate between actors competing in irregular wars to support national security. The government must also take firm and bold steps to make 'peace' with non-state actors.

Donald Stoker. Why America Loses Wars: Limited War and US Strategy from the Korean War to the Present.

Donald Stoker. Why America Loses Wars: Limited War and US Strategy from the Korean War to the Present.

Ethnic Propaganda, Hate Speech, and Mass Violence in Igbo-Hausa/Fulani Relations in Postcolonial Nigeria

Opinions are divided on the conduct and nature of the 1967–70 Nigerian civil war, occasioned partly by the Igbo secession and declaration of the Republic of Biafra. Some believe that the Nigerian government adopted a genocidal war strategy characterised by mass violence against civilians, aggressive blockade of the eastern region, artificial famine, and hateful/threatening utterances by many military commanders, accompanied by about one million civilian casualties. On the other hand, some are of the view that the actions of some Nigerian military officers and men were not in consonant with the position of the Nigerian government during the war, but were influenced by their animosity towards the Igbo. In post-civil war Nigeria, Igbo-Hausa/Fulani relations and political discourses are increasingly tense and indicative of a fearful resurgence of mass violence due to prevalent lies, propaganda, and misrepresentations –verbally, on paper, and online/on social media – particularly among the youths on both sides. This paper argues that the historical crisis-ridden relations between the Igbo and the Hausa/Fulani, the attendant 1966 mass killings of Igbos in the north, the nature of the war strategies of the federal government during the civil war, and the currently mounting tension are all direct results of contending ethnic propaganda including hate speech, lies, and name-calling in a bid to gain political and strategic advantages over other ethnic groups. Thus, this paper is a historical inquiry into the role of propaganda and hate speech in socio-political interactions, discourses, and incitements of mass violence among the heterogeneous Nigerian population, particularly the Igbo and the Hausa/Fulani. The paper proposes legislative, constitutional, and active citizenship advocacies to address the menace. The article utilises primary and secondary sources to analyse and interpret the subject-matter of the paper.

Introduction

Introduction

Combining Model-Based Meta-Reasoning and Reinforcement Learning For Adapting Game-Playing Agents

Human experience with interactive games will be enhanced if the software agents that play the game learn from their failures. Techniques such as reinforcement learning provide one way in which these agents may learn from their failures. Model-based meta-reasoning, a technique in which an agent uses a self-model for blame assignment, provides another. This paper evaluates a framework in which both these approaches are combined. We describe an experimental investigation of a specific task (defending a city) in a computer war strategy game called FreeCiv. Our results indicate that in the task examined, model-based meta-reasoning coupled with reinforcement learning enables the agent to learn the task with performance matching that of an expert designed agent and with speed exceeding that of a pure reinforcement learning agent.

Enjoy Your New Region! The US Strategy of Shifting Turkey’s Caucus in the UN Security Council in 1953

ABSTRACT Where does Turkey geographically belong, the Middle East or Eastern Europe? This was a looming puzzle for the architects of the Cold War to solve in the early 1950s. This was so because Turkey’s region would dramatically affect the composition of members in the UN Security Council. Although Turkey was elected to the Council from the Middle East region in 1950, it moved its region to Eastern Europe in 1953 to compete with Poland for the Council seat. However, the determination of where Turkey belonged was not an easy task and demanded very delicate calculations and political strategies. We argue that it was the Cold War strategies of the US that arbitrated where Turkey geographically belonged, exemplifying that regions are formed through discourse and are constantly mediated and renegotiated. This situation has created both opportunities and limitations for the Turkish policy-makers who joined the debate ex post-facto, spoke either to legitimise the US decision or to displace counter arguments.

LEGAL REVOLUTIONARIES AT YALE IN A TIME OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL CHANGE

My comment on the fascinating personal accounts of experiences with the Yale Law and Modernization program will be in part personal. My own career and research interests are part of the ripple effect of that program and of the scholars who participated in it. After offering that personal account, I will try to look at the context for the Law and Modernization initiative in relation to the changing role of law and lawyers in the US and the way in which that role was exported as part of Cold War strategies. I will suggest that the battles around the Law and Modernization Program provide strong evidence of the crisis during an era of relative idealism (not inconsistent with US hegemonic designs abroad and social control policies at home) connected to modernization and what Trubek and Galanter termed liberal legalism.[1] What’s more, the program nurtured leaders in producing scholarship designed to update or replace liberal legalism, legal missionaries, and legal imperialism. Much of what we know as Law and Society, Critical Legal Studies, and other critical approaches came from these scholars and the events around Law and Modernization. I was a freshman undergraduate at Yale at the time of the beginnings of the Law and Modernization program in the Law School in 1968, although I had no sense of the program then. My undergraduate experience was all about the left, the critique of pluralism, European critical theory, and US critical histories. I told my historian advisor that I was thinking of law school (after he told me there were no positions in history), and he warned me about the conservatism, telling me among other things that law faculty tended to drive American cars. When there were demonstrations and strikes around the Bobby Seale trial in New Haven in 1970, followed by the demonstrations and strikes against the Cambodian invasion, I remember a forum where a law student said they could not strike because of the importance of their legal education for solving social problems. In retrospect, there was a sense among non-law students and activists, I think, that elite law was not very relevant to what was going on outside.[2] From the perspective of those within the law school, however, the accounts of the Law and Modernization cohort suggest that the students were nevertheless way in front of the general faculty.

Terrorism Threat in Doctrine Formulating of Military Campaign Scenario to Achieve National Security

Based on the estimation methodology on the potential of the war against terrorism on the transformation of doctrine, the conclusions based on the predictive analysis are: (1) The potential for the war against terrorism has a very strong relevance to the prediction of changes in military campaign doctrine in the long term by producing new war strategies both in terms of ends-means-ways as a result of High Impact Low Probability, (2) Through predictive analysis with extrapolation model, it is found that threats, strategic environment and tradition or history are variables that are expected to remain unchanged, especially in the short term in influencing the preparation of Military Campaign Doctrine, (3) The Projection Model determines if Threat is the variable that changes the most so that it will affect changes in the Military Campaign Doctrine in the short to medium term, (4) Looking for the best solution in realizing the best Military Campaign Doctrine. This can be followed by designing a simulation of the New War Strategy as a result of forecasting the Military Campaign Doctrine.

제한전쟁을 수행하기 위한 미국의 6·25전쟁 정책과 전략: 전쟁목표에 관한 고찰을 중심으로

이 연구는 제한전쟁의 관점에서 미국이 6·25전쟁 당시 추구하였던 전쟁목표의 다층성을 고찰하였다. 연구의 결과 미국은 전쟁의 본질적인 목표로는 공산주의자들의 도전을 제어하여 분쟁이 세계대전으로 확장하는 것을 막고자 하였고 2차적인 목표로는 한반도에서 전쟁 이전의 상황으로 돌아가는 것을 설정하였다. 하지만 군사작전의 성공으로 인하여 미국 정부는 세계대전으로의 확장 가능성에 대한 태도를 조심스럽게 바꾸었다. 여기에는 정치적인 목표가 작용하였다. 정부 보고서는 소련의 군사적 대응 가능성을 제한적인 범위에서 평가하였고 중국의 개입 가능성에 그다지 비중을 두지 않았다. 미국의 이러한 행태는 결국 2차적인 목표를 한반도의 통일로 확장하였다. 결과적으로 미국은 중국의 개입으로 인해 심각한 실패를 겪었고 2차적인 목표를 다시 수정하였으며, 수정된 2차적 목표는 미국이 처음 수립한 목표와 유사하였다. 미국의 6·25전쟁 목표는 이중적인 정치적 목표와 이에서 파생된 군사적 목표로 이루어진 삼중구조로 이해되어야 한다. 흥미롭게도 미국의 지도자들은 정전으로 전쟁을 종결하기로 2차적 목표를 설정한 뒤 이 목표를 달성할 수 있는 군사적 목표를 수립하는데 어려움을 겪었다. 유동적인 군사적 상황이 정확한 판단을 곤란하게 하였던 것이다. 6·25전쟁 가운데 나타났던 목표의 다층성과 목표를 변경하고 작동하는 체계는 제한전쟁의 속성으로서 중요하게 인식되어야 한다.

Study on the Implementation of the Total War Strategy in War Against the Dutch Occupation (Pattimura War Case Study)

The Total people's war is essentially a total war for all Indonesians by mobilizing all national strength and resources to uphold state sovereignty, territorial integrity, and national safety from other nations that threaten or occupy the territory of the Republic of Indonesia. The Total People's War is characterized by populist, totality and territorial characteristics. The Pattimura War was a war of the Maluku People led by Kapitan Pattimura against the Dutch occupation which took place from 16 May 1817 to 16 December 1817. This war was one of the battles the Dutch had ever fought during their occupation in Indonesia. This study aims to determine the extent to which the implementation of the total war strategy in the Pattimura War in 1817 carried out by Kapitan Pattimura in Maluku by identifying it from the aspects of the philosophy of defense science and total war strategy by using historical research methods and qualitative descriptive research methods with literature study techniques. The results of the study stated that in the context of the Pattimura War, the total war strategy could be synthesized as a total war for all the people of Maluku by exerting all their strength and resources to uphold the sovereignty and territorial integrity and the safety of the nation from the threat of Dutch occupation. Kapitan Pattimura has implemented a total war strategy characterized by populist, totality and territorial in the Pattimura War.

The Strategy of The Republic of Indonesian Government in Dealing with Covid-19 Pandemic from the Perspective of Total War Strategy

The Covid-19 pandemic demands the Indonesian Government to act against the various impacts caused through various strategies and efforts. The spread of the Covid-19 pandemic is very fast, resulting in many casualties, not only the wider community but also health workers who carry out tasks throughout the country. The existence of the Covid-19 pandemic has also affected the political, economic and almost all sectors of life, including defense. In order to discuss the problem of the Covid-19 Pandemic, supporting theories are used, namely strategy theory, pandemic theory, universal defense theory and universal war strategy theory. The method used in the analysis of the Covid-19 pandemic is a qualitative descriptive phenomenology, that is, with the existing phenomena regarding Covid-19 and qualitatively explaining the data obtained from literature studies to gain an understanding of strategies for dealing with it. The results of the analysis found that there were various supporting factors and obstacles to handling efforts, implementing strategies, among others, to increase understanding of Covid-19, then preventive steps by using the next application of governance for handling Covid-19 and increasing a strong community superstructure. The aim of the strategy undertaken is to inhibit the spread and countermeasures from a Total War Strategy perspective.

Role of the Indonesian Mass Media as National Defense Element from the Perspective of Total War Strategy

Mass media as a means to disseminate news has independence in news publication regarding the company's target that depends on the latest news developments or trending topics. Total defense requires structuring a strategy that needs media involvement in delivering news to the public as part of the defense element in forming an opinion. This study aims to provide an overview of the critical role of media participation in supporting the government in various activities of disseminating information or actual news about the field of defense in the total defense strategy. According to Paul Long and Tim Wall (Paul Long, 2012), Media Power is associated with two aspects: the first is the power of control, which determines other parties' actions and is considered negative because it implies limiting the freedom of other parties. The other one is the power of self-determination, which is tied to the idea of liberty either to use power or from the superior's responsibility. The media tends to disseminate dynamic life-nuanced news that does not relate to defense, which is considered more favorable. The Ministry of Defense has created a media engagement program and has tried to measure information discussing security with positive, negative, and neutral sentiment. However, the results obtained are still unable to provide a comprehensive view because media respondents have not represented the media's opinion. This research used the descriptive qualitative method and attempted to discover data and facts from the media as an element of national defense in engaging the total war strategy. This study tries to increase the role of the media in strengthening the universal war strategy through reporting by forming public opinion.

Perang Semesta (Total War) Strategy for Preventing Terrorism Act (Study in Sultan Hasanuddin International Airport)

Total war is involving all national components such as citizens, territories and national resources in order to defend territorial integrity, sovereignty, and national security from any threats. One of these threats is the act of terrorism which endangers the unity, sovereignty and security of the nation. Acts of terrorism are carried out to create a terror with ideological, political and religious motives and are carried out in vital objects of the state, the environment, and public facilities. One of the vital objects of a country that is prone to acts of terrorism is an airport, which is a place for various activities such as the movement of aircraft, people and goods. Moreover, an airport is a very important infrastructure in supporting the national defense. In this study, the researcher took Sultan Hasanuddin International Airport, Makassar, as the research site considering that several large cases of terrorism and radicalism have occurred in the South Sulawesi region. The objective of this study is to analyze the total war strategy carried out in the Sultan Hasanuddin Airport area as an effort to prevent acts of terrorism at the airport as a vital national object. The research method used is qualitative. The data have been collected from interviews, observations and literature study. The results of this research are in preventing terrorism, a total war strategy that is implemented has three components, including the ‘ends,’ which could prevent the acts of terrorism in Sultan Hasanuddin Airport and strengthen the national defense. The ‘means’ which is manifested in all national components, both government and private agencies, military, police and civil society, as well as facilities and infrastructure. The ‘ways’ which is the intelligence operations, strengthening cooperation between the military and civilians, strengthening synergy between ministries / agencies, training, counseling, completing security tools to prevent acts of terrorism.

Governmental Skills: The Spirit in the Old Testament

Pneumatology and its significance to the Old Testament have been discussed throughout the years. Indeed, the Old Testament is the ground knowledge of the whole scripture, while pneumatology is the heart of Christian theology due to its connection to the trinity doctrine. This chapter attempts to explore the activities of the Spirit concerning her governmental skills in the Hebrews bible. A systematic theology approach leads this essay to gain knowledge on how the Spirit testifies her competence in governmental works. As a result, the nature of the Spirit’s governmental work in the Old Testament relates to cosmological sense, leadership-administrative duties, and war strategy.

The Total War Strategy through Optimizing the Understanding of Pancasila Values in the Millenial Era

The Indonesian nation is a large nation, has a very dense population. Inside there is the millennial generation who will play an important role in the continuation of the life of the nation and state. However, with the development of technology, the millennial generation has begun to be influenced and the understanding of the values of Pancasila has begun to fade. In writing this article, the author uses several defense theories to strengthen the results of research and methods by collecting data and information through the help of various materials contained in literature (books) or also known as types of phenomological research associated with qualitative descriptive. From the results of the literature research, the writer finds that the understanding of the values of Pancasila from the millennial generation is mostly starting to fade due to the influence of foreign technology and culture, so that intolerance, radicalism and speech of hatred appear between fellow children of the nation. Therefore, the role of the government, institutions and society is needed in optimizing the understanding of the values of Pancasila for the millennial generation so that they are ready to be involved in Total war.

The Total War Strategy: Challenges in Facing Traitor of the Nation: A Historical Approach During the Indonesian War of Independence

The Indonesian state implements a total defense system, meaning that it involves all the people and all national resources, national facilities and infrastructure, as well as the entire territory of the country as one defense unit. This system demands awareness of the rights and obligations of every citizen to defend the state as a manifestation of its totality. Efforts to raise awareness of defending the state for every citizen are a formidable challenge, recorded in Indonesian history as inseparable from attempts to betray the nation's struggle. Based on this phenomenon, the writer is moved to reveal several historical events during the war for independence in 1945-1949 which recorded the existence of certain people and groups who became traitors to the nation. The discussion in this article uses a qualitative research method using a historical approach, in which the preparation procedure goes through four stages, namely: heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The data analysis used is historical analysis, with an emphasis on sharpness in interpreting historical facts. From the analysis conducted, it can be proven that during the war for independence in 1945-1949, the implementation of the total war strategy, which should have received the support of all the people, actually faced quite a tough challenge. This challenge was caused by the existence of certain people and groups who defected to side with the Netherlands, either by joining forces formed by the Netherlands or as spies for the Netherlands. Of course, this is very contrary to the values of state defense that must be possessed by every citizen.

Mulyadi OPTIMASI NILAI-NILAI PANCASILA DI ERA VUCA

The development of science and technology, at certain level evolves to an all-digital world. The environment experiences a state of VUCA, which is full of Volatility, Uncertainty, Complexity, and Ambiguity, which are believed to make humans and their environment very vulnerable. Furthermore, with the world entering the era of non-conventional warfare and war by proxy, the real threat to national security does not come from armed invasions, but in the form of ideological attacks by using Non-State Actors to attack the Indonesian Center of (COG), namely the Unity of Indonesia. However, throughout 2020 there were several incidents of conflict between residents in the National Capital area, Jakarta. This study aims to optimize the unity and integrity of the nation from the perspective of a universal war strategy. The Writing using descriptive qualitative research method, using data sources from reports, printed media, and online media. The results of research on the optimization of unity and integrity from the review of the universal war strategy, Indonesia absolutely needs a universal strategy in order to maintain the Central of Gravity of Indonesian Unity and Integrity.

Missile Defense Roles in the Post-Cold War U.S. Strategy

The debate on missile defense in the United States has been going on for more than half a century, and brought about extensive literature on this subject. Although many studies on BMDS are publications dedicated to U.S. strategy, foreign and security policy, only a few works are focused solely on the U.S. missile defense strategy in the post-Cold War era from the long-term perspective. The aim of this article is to discuss the U.S. missile defense strategy in the post-Cold War era. The paper consists of an introduction, three sections, and a conclusion. The introduction includes short literature review and explains the domestic and international significance of BMDS. In the first section, BMDS is defined and described, next the ongoing debate about sources of U.S. focus on missile defense development is presented. In the last section, four functions of the BMDS in the U.S. post-Cold War strategy are analyzed. Conclusion includes brief recap, as well as costs and benefits assessment of the consequences of the BMDS deployment.