National Security State Research Articles

Customs Control in the Eurasian Economic Union and the European Union: the Comparative Analysis

The study of the Institute of Customs Control is part of international integration processes. Under the rapidly changing international world facts, the international trade turnover in some directions is decreasing, and in others it is increasing at times, which affects the economy of all countries, their compliance with modern trends, part of all these processes is customs control, as one of the types of control at the state border, requiring the national security of states. The article compares the institute of customs control in the EAEU and the EU. On this basis, a comparison is made according to a number of criteria and key features. The legal regime of goods under customs control, its beginning, completion and correlation with other customs institutions are investigated. The general competence of customs authorities in the field of customs control is commented on. The circumstances of the goods being under customs control in accordance with the legislation of the EAEU and the EU on customs regulation are analyzed. As a result of comparing the institute of customs control in the EAEU and the EU, both similar and different features were identified. The comparison showed a mixed picture, since the two associations are at different stages of political and economic development, and are also characterized by different historical and geographical features.Aim. Study of the main criteria of the Customs Control Institute in the Eurasian Economic Union and the European Union.Tasks. Characteristics of the economic unions of the EAEU and the EU, as well as the study of forms of customs control in the EAEU and disclosure of customs control in the EU.Methods. Comparative legal analysis of international, supranational and customs law, as well as the study and analysis of popular science literature, description and generalization of the material in the process of research.Results. The protection of the security of the State is directly related to economic activity, namely, with the constantly flowing and increasing pace of international trade. States, uniting in unions, form a single legal field in which they create a regulatory framework. The EU introduced the institute of customs control earlier than the EAEU, since the EAEU relied on European experience when creating legislation regulating the customs area. With this in mind, this institute has similar goals and elements of the purpose of its conduct and holding.Conclusion. Actively developing integration processes lead to an increase in world trade turnover and increased control at interstate borders. Every state, and with it the unions, strive for safe and fast trade. Many elements become such tools, one of them is customs control. An institution that controls the legality, security and mutual cooperation of customs authorities and participants in foreign economic activity.

The Historical Presidency: Rethinking the origins of national security classification

AbstractThis article reconstructs the bureaucratic and legal processes that culminated in the creation of the modern national security classification system in Executive Order No. 10,290, issued by Harry Truman in 1951. It argues that classification was shaped by processes of improvisation endogenous to the federal bureaucracy, which produced the problems of overclassification, definitional vagueness, and ambiguous constitutional status that have haunted the secrecy regime until the present. In so doing, it provides new insight into the development of the modern presidency, the national security state, and American democracy, and suggests possible paths to reform the contemporary pathologies of the classification system.

The Contest between Information and Uncertainty

This article argues that the Cold War – era battle between information and uncertainty is a critical origin point for contemporary social theory – informed, data-intensive projects of the US national security state. Beginning in the 1950s, international relations experts and government officials turned to digital computing to help make decisions under the unavoidable pressures of geopolitical uncertainty. By the 1970s, their data banks of political knowledge and novel statistical tools purported to forecast political unrest long before an unaided human could. These efforts sparked a new epistemology of political knowledge, one that is now common in data science, in which designers and users prioritize correlation over causality and the instrumental management of problems over scholarly understanding or explanation. Far from a historical curiosity, this history is a warning. The sensibilities of Cold War technopolitical projects are continually rematerialized in contemporary computational security projects. Left unchallenged, their durability will continue to increase in tandem with the national security state's continued investment in computational social scientific projects for geopolitical management.

Ultra Violence

Abstract: Rachel Maddow’s podcast tells the story of American Nazis in the 1940s. But the era’s real and lasting authoritarian danger came from the spectacular growth of a national security state.

The great reset: Could Henry George be the antidote to the world economic forum?

AbstractThe Great Reset, as envisioned by the World Economic Forum, involves another step in the evolution toward a system of close cooperation between the national security state and key corporations that can manage information and limit dissent. In return for allowing state control of many facets of personal life, the state offers to take care of the needs of citizens who are in compliance with their assigned place in the social order. Already citizens have given up considerable autonomy and allow constant surveillance, mostly through smartphones. The only true alternative to a paternalist trajectory is to imagine a different kind of great reset, one in which society is organized around genuine principles of self‐governance and self‐reliance. This idea can be traced to the American social theorist Henry George and further back to roots in ancient China of the philosophy of wu wei. The main idea is that higher‐order systems are designed to offer both stability and freedom to lower‐order systems. Rather than trying to abolish an intrusive state apparatus, the aim is to create systems that obviate the need for a welfare state or a warfare state. This is a tall order to fill, but it is worth striving for as a way of preserving the distinctive human capacities for both individual initiative and social bonding. Unless millions work to create a decentralized world order, we are almost surely doomed to endure a technocratic future of increasing surveillance and management of our private lives.

THE URGENCY OF DERADICALIZATION MEASURES FOR TERRORISM INMATES IN CORRECTIONAL FACILITIES

<p><em>Terrorism crimes pose a threat to the state ideology, national security, state sovereignty, human values, and various aspects of societal, national, and state life, and they often have a transnational nature. These terrorism crimes require deradicalization measures for terrorism inmates in Indonesia, taking into account the individual conditions of each perpetrator, their families, and their social environment. The problem addressed in this paper pertains to the urgency of deradicalization measures for terrorism inmates in correctional facilities. This paper adopts an empirical juridical approach, conducting field research that examines legal regulations combined with data and behavior prevalent in society. The research findings indicate that: (1) The implementation of deradicalization measures for terrorism inmates in correctional facilities is not yet effective due to internal factors, which involve the lack of integration in handling terrorism inmates. Additionally, external factors, such as insufficient socialization, lack of training for officers, inadequate support facilities, budget constraints, and limited facilities in correctional facilities, contribute to the inefficiency. (2) The regulation of deradicalization for terrorism inmates in correctional facilities is based on Law Number 22 of 2022 concerning Correctional Institutions. The deradicalization regulation for terrorism inmates is stipulated in Article 54 paragraph (4), which outlines the stages: identification and assessment, rehabilitation, reeducation, and social reintegration. (3) The urgency of deradicalization measures for terrorism inmates in correctional facilities is not specific, as it is still treated similarly to other cases involving inmates. The deradicalization measures are carried out through social reintegration programs, education programs, skills training, and entrepreneurship programs for terrorism inmates, which aims to improve their well-being after their release and facilitate their reintegration into society to support their families. The independence and self-confidence of terrorism inmates in returning to society will prevent them from returning to their terrorist groups.</em></p>

Improving Internet of Things Vulnerability Disclosure and Coordination

Abstract Internet of Things (“IoT”), specifically in the consumer space, describes an environment where consumer devices, connected to the Internet in a smart home, communicate to each other directly or through the cloud. Cheap manufacturing and a fast-growing market brought billions such devices in everyday homes, and consequently new concerns emerged about their security. The complexity added by these new systems, with fragmented in-house hardware and software platforms, have been recently the target of both scrutiny and controversy. When IoT devices get hacked it’s no longer just “script kiddies” and part-time hackers, it’s state actors and national security on the line. Where for PCs there is a robust cybersecurity product market (eg. “antivirus”), the majority of IoT devices in households are designed with little or no regard towards cybersecurity and the typical consumer’s understanding of how to secure these is lacking. Effective ways to safeguard IoT products are bug bounties, programs that offer a financial reward to anyone discovering vulnerabilities, but they are costly and hard to manage, thus usually adopted by more mature companies. All manufacturers can additionally benefit from responsible vulnerability disclosure, or ethical hacking, where researchers attempt to find vulnerabilities for recognition or as a public service. Unfortunately disclosing and coordinating vulnerability research challenges are downplayed. This paper proposes to investigate impact, discuss time considerations, and suggest potential solutions for consumers, companies, and regulators to mitigate and improve IoT vulnerability reporting, fixing and disclosure.

Security environment of the state in the context of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine activities

The article investigates the essence of the “security environment” concept, which has recently been used to define the goals and areas of the security and defence sector of Ukraine, and also identifies its structural elements. The term “security environment” is a combination of two concepts – “security” and “environment”. “Security” means the state of protection of vital interests of an individual, society and the state from external and internal threats, and “environment” means a set of certain conditions in which an individual, society or state exists. The concept of “security environment” in Ukrainian legislation and in the national scientific literature is mainly used in the field of military security and defence review. The concept of “security environment” (in the context of the existence of a state or a set of states) should be applied when referring to the set of conditions and factors of its existence that provide such a state with protection from internal and external threats. Based on the analysis of the Ukrainian researchers’ publications, as well as the works of foreign scholars, the author identifies the main types of security environments depending on the characteristics of threats to such environments: external and internal. The external security environment is associated with the elimination of external threats and mostly concerns the military and foreign policy spheres. The internal security environment is formed by minimising internal threats, some of which fall within the direct responsibility of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine.
 The correlation of the term “security environment” with related categories, in particular, “national security”, “state security”, “internal security” has been determined. The concept of “national security” actually describes the desired overall state of the security environment of a particular country, which affects the regional or global security environment. The state of national security is actually a characteristic of the overall security environment of the state.
 It has been proved that the MIA of Ukraine is a subject of formation and development of the internal security environment of Ukraine. The security environment in the context of the MIA of Ukraine is a set of internal spheres of the country’s socio-political life in which the Ministry of Internal Affairs forms the State policy and exercises its powers as a security and defence sector entity with the aim of ensuring sustainable development of the State and protecting vital interests of a person and society.

Undoing the Liberal World Order: Progressive Ideals and Political Realities Since World War II by Leon Fink

Recent history has not been kind to the American Left, as historians like Leon Fink, in Undoing the Liberal World Order: Progressive Ideals and Political Realities Since World War II, have noted. In this book, focused mostly on liberal Democrats, Fink studies the vision of progressive internationalists seeking to forge a world of democracy, abundance, and liberty after World War II. As Fink convincingly argues, they came up short, their idealism dashed by Cold War realism and market conservatism. His is a sobering account, illuminated by case studies that explain how the aspirations of progressives were blocked by politics and diplomatic realities. It is well-known history; Fink sprinkles archival material with largely secondary source research. Yet the book contributes to scholarship because Fink injects class (a category now often passed over for race and gender), labor, social activists, and, indeed, racial movements into the story. Fink certainly understands, but rarely notes, that any success of liberalism after World War II arose because the dominant power, the United States, had shifted into a liberal era that endured into the 1970s. Today, we are shaped by the Reagan Revolution, although the cycle might be turning again after 40 years of neoconservatism that has been buffeted by nationalist populism and leftist critics of globalization. By the way, Fink provides only superficial definitions of liberalism, progressivism, something called “liberal-nationalism” (13), and neoliberalism. The book is also rather selective in its case studies. Why Israel and Costa Rica, but not Guatemala and Iran, both of which witnessed the heavy hand of the national security state at the expense of progressive values? And sometimes Fink is too glum; he does little, for example, with the ill-fated International Trade Organization of the late 1940s except to mention that it had a labor agenda, even though it represented a major first effort by the developing world to assert their interests.

Always Be Prepared

Always Be Prepared

Competitive approach to assessing the national security of the Russian Federation

The object of the study is the procedure for assessing the state of national security of the Russian Federation, which is being considered for its improvement based on the implementation of a competitive approach when conducting assessments. The authors review the current procedure for assessing national security and justify the need for its improvement. A comparative analysis of domestic and international experience in the formation of criteria, the hierarchical structure of indicators and the prioritization of threats is carried out. The necessity of forming a hierarchical structure, universalization and integration of indicators as part of the implementation of a competitive approach in assessing the state of national security is substantiated. Particular attention is paid to studying the possibility of using uniform international criteria and a system of indicators in domestic practice. Based on the results of the study, the following conclusions are presented. The state of security is not an absolute value, but is characterized by relative indicators obtained from the results of a comparative assessment of the indicators of competing countries. Security monitoring and assessment should be carried out on a cross-country rating basis, comparing different countries, including countries whose activities are the source of the main challenges and threats. The novelty lies in the substantiation of the use of a competitive approach and rating methodology, allowing governing bodies to assess the state of security taking into account domestic development dynamics and a comparative analysis of the indicators of countries that can influence the state of security in Russia. Author also presented the associative series of national interests and national security indicators of the USA and Russia. In contrast to similar studies, an original approach to the formation of a set of indicators of the state of national security is proposed. Building a hierarchical structure of indicators provides an opportunity to focus on the most important international complex and integral indicators, and increase the efficiency and reliability of assessments. The main directions for improving assessment based on the implementation of structural-hierarchical and competitive approaches have been identified.

Afterword: hidden beauty

People love a secret, as long as they are in on it. One might even argue that historians are more attracted to secrecy than the average scholar, or average individual, in that the tools we have for unearthing documentation from the past regularly trawl up long-dormant secrets. At one time, someone may have died to preserve this secret; for me, it is lying accessible in an archive. The challenge is not reading the secret – it is crafting an argument and a narrative that would make others care for this once tightly-held confidence. This fascination of access to privileged information, to being (whether licitly or not) in the know, and the rich texture that hidden material provides, partly explains the recurrent historiographical attention to secrecy. Historians get to have both secrecy and transparency at once, at least in many cases where the precious documents survive and are not still locked behind the classificatory walls of national-security states or profit-seeking megacorporations.

Suvremeni izazovi i prijetnje nacionalnoj sigurnosti

The article is devoted to the analysis of environmental and legal problems caused by the war in Ukraine, which should be considered comprehensively, as environmental security issues can easily transform into social threats. The article proves that the pollution caused by the war has a significant negative transboundary impact, in particular, the Russian invasion has not only damaged the environment of Ukraine, but also threatened the achievement of climate goals and even the world's ability to adapt to climate change. The purpose of the study is a comprehensive study and analysis of national and international environmental, humanitarian and criminal law through the prism of modern environmental challenges and threats. In this regard, the methodological basis of the article is a set of general philosophical, general scientific, special scientific and legal methods. The paper also analyzes the impact of modern threats in the field of environmental security on the state of national security, as well as the state of implementation of measures in the field of environmental security. Based on their own conclusions and generalizations, the authors' proposals and recommendations for improving the current national legislation and greening the sectoral components of national policy are presented.

Knowledge Regulation and National Security in Postwar America by Mario Daniels and John Krige

Reviewed by: Knowledge Regulation and National Security in Postwar America by Mario Daniels and John Krige Torsten Kathke (bio) Knowledge Regulation and National Security in Postwar America By Mario Daniels and John Krige. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2022. Pp. 440. Knowledge Regulation and National Security in Postwar America is Mario Daniels and John Krige's foray into a subject heretofore seldom explored: How did knowledge regulation—in the form of export controls for otherwise unclassified material, objects, and the movement of people with know-how—shape U.S. foreign policy from World War II on? And how did the complex rules governing the exportation of technologies and technical knowledge shape not only the sharing but also the creation of knowledge? Daniels and Krige's attempt is remarkable because of the breadth of the research required, but also because it breaks new ground. Academic insularity has previously precluded the further exploration of the category of "knowledge regulation" that they here propose as one of the central tenets of the national security state. Daniels and Krige especially single out the fields of economics, economic history, international relations, and security studies as "basically separate scholarly universes that barely overlap" (p. 15), echoing older critiques by Susan Strange and Michael Mastanduno. Knowledge regulation as defined by the authors traces its origins to the Espionage Act of 1917, which created a template that the United States would come back to in World War II and more permanently during the Cold War. Differing from other regimes of informational and economic control, like sanctions, export controls comprised information and "know-how"—a term emerging in the early Cold War to describe complete apparatuses of technological creation, including the researchers and engineers that operated them and their tacit knowledge—that were not directly classified but still considered as providing the United States with a valuable advantage over its rivals. This became known as "lead time," positing the United States as a technological leader that needed to use its technological prowess to keep Soviet Russia and its larger reserves of materiel and human power at bay. Even though it begins in fits and starts and remains contested between three departments of the U.S. government and their specialists (Commerce, State, and Defense), as well as Congress, the White House, companies, universities, and various adjacent bureaucracies, knowledge regulation, according to the authors, is one of the defining, if not the defining way in which U.S. foreign policy and the American scientific landscape developed since the 1940s. [End Page 636] The authors move chronologically through the development of this category, beginning with the lead-up to the Cold War from 1917 to 1945 and the early regulatory regime in the United States, as well as the development of knowledge regulation through the 1950s and 1960s. They then discuss the changes wrought on export controls beginning in the 1970s, including in academia. The second half of the book shifts geographically to Asia, addressing technology transfers to Japan in the 1980s and the challenges of the U.S.–Chinese relationship, with an epilogue about U.S.–Chinese relations and academia during the Trump administration concluding the study. Daniels and Krige offer up diligent and at times quite creative source work, and their argument that we should look at the category of "knowledge regulation" as one—though contradictory and hard to grasp—whole is a useful intervention. Framing the history of U.S. foreign policy in the second half of the twentieth century as concerned with hegemony through (military and commercial) technology, and therefore by extension its restriction, is a lens that scholars might do well to mount more often. What is somewhat missing from this book is the level of actors. While some individuals—mainly in government—do get attention, further studies should consider how academics and their institutions responded to the regulations they were faced with. Questions of whether restrictions applied to certain academics or engineers more than others, for example, would be an important aspect to explore. Were white, male, senior engineers considered more trustworthy than minorities, women, or junior ones? Did McCarthyite paranoia figure into the sanctioning of some individuals with know-how while others remained unencumbered? Knowledge...

Cyber terrorism as a threat to international security

The article is devoted to the problem of information terrorism in the context of the threat to the national security of Ukraine. The author defines regulatory consolidation of information terrorism and outlines the significant gaps in the legislation of Ukraine in regulating this phenomenon. The article analyzes and classifies information terrorism in today's global cyberspace. The author proposes ways to counteract information terrorism as a factor of destabilization of Ukraine's national security. This article examines the phenomenon of information terrorism at the modern stage. The most outstanding attention is focused on concepts such as the media- and cyber-terrorism, which are the main components of information terrorism. This article reflects the essence of this phenomenon and the degree of legal regulation and prevention of terror information at both the international and national levels. Also, the recommendations for preventing information terrorism in Ukraine are provided. The article examines the phenomenon of informational terrorism at the current stage. The most tremendous respect is given to such concepts as media cyberterrorism as the central warehouse of informational terrorism. The article shows the essence of this phenomenon. Also, it characterizes the stage of legal regulation and the intimidation of terrorist information both internationally and nationally. Also, recommendations were made on how to prevent information terrorism in Ukraine. Conclusions were made that nowadays, virtual space and mass media are widely used by various terrorist groups to achieve their own goals, as accessibility, lack of censorship, the presence of a vast potential audience of users, the high speed of information dissemination, and the complexity of its presentation and perception contribute to the expansion of information terrorism in the modern world. Modern information security problems are analyzed as part of the state's national security. The reasons for the unsatisfactory state of information security are determined. Special attention is paid to the legal basis of ensuring information security, prospects for improving legislation, and problems regulating relations in this area. The successful development of Ukraine as a sovereign state is only possible by ensuring its national security. The information security of society and the state is determined by the degree of their protection and, therefore, the resistance of the main spheres of life to dangerous, destabilizing, destructive information actions that oppress the country's interests. The threat of terrorism using media and cyberspace is a complex challenge of our time. The danger of such terrorism lies in the absence of geographical and national borders, as well as in the difficulty of identifying the identity of the terrorist in the information space and establishing his whereabouts. Therefore, in connection with the further development of technologies and mass media, the issue of combating information terrorism will be particularly relevant. Keywords: information terrorism, threats, national security, cyberterrorism, legal regulation, regulatory and legal consolidation.

Scales of subversion

Scales of subversion

Physical education and sports as a means of increase the level of motivation to the defense capacity of the state

Numerous studies prove the fact that in the modern world, it is possible to ensure the state's defence capability only through cooperation with various fields, including physical education and sports. One of the important aspects of ensuring a reliable degree of the state's national security is its own combat-ready armed forces, which should include persons with an appropriate level of physical training and health condition. Currently, taking into account the break out of the COVID-19 pandemic, an insufficient level of physical activity is observed among young children, which poses a serious problem and a threat to modern society and its defence capability in the future. Scientific substantiation of pedagogical conditions, namely methods and means aimed at ensuring the effective development of schoolchildren's motor qualities, and their attitude to physical culture and sports is one of the most important and promising tasks aimed at improving the defence system of Ukraine. The future of the state depends on the current generation. The state's defence capability is the ability to defend itself in case of armed aggression or armed conflict, which is why physical culture and sports play a decisive role in this process. Various studies provide evidence that the foundation that affects a country's defence capability is laid in childhood.
 The relevance of the mentioned issue lies in the formation and selection of the main pedagogical conditions for the popularization of physical education and sports as a means of the defence capability of the state and the protection of its sovereignty. Pedagogical conditions are a category defined as a system of certain forms, methods, means, material conditions, and real situations that are objectively developed or subjectively created, necessary to achieve a specific pedagogical goal.
 One of the universal and most effective means of defence capability is physical activity, a healthy lifestyle, physical culture and sports, which enable us to raise healthy and strong defenders. The level of Ukraine's defence capability in the future depends on the extent to which schoolchildren will be involved in motor activity, a healthy lifestyle, and physical education and sports.

CONSTITUTIONAL AND LEGAL REGULATION OF THE FOUNDATIONS OF MODERN SECURITY THROUGH THE PRISM OF RESPECT FOR RIGHTS AND FREEDOMS

The study touches upon the aspect of assessment and legislative implementation of the issue of ensuring national security through the prism of constitutional and legal regulation of its foundations. The purpose of the study is to establish the relationship between the principles of constitutional regulation of mechanisms for ensuring rights and protecting rights and freedoms and the legislative structure reflecting the procedure for the operation (application) of means of ensuring national security. The objective of the study is to identify the balance and contradictions between these principles, as well as to assess the measures taken by the legislator when introducing new directions of constitutional and legal regulation into these institutions. The spectral analysis method was chosen as the main research method. Results: according to the results of the study, the author was able to establish that the forms of coexistence introduced by the legislator require more detailed consideration, both from the point of view of disclosing their legal essence and from the point of view of their evaluative purpose in ensuring the necessary security of society. Conclusions: the legislator initially does not give an unambiguous answer to the question-what exactly means and methods should be used so that the issue of moral development of society will allow raising the state of national security to a new level, while not violating the principles reflected in the Constitution of the Russian Federation.

Social-Engineering, Bio-economies, and Nation-State Ontological Security: A Commentary

Biocybersecurity is an evolving discipline that aims to identify the gaps and risks associated with the convergence of Biology (the science of life and living organisms) and cybersecurity (the science, study, and theory of cyberspace and cybernetics) to protect the bioeconomy. The biological industries’ increased reliance on digitization, automation, and computing power has resulted in benefits for the scientific community, it has simultaneously multiplied the risk factors associated with industrial espionage and the protection of data both commercial and proprietary. The sensitive and potentially destructive power of this data and its access inherently poses a risk to the national and ontological security of a nation. Ontological security refers to the extent to which an individual or group feels secure in their understanding of the world and their place in it. It is a psychological concept that pertains to the way in which people construct their sense of self and their place in the world, and how this sense of self and place is shaped by their interactions with others and the broader social, cultural, and political context in which they live. Nation-states provide stability and wider social cohesion, but these capacities can be disrupted when the nation state is sufficiently threatened (Bolton, 2021). Leading to an interest in maintaining a national identity; which can have profound effects on the behavior of a nation. Targeted social engineering is aimed at exploiting the changing and damaged mental health of workers in life science enterprises who have not been trained in a sufficient manner to deal with these attacks. Failure to identify the existing vulnerabilities associated with social engineering would expose the bioeconomy to unnecessary risk. Numerous scholars have pointed towards growing risks of nation-state stability being increasingly threatened vs inadequate actions taken to match threats for defense; when reflecting on energy, food, construction materials and more from the multi-trillion US bioeconomy we see that the ground to cover is huge (George 2019, Jordan, 2020, Murch, 2018; Mueller 2021). This paper seeks to discuss some of the existing vulnerabilities associated with social engineering attacks and the effects those attacks would have on the population's ontological security and spark conversations about ways in which ontological security of nation states are modified.

Indigenous environmental perspectives: Challenging the oceanic security state

This article centers Indigenous epistemologies to critique the United States oceanic security state, a modality of militarization and blue-washing conservation that extends beyond land borders to encompass federal conceptualizations of national security throughout the Pacific Ocean. Beginning with Indigenous perspectives from Oceania, it provides examples of Indigenous peoples’ continuing connections to ocean spaces and challenges to United States colonial geographic imaginaries and militarized destruction. Then, advancing the concept of the oceanic security state, it examines how United States assertions of sovereignty over Oceania are used to justify hyper-militarization while simultaneously destroying the environment and contributing to the climate crisis. These phenomena occur while the USA remains exempt from federal environmental conservation laws through ‘blue-washing’, and the United States government benefits from the exclusion of military emission data within international climate targets. The findings reveal how militarizing all ocean space in the name of United States national security operates within delineated borders of Exclusive Economic Zones, Marine National Monuments, and Marine Protected Areas. Guided by Indigenous epistemologies, the article concludes with alternative ways of understanding ocean spaces and constructing futures of genuine security.