REVIEWS 769 Balkanwarof1877-78and thesovietization oftheBuriatsin easternSiberia also receiveattention. Altogether thisvolumecontains muchuseful information, butmoreattentionmight havebeenpaid torelevant Western work, especially sincetheaim oftheconference, as ofitsfourpredecessors, was 'bridge-building between [.. .] Russia and theWest',as P. Longworth explains(p. 9). He pleadsthat anylackofthematic coherence is offset bythemerits ofdiversity; thevolume shouldbe valuedas an 'expression ofacademicfreedom'. Manyreaderswill surely agree,butinanysequelthecontributors shouldbe allowedmorespace inwhichto displaytheir manifold talents. Bern JohnKeep Williams, StephenF. Liberal Reform inanIlliberal Regime: TheCreation ofPrivate Property inRussia, igo6-igi$.HooverInstitution Press,Stanford University, Stanford, CA, 2006.xiv+ 320pp.Maps.Figures. Tables.Notes.Statutory appendix.Bibliography. Index.$15.00(paperback). Sometimes long-term historical debates- in thiscase over the Stolypin reforms - can profit fromarbitration. I hesitateto describeStephenF. Williams as an 'outside'mediator, becauseheiswellversed inRussianhistoriographyand an activeparticipant in thelivelyfieldofRussianlegal studies. ButtheauthorofLiberal Reform inanIlliberal Regime: TheCreation ofPrivate Property inRussia,igo6-igij is a judge, not a historian, by profession, and his perspective diverges markedly, and helpfully, from thoseinternal totheacademy .Formanyreaders, thiscompactvolumewillclarify thesubstance ofthe controversial reform - thelawsthemselves. By focusing on statute law, Williamssteersaway fromofficials' intents, peasants'desires, and arguments 'for'or 'against'Stolypin and theautocracy he served.Instead,Williamsentersthefray withquestionsthatderivefrom thelaw and economicsfieldand from politicaltheories abouttheorigins of liberalism. Ratherthanworrying aboutwhether liberalism wouldhave been good forRussia,he askswhytheStolypin reform was enactedin autocratic Russiaand whatconsequences thenewregulations couldhavehad. Williams'introduction surveys purported relationships betweentheruleof law, democracy, privateproperty and civilsociety, and derivesa quandary from liberaltheory whydidthetsarist government devolveproperty rights to a largepartofthepopulation whenno one was forcing thisreform upon thestate'sleaders?In Chapter2 on peasantland rights in Russia,Williams arguesthatthe'transaction costs'ofimproving agriculture undercommunal tenure werehighand thatthestatehad notdoneenoughearliertogiveindividualpeasantscontrolovertheirland holding.The thirdchapterreviews debatesoverpeasantwelfare. Although Williams credits recent scholars (Hoch, Wilbur.Gorshkov and others') onneasants'mobilitv and commercial activism. he relieson conventional viewsofpeasantmentality - to developthecase forland reform. A functional - anti-law, anti-wealth istimperative underpins 770 SEER, 87, 4, OCTOBER 2OO9 thisargument, as wellas a tension betweendescribing peasantsas heldback bytheir conditions or as holding themselves back. ouivcying puiiuucu cuiiuiuuiià di uic ume ui uic iciuiiii, vvimams cunuiuucs thatno substantial groupofpolitical activists (thenobility, liberalsorsocialist parties) supported thecreation ofindividual peasantlandholdings - thekind ofreform thatwouldmeettheefficiency imperative described above. Hence thefirst finding ofthebook.Contrary toDouglasNorth's theorization ofhow liberalreforms come about,theStolypin reforms werenotwrested from the statebypressure groups.Insteadthereforms werea 'case ofgenuineliberalizationfrom above'.The abolitions ofthepolltax,collective responsibility and redemption duesalso defy institutionalist theories aboutliberalization. The mostuseful partofthisstudy isChapter5, 'Overview oftheReforms'. The majorprovisions oftheukazof9 November1906,law of 14June1910, andlawof29May 191 1aresetoutclearly. (Translations ofmostpartsofthese 'Stolypin' laws are providedin an appendix.)This chapterdescribes clearly the distinctions betweenconversion of titleand land consolidation, along withthechangesin rulesfortheseprocessesand theirrelationship to each other.Relying on earlierstudies, Williams displays in clearcharts and maps, province byprovince, thepercentages ofhouseholds and peasantlandsthat wereconverted toindividual title orconsolidated between1907and into1915 whentheprocesswas stopped.He makestheimportant pointthatapplicationsoutstripped processing, and thepercentages ofconversions orconsolidations in 1915do notsignalan 'outcome'ofan ongoing processthatmight have becomelong-term. In thefinalchapters ofthebook,Williams cutsthrough earlierdebatesby asking aboutthedesignofthereform, rather thanhowmanypeopleusedits provisions. Did theStolypin reforms putinplace thekindsofproperty rights thought to be essential fora market-based economy, a vibrant civilsociety, andliberaldemocracy? The answer isno:thelawssetlimits onpeasants'right to selland to acquireland,and didnotgivepeasantselectoral rights equivalentto thoseofnoble and otherlandholders. Williamsaccusesthereforms themselves ofpreserving theold regime oftutelage. One conclusion to drawfromthisattentive analysisofstatute law is that thehigh-pitched debateover'private'vs communalproperty is off base: no privateproperty rightwas on offer. Williamsshowshow the cooperative movement andthestate's lending terms further stifled individual initiative and choice.Some evidence- offlimits in Soviettimes- suggests thatwhere strips wereconsolidated, agricultural outputincreaseddramatically by 191 3. But theseincreasesin efficiency did notchallengethepoliticsofprotection andpatrimonialism preserved in Stolypin's reform. Williams notessimilarities withpost-Soviet land laws:they,too,setlimits on purchasesand sales and retained stateofficials' authority overagricultural land. Based on liberaltheoriesof governance, Williams'book both answers itsquestions and posesnew ones.The autocracy - an 'illiberal'regimeproduceda reform thatwas notfoisted upon itand thatseemedto devolve powerand property to outsiders (peasants).But the reform was not really 'liberal';it preserved inequitiesin civilstatusand constrained individuals' REVIEWS 771 powersover'their' land.Theseconclusions do notresolve a century ofdebate overStolypin's reforms, but as a good mediatorshould,Williamsputsthe past intoa new and soberingperspective. At the same time,the poor fit betweenliberalpoliticaltheory and Stolypin's initiative meansthatwe need moreexpansivenotionsoflaw and politicsto understand whythisreform happenedat all. Department ofHistory Jane Burbank MewYorkUniversity Finkel, Stuart. On theIdeological Front:The RussianIntelligentsia of theSovietPublic Sphere. Yale UniversityPress, New H and theMaking [aven,CT and...
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