Central European States Research Articles

Resilience-building in grey security zone countries

EU Global Strategy of 2016 assesses vulnerabilities and fragility in the eastern and southern neighbourhoods as a threat to the security of the Union and addresses them with a relatively new concept of resilience building. Given undertheorizing of the concept as well as the EU’s intention to employ the resilience as a tool of its foreign and security policy to its neighbourhoods, the author aims to show the particularities of the Eastern and Central European states’ approach to resilience. This could provide some corrections to the EU tailored-made to each region policies and measuring of resilience building to ensure peaceful transformations in its eastern borderlands.

Eurosceptic narratives in the age of COVID-19: the Central European states in focus

ABSTRACT This text examines the impact of the coronavirus crisis on the Eurosceptic narratives of Central European leaders. By conducting a narrative analysis of statements made by the Visegrád Four government leaders, the text concludes that the individual leaders were for the most part unable to create new Eurosceptic narratives due to the specific nature of the coronavirus issue. Except for Slovakia, the leaders built on existing narratives from the polycrisis period and subsequently thematically linked these to the new crisis. Viktor Orbán was proficient in consolidating most of the previous Eurosceptic narratives of various thematic provenances within his coronavirus rhetoric.

Many Narratives or a Single Voice? The Role of Historical Policy in EU–Russia Relations

The purpose of the article is to analyse the process of change in Russian historical policy from a foreign policy perspective. The article hypothesizes that the historical policy can be considered as an indicator of changes in Russia’s foreign policy, allowing to infer the direction of its future development, playing both an ‘integrative’ and ‘disintegrative’ role. Using the example of the EU, the impact of Russia’s historical policy on the EU’s historical narrative is examined. While in the analysed context the new Russian historical narrative signalled a growing distrust and a more confrontational stance towards the EU (a disintegrative role), its unintended side effect was the construction of a common European historical narrative (an integrative role) pushed by the Central and Eastern European states in response to Russia’s aggressive rhetoric on historical issues, the interpretation of which few years earlier had divided the ‘old’ and ‘new’ member states.

Linking European Integration with Illiberalism: ‘Laboratory’ of Central-Eastern Europe

Abstract The essay discusses Central Eastern Europe as a ‘laboratory’ of existing, emerging as well as contained elements of illiberal backlash. The Central European countries show both challenges and resilience mechanisms in more ‘extreme’ conditions than the cases from Western Europe. The paper offers the connection between the domestic development of Central European states and the ‘polycrisis’ of European integration by linking the issue of politicisation of European integration with the emergence of illiberal politics in contemporary Europe. The goal and main argument of the paper are that there exists a nexus between illiberal Central Eastern European politicians and rising Euroscepticism in the region. The empirical research of Central Eastern European cases will help us better understand general trends of European integration politicisation.

The European Union’s transformation after Russia’s attack on Ukraine

ABSTRACT Russia’s invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022 shattered any remaining illusions that closer economic integration with Europe would lead Russia, over time, towards democracy at home and peaceful coexistence with its neighbors abroad. It reinvigorated the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and jolted the European Union (EU) into cutting off trade and energy ties with Russia, while welcoming a massive flow of refugees from war-torn Ukraine. It empowered Central and East European states in the EU, reignited enlargement debates, and shifted NATO and Europe’s borders to the north and east. Introducing a special issue, this article argues that the EU’s peace through integration strategy has always existed side by side with NATO’s peace through strength approach, in a broader European project with blurred boundaries. This war may force the EU to solidify its borders between an internal zone of integration and an external zone of strength projection and geopolitics.

Growth models in Europe’s Eastern and Southern peripheries: between national and EU politics

ABSTRACT This paper analyses the political origins of diverse peripheral growth models in Europe, focusing on debt-based consumption-led growth model in Southern Europe and FDI-based export-led growth model in Central and Eastern Europe. Contrary to existing approaches that attribute this East-South divergence to their geographic position and systemic features of European monetary integration, the paper argues that these growth models stem from different national and EU-level policy responses to the challenge of core-periphery market integration. While the Southern states sought to protect domestic firms, allowing for, or even directly contributing to deindustrialisation in the face of competition with the European core economies, Central and East European states aimed to preserve their industrial legacy even at the expense of FDI-dependency. These policy responses were, in turn, shaped by distinct patterns of interaction and accommodation between segments of state elites and domestic economic groups, as well as by dramatically different EU strategies of governing integration. In contrast with society-centred perspectives on the politics of growth models, the paper highlights the autonomous role of the state as a key actor balancing between the demands and accommodation of domestic economic groups, and the constraints and opportunities created by regional institutions governing market integration.

The Political Elite’s Thematic Framing of China in Recent Central European Elections

China is geographically distant from Central European states, but cultural, economic and political exchanges between the regions are increasing. As such, the perception of China in these societies is susceptible to frames and narratives that are either instrumentally or organically created by local political elites. This paper aims to scrutinize the narratives and frames employed in the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland during their most recent election cycles. It identifies five basic types of frames employed in the selected countries: sovereignty, opportunity, the balance of trade, debt-traps and human rights. This paper then concludes by evaluating these thematic frames and summarizes the key similarities in public discourses concerning relations with China.

Beyond Ethnonationalism? Ethnos, Market and Culture in Croatian Policies of Citizenship

ABSTRACT This paper analyses discourses and policies of citizenship and immigration in Croatia, with a special focus on marketization and culturalisation of citizenship. Along with many other Central and Eastern European states, Croatia is commonly studied as a model case of ethnonationalism. This study seeks to warn that in an ethnocentric state, there can also be other important notions of deservingness that structure one’s route to membership today, showing us that we need to move beyond an exclusive focus on ethnonationalism. The paper explores how socioeconomic status and (ethno)cultural origin impact the ability of non-ethnics to claim and receive citizenship rights. The research focuses on two cultural groups: traditional immigrant populations coming from post-Yugoslav states and the new immigrant groups coming from countries in the Middle East.

State Relationships with the Diaspora

Abstract Currently, diasporas are perceived as important non-state actors in international relations and essential partners of the country of origin. The article focuses on this topic using the example of Czechia and Slovakia as two small Central European states that once shared a common past and are now independently developing a relationship with their diaspora. The article explores these interactions in the two countries, looking for commonalities, differences and possibilities for future development. To do so, it uses the methods of documentary analysis and comparison. A relationship with the diaspora is vital for both countries, but the level of cooperation still has room for further development. The differences between the two are mainly in the aspects of the relationship between the state and the diaspora. In the case of Czechia, the opportunity for development lies mainly at the administrative and political levels. In comparison, in Slovakia, this space is found mainly at the level of economic cooperation.

ПЕРШІ КОМАНДОРСТВА ТАМПЛІЄРІВ НА ПОЛЬСЬКИХ ЗЕМЛЯХ: ПРИЧИНИ ТА ЧАС ПОЯВИ

Introduction. Throughout the 13th century, the Order of the Templars actively strengthened their positions in Europe, particularly in its Central-Eastern part. The relevance of the study lies in understanding the reasons and context for the expansion of the Templar Order's influence on this region, considering the geopolitical, economic, and socio-cultural environment of the time. The aim is to analyze the causes of the Templars' emergence and the initial phase of their activity in Polish territories based on sources and specialized historical literature. Methods. The scientific research is based on the principles of historicism and scientific approach, and it includes general scientific methods of analysis, synthesis, generalization, and comparison, as well as specialized historical (typological and systematic historic) methods. Research Results. Key factors for the appearance of the Templar Order in Poland were identified: the interest of the Polish aristocracy in the Crusades, colonization, and economic initiatives aimed at strengthening the Order's positions on the global stage. The Order developed an infrastructural network by establishing commanderies for optimizing management and economic activity, which facilitated the growth of the Order's network in both military and economic contexts. Conclusions. In the 13th century, the Templar Order expanded its influence onto Polish territory, which was of strategic importance due to its proximity to key Central European states (Holy Roman Empire, Bohemia, Slovakia, and the Galicia-Volhynia Principality). The Polish leadership supported the Templars, granting them land privileges, which helped establish their presence through a network of commanderies. Moreover, the Templars intensified their economic and trade operations, becoming a key element in the medieval economy of the region. The combination of strategic, economic, and political factors contributed to the Templar Order's establishment in Poland.

Opozycja parlamentarna a kwestie przemian demokratycznych – Europa Środkowa i Wschodnia

Parliamentary elections produce winners and losers. For understandable reasons, winners become the government (coalition) and losers – the opposition. The article presents a framework for comparing the rights in policy-making of the parliamentary opposition in parliamentary Central and Eastern European democracies (Czechia, Hungary, Lithuania, Poland, Ukraine). In 2022, democracy demands an opposition party with a future (reinversion) in parliament. The right of the parliamentary opposition to oppose the government formed by the governing majority is a fundamental feature of liberal democracy. Application of constitutional values (democracy, the rule of law, etc.) in Central and Eastern European states demonstrates the actual level of opposition fragmentation, polarization, and even cartelization. Rule of Law Index 2021 explicitly shows that among researched Central and Eastern European countries, Lithuania is in 18 place, Czechia – 22, Poland – 36, Hungary – 69, and Ukraine – 74. The Rule of Law Index is about constraints of government powers, absence of corruption, open government, and other issues related to the mission of the parliamentary opposition. Distance (not only ideological) between governing majority and parliamentary opposition is based on the capacity for government formation, participation in policy-making, scrutinizing governmental (populistic) strategy and policy.

Parliamentary opposition and democratic transformation issues: Centraland Eastern Europe in focus

The article presents a framework for comparing the policy-making rights of the parliamentary opposition in the parliamentary democracies of Central and Eastern Europe (Czech Republic, Hungary, Lithuania, Poland and Ukraine). The right of the parliamentary opposition to oppose the government formed by the ruling majority is a fundamental feature of liberal democracy. The application of constitutional values (democracy and rule of law) in Central and Eastern European states demonstrates the actual level of fragmentation, polarization and cartelization of the opposition. The Rule of Law Index 2021 explicitly shows that, among the Central and Eastern European countries surveyed, Lithuania ranks 18th, the Czech Republic 22nd, Poland 36th, Hungary 69th and Ukraine 74th. The Rule of Law Index refers to limitations of government powers, absence of corruption, open government and other issues related to the mission of the parliamentary opposition. It is concluded that, the distance (not only ideological) between the ruling majority and the parliamentary opposition is based on the ability to form government, participation in policy making, scrutiny of strategy and (populist) government policy.

ІНІЦІАТИВА «ТРИМОР’Я» ЯК СТРАТЕГІЧНИЙ ПРОЄКТ «НОВОЇ» ЄВРОПИ

Today, the "Three Seas" initiative unites 12 Central European states in the space from the Baltic to the Black and Adriatic seas. Its members are: Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Austria, Slovenia, Croatia, Romania and Bulgaria. Participating countries with a population of 111 million people account for almost a third of the territory of the European Union. The article describes the reasons and prerequisites for the creation of the Trimore initiative. The evolution of the Three Seas initiative from its inception to 2022 is followed. It is determined that the key concept of the initiative is based on the global confrontation, which intensified after Russia's annexation of the Ukrainian Crimea. At the present stage, the idea of unification of states from the Baltic to the Black and Adriatic seas, as it was at its inception, is actively supported by the United States of America. The article identifies the main problems of the Three Seas. The transformation of the attitude of the European Union to this program is defined. The author points out that Poland's attempts to realize its historical Central European ambitions led to the formation of the image of the new Central Europe as a component of the transatlantic community. The author makes an attempt to determine the functionality and competitiveness of the new association in relation to other numerous regional entities. The creation of the Trimore, like some other modern Central European regional projects, in particular the Visegrad Group, did not go without the approval of the USA. The role and purpose of these regional structures are different, and their functioning depends on whether they find their special niche. After all, the Central European initiative evolved over three decades only into a regional forum of a larger format, but of lesser significance. Only the Russian aggression in Ukraine and the beginning of the Russian-Ukrainian war led to the intensification of the dialogue between the participants of the Three Seas in order to ensure their own energy independence from the Russian Federation.

Competitiveness, fiscal policy and corruption: evidence from Central and Eastern European countries

Research background: The transformations induced by global challenges call for new approaches towards competitiveness and thus require a consistent rethinking of strategies and mechanisms so that they could be better adapted to the constantly changing context. Prior to the European Union (EU) accession, the Central and Eastern European (CEE) states began a broad process of economic reforms, including trade liberalization, mass privatization, exchange rate liberalization, all of which led to a wider opening to new markets, the creation of new opportunities for production and to ensuring the competitiveness of companies on foreign markets. By far, the most important step in the post-communist period was joining the EU, achieved after 2004. Over time, these states have faced, on the one hand, issues related to addressing systemic vulnerabilities, and on the other hand, finding the most appropriate measures to induce competitiveness. The influence of public policies on competitiveness is still an issue that needs to be debated, our study proposing to examine the reaction of external competitiveness to the increase of government spending and corruption. Purpose of the article: The aim of this paper is to analyze the impact of fiscal policies and corruption on the external competitiveness of the eleven countries from Eastern Europe (Bulgaria, Croatia, Czechia, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia) for the period 1995?2020. The choice of this time interval is to better capture the trinomial relationship between competitiveness, fiscal policy and corruption before and after the process of integration of the CEE states into the EU. Methods: The methodology chosen is based on ARDL (Autoregressive Distributed Lag) with structural breaks, the period taken into account being 1995?2020. The Unit root test of augmented Dickey?Fuller ADF (2016) was used to assess the time series stationarity. The test developed by Bai and Perron (2003) is applied to detect structural breaks, by resorting to the LM test. The tests for the cointegration between the considered variables, using the ARDL model, proposed by Pesaran et al. (2001), were also part of the research. The causality test of Granger et al. (2000) was used to assess the conditionality between the indicators. By applying these methods, it was highlighted that, especially after 2007, in the states under analysis, expansionary fiscal policies have led to internal devaluations of the currency, which ultimately increased external competitiveness, measured as real effective exchange rate. Instead, corruption has a negative impact on competitiveness. Findings & value added: The obtained results point out the relationship between competitiveness, fiscal policy and corruption in CEE countries. In the case of those that have a high competitiveness, even if there are large government expenditures, there is also an economic environment conducive to the implementation of measures that generate added value on a large scale. Conversely, in countries where corruption is high, the impact of government fiscal policies on competitiveness is reduced due to the negative effects caused by this phenomenon. Our study brings at least two contributions to the literature. First of all, the research shows how a growth in public spending affects the competitiveness of CEE economies through the real exchange rate. Secondly, it takes into account the phenomenon of corruption applied to Eastern countries, emphasizing a decrease in the external competitiveness of these economies in response to the manifestation of corruption.

Gender Stereotypes and Family Decision-Making: Comparative Study of Central Europe and Central Asia

Purpose: The article aims to examine the impact of women’s decision-making power in families on their gender stereotypes about business executives in the promising but insufficiently explored regions of Central Europe (CE) and Central Asia (CA). Methodology: The study utilized multiple linear regression and Spearman’s correlation coefficients to analyze survey data (No=6,869) from Central European (Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia) and Central Asian states (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan). Findings: Central Asian women demonstrated stronger gender stereotypes about business executives compared to the Central European sample. Equally shared power in decision-making with a part-ner has a positive impact on weakening women’s gender stereotypes about top managers. Men’s unilateral decision-making correlates with their spouses’ higher gender bias, whereas independent women’s decisions do not reveal a relationship with their gender stereotypes. Research limitations: The study does not control respondents’ marital and mother’s status and excludes one of the Central Asian states, namely Turkmenistan. Research implications: Policymakers can use the present findings to forecast how familialist pol-icies reproduce gender stereotypes and inhibit gender equality. The research complements the specificity of the vicious cycle linking gender roles and stereotypes in the context of CE and CA and expands the “family cage” phenomenon. Originality/value: First massive research on gender stereotypes about business executives embrac-ing the Visegrad Group and four Central Asian states. The study discovers the internal aspect of family impact on women’s views of top managers that has been neglected before.

An Informal Approach to Interest-based Negotiations – Paul Anton Esterhazy and the “Cottage Coterie”

Paul Anton Esterhazy was a prominent figure of the Hungarian aristocracy and a leading AustroHungarian politician, as well as a highly qualified and internationally recognised diplomat, with an extensive network of personal relations within the British elite. Esterhazy was an ambassador of Austria to London from 1815 to 1842 and represented the interests of the Central European state. In the mid-1820s he was a member of the so-called “Cottage Coterie”, a group created by King George IV and inspired by the aim of counterbalancing the political influence of the new secretary of the Foreign Office, George Canning. The meetings of the group were political and social events as well. Esterhazy was connected with close (family and political) ties to George IV, and thus he was a well trusted person in the royal court. My paper focuses on the activity and role of Esterhazy within the Cottage Coterie.

When Description means Control. The example of the Russian General Land Survey in eastern Latvia in 1784–1785

ABSTRACT This paper is a case study of Enlightenment’s cadastral landscape recording exemplified by the General Land Survey, taken by the Russian Empire in the newly acquired region of Latgale (contemporary eastern Latvia) in 1784–1785. The surveyors scrupulously described and showed on maps many natural features, such as trees, animals, birds, and fish species, as well as provided insight into social realities by mentioning inhabitants, settlements, local place-names, religious and ethnic relations. However, it was by no means a pure reflection of Latgale’s natural and cultural landscape. The paper argues that the survey in Latgale simultaneously registered the resources, regulated property boundaries, strengthened landlords’ control over peasants, and imposed the rule of the new state. Similarly, as western and central European states, Russia needed a detailed description of the province in order to control it. It was a fundamental change for Latgale, previously belonging to the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth that had not introduced any cadastre or comparable land survey, therefore performed little control at a local level.

Post-Brexit European Map: the New Continental Status Quo and Institutional Decision-Making

Summary Brexit became part of the European public consciousness following the 2016 referendum. We are only just starting to realize the actual effects and consequences of the UK’s withdrawal in multiple issues. The article analyzes the new, post-Brexit continental status quo and the changing trends in institutional decision-making. The position and dominance of the Member States are reflected in their role in the EU institutions. The weight of the Member States in decision-making also has a significant impact on the development of individual common policies. Brexit has strengthened the dominance of Germany and France. However, it also affected the position of Central and Eastern European states. Poland has become one of the “big Member States” that could make the combined dominance of the Visegrád states (Poland, Czech Republic, Hungary, and Slovakia) more relevant in forming the future of the EU..

Exchange rates and purchasing power parity: the case of Central European

Introduction. The question of how exchange rates adjust is central to exchange rate policy, since countries with fixed exchange rates need to know what the equilibrium exchange rate is likely to be and countries with variable exchange rates would like to know what level and variation in real and nominal exchange rates they should expect. In broader terms, the question of whether exchange rates adjust toward a level established by purchasing power parity helps to determine the extent to which the international macroeconomic system is self-equilibrating Analysis of recent researches and publications has shown that the published up to date papers aren’t systematic and can’t claim to be a complete analysis in the chosen field. The aim is to test the validity of PPP hypothesis in the long run in former and current European transitional economies. Methods. General scientific methods such as the systematic approach, theo­retical generalization and comparison, analysis, synthesis and the Levin–Lin–Chu (LLC) panel unit root test have been used in the research. Research results. This paper tests the validity of purchasing power parity (PPP) hypothesis in the long run in selected European transitional economies. The database used in this paper contains monthly data on real effective exchange rate (REER) observed over 23 years, from March 1995 till November 2017. To test the hypothesis, the Levin–Lin–Chu (LLC) panel unit root test was employed. The results confirm that PPP holds both for Central European and Western Balkan states in the long run. Conclusions. The equilibrium exchange rate question is central question to exchange rate policy. Purchasing power parity hypothesis was tested on the sample of 14 European countries form the Central and Eastern Europe and Western Balkan region. The database used in this paper contains monthly data on real effective exchange rate –REER observed over 23 years, from March 1995 till November 2017. As PPP holds if the real exchange rate reverts to its equilibrium value over time, the unit root test was applied on panel REER dataset. The results of applied Levin–Lin–Chu (LLC) panel unit root tests confirmed that the PPP hypothesis holds for selected countries during the observed period. Additionaly, results confirmed that PPP hypothesis holds both for CEE and Western Balkan countries separately.

Application of the experience of the public administration reform of the Central European states for the decentralization process development in Ukraine

Application of the experience of the public administration reform of the Central European states for the decentralization process development in Ukraine