State Concern Research Articles

Unintended consequences: Exploring the tensions between development programs and indigenous women in Mexico in the context of reproductive health

This article offers a case study of the politics of reproduction present between development programs, medical practitioners, and population policies in Mexico. It particularly explores how these policies have shaped indigenous women's family planning choices. It analyzes the unintended consequences that emerge from the interaction between indigenous women, medicine, and an economic development program--Oportunidades. The study was based on participant observation and in-depth interviews carried out between 2004 and 2007 with 53 women, as well as doctors and nurses, in northern Veracruz. Results show that the close association of government policies with medical practitioners serves to constrain women's reproductive decisions. Medical practitioners use this association to promote the state's concern for family planning, unintentionally disempowering their target population. This article uses a political economy of fertility framework to look at broader processes affecting women's choices beyond the personal or domestic level. Such a framework allows us to analyze these connections and place women's reproductive rights within a larger struggle for human rights and dignity.

Demanding Service or Servicing Demand? Charities, Regulation and the Policy Process

Charities in the Victorian era were characterised by the notions of service and pressure, acting as a shield and a sword for social change. Charities continue to pursue such policies, but do so at the behest of state agendas on public service provision and civic engagement. This article examines the regulatory and policy challenges of the service and pressure dynamic, focusing upon the provision of public services by charities, considering the decision of the Charity Commission in the cases of Trafford and Wigan, and the hurdles faced by charities wishing to pursue a political agenda alongside the state's concern with protecting against terrorism. The article concludes by considering the arbitrary choice made within the regulatory framework between acceptable and unacceptable political conduct and the focus upon good governance in charities and the issues which arise under section 6(3)(b) of the Human Rights Act 1998.

Children as Chattel of the State: Deconstructing the Concept of Sex Trafficking

International human rights law protects against child prostitution and commercial child sexual trafficking. However, age of sexual consent laws in most jurisdictions permit the non-commercial sexual exploitation of children. Age of consent for prostitution is generally set higher than the general age of sexual consent or is banned as is commercial child sex trafficking. Many countries do not permit marriage for children to whom adults yet have broad, lawful sexual access outside of marriage. The more vigorous opposition to commercial as opposed to non-commercial adult–child sex demonstrates the State's concern with its own and not the child's best interest. Through the misappropriation of children's rights discourse, States have sought to rationalise their current age of sexual consent laws. The latter, however, engages the State, in effect, in domestic sexual trafficking of children. Children from vulnerable groups are especially at risk as the law frequently renders children as chattel of the State.

Protecting Women from Their Abortion Choices

In its 1992 Planned Parenthood v. Casey decision, the U.S. Supreme Court reaffirmed Roe v. Wade's basic holding. (1) According to Casey, pregnant women have a constitutional right to choose abortion before the fetus is viable, and the state may not create substantial obstacles to a woman's exercise of that right. After viability, the state may restrict abortion as long as it permits the procedure when necessary to protect a woman's life or health. At the same time, Casey recognized the government's legitimate interest in promoting respect for human life from the beginning of pregnancy, an interest that could justify abortion restrictions that have an incidental effect of making it more difficult or more expensive to procure an After their defeat in Casey, groups opposed to abortion rights sought to increase support for their cause by broadening their arguments for abortion restrictions. Instead of presenting the abortion issue as primarily a conflict between the pregnant woman's interest in self-determination and the state's interest in protecting developing human life, they began speaking of abortion as a threat to both women and their potential children. Certain restrictions were justified, they said, by the need to protect women from harmful choices to end their pregnancies. (2) Recent federal litigation shows that advocates have had success with this approach. In Gonzales v. Carhart, the Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of the Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act of 2003, a federal law punishing physicians who intentionally perform an abortion procedure known as intact dilation and evacuation. (3) The case raises a host of questions about the constitutional status of abortion. What I want to discuss is how the majority and dissenting opinions portrayed women's abortion choices. Writing for the majority, Justice Kennedy began by describing different abortion techniques. In the most common second-trimester abortion procedure, dilation and evacuation, the physician dilates the woman's cervix and removes portions of the fetus from the uterus. In the procedure prohibited by the Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act, intact dilation and evacuation, the physician dilates the woman's cervix and then attempts to extract the entire fetus. Because of its size, the physician must usually crush or otherwise destroy the head to remove it. According to the law's supporters, intact D&E entails killing a partially-delivered, living fetus. Many physicians and medical organizations say that the procedure is sometimes the safest one for pregnant women, but Justice Kennedy said there was enough contrary evidence to support a congressional finding that the ban would not jeopardize women's health. Among the Court's reasons for upholding the ban was the state's concern about the procedure's impact on women. Kennedy wrote, While we find no reliable data to measure the phenomenon, it seems unexceptionable to conclude women come to regret their choice to abort the infant life they once created and sustained. Moreover, to reduce women's anxiety about undergoing intact D&E, some doctors may prefer not to disclose precise details of the means that will be used. Kennedy found it self-evident that a mother who comes to regret her choice to abort must struggle with grief more anguished and sorrow more profound when she learns, only after the event, what she once did not know: that she allowed a doctor to pierce the skull and vacuum the fast-developing brain of her unborn child. According to Kennedy and others in the majority, it is constitutional for the state to impose restrictions to protect inadequately informed women from regret about having an intact D&E. Although this problem could be alleviated by a mandatory disclosure requirement, the majority held that Congress could also alleviate the problem by banning intact D&E altogether. In a dissenting opinion joined by three other justices, Justice Ginsburg took issue with the majority's view of a pregnant woman's choice to have an intact D&E. …

Redefining Men's Sexuality, Resignifying Male Bodies: The Argentine Law of Anti‐Venereal Prophylaxis, 1936

By analysing governmental, legal and medical sources, this article examines Argentina's first national law of anti‐venereal prophylaxis enacted in 1936. It argues that two aspects of the law, the abolition of legalised prostitution and the mandatory prenuptial medical exam and certificate for men, especially signalled a shift in the state's concern for men's sexuality. The essay demonstrates that this shift was based on the legal and medical recognition of men's reproductive role, its impact on the health of the family and the biological destiny of the nation, and the consideration of the male body as a carrier of venereal diseases and an agent of contagion. This interest in men's sexuality was also the result of the limits the state confronted in its attempts to target women. The law imposed new controls over men because the medical surveillance of prostitutes had proved to be a sanitary failure, and the medical examination and certificate for single women was rejected since it went against beliefs regarding female purity and virginity. This article shows how, under the influence of eugenics, the state turned to the sanitary surveillance of men to prevent venereal contagion and to assure healthy procreation by assuming a new interventionist and paternalist role as the guarantor of public health, the promoter of the hygienic family, and the entity responsible for the protection of wives and children through the control of the male body.

Crime, Cultural Conflict, and Justice in Rural Russia, 1856-1914 by Stephen P. s> Frank (review)

538 SEER, 79, 3, 2001 Frank, Stephen P. Crime, Cultural Conflict, andJusticeinRuralRussia,I856-I9I 4. Studies on the History of Society and Culture, 3 I. University of California Press, Berkeley, Los Angeles, CA, and London, 1999. xxii + 352 pp. Notes. Tables. Figures. Glossary. Bibliography. Index. $55.00. IN this new and extensively researched monograph Stephen P. Frank draws revealing comparisons between the tsarist and colonial legal systems. He shows how official statistics under-counted the offences committed by and against ordinary farming peasants, notably intra-class property offences, and thus reinforced outsiders' misleading preconceptions of a violent and uncultured countryside. Stereotypes of the peasant 'other' could be useful to both sides, but the elite belief that peasants had a weak sense of private property further helped to ensure that tackling crimes against their property remained, for officials, a low priority. The system failed in peasant eyes firstly, then, because it did not live up to its own values. Chronically under-resourced, physically remote from the villages and concentrating its efforts on fighting the demons that haunted the dominant social groups, it had a very limited ability to shield the villages. The system's escaped convicts and exiles plagued communities. Protection rackets and networks of horse thieves often bought off local legal functionaries. The masses had, increasingly, 'to fend for themselves as their government sought to stave off the weakening of its foundations' (p. 82). The second reason for failure was that the cultural gulf got worse. State justice modernized away from the peasantry. It was no longer possible to try sorcery as a crime, for example, so peasants were forced to take direct action against suspected witches. 'During the I905-o7 Revolution and again in 1917', concludes Frank, 'Russian peasants demonstrated with no uncertainty that the distance separating state and popular values had not been bridged since emancipation. Indeed, that gap actually widened over the last decades of the old regime' (p. 307). The very vigour with which the author locates his study within a larger narrative of increasing social and political instability inevitably provokes questions. Building on Frank's own evidence, others might have put more stress on how the dashing of popular expectations and aspirations, rather than that allegedly unbridgeable 'cultural conflict, weakened the regime. There is much here to suggest a peasantry going beyond the reluctant need just to 'accommodate' state law (p. 215) and employ it 'selectively' (p. 93); take the willingness of villagers to report crime or the growth in prosecutions for abuse of public office (table, p. 74). Might not rural areas have shared more of the state's concern about public order offences? With the statistics convincingly deconstructed, illustrative cases from different decades and regions must prov-eFrank's contention that peasants themselves perceived those crimes that most concerned them to be an increasingly intolerable problem. His examples are copious (and backed up by even more footnoted instances). Yet, when reading the discussion on homicide (pp. I 66-75) or on the use of superstitious proofs (pp. I87-93), the reader might wonder whether Frank himself risks reproducing an adjusted version of the elite's old narrative, based on numerous but ultimately untypical instances (many of which come from the REVIEWS 539 sensation-seekingpress or end with officialintervention. Some were reported to the authoritiesby the peasants themselves, which suggests a diverse range of village attitudestowardsofficiallegality). Frankallows for internal differences along lines of generation or gender (e.g. pp. IOO-OI, 295-96), but he could have moved further from what remains too monolithic a view of the 'peasantry'. There is no detailed considerationof the typicalityof Riazan, the province fromwhich most of the archivalexamples come. The I892 famine and the I905 revolutionin itsmost cataclysmic incarnation set the mood of doom in Frank's late tsarist countryside.Suchwiderdevelopmentsasthegrowthofthe railways,education and the popular press, consumerism, migration, military service and the zemstva make only marginal appearances. Any bigger conclusions about the legal systemin the countrysideremainprematurewithoutconsiderationof the whole area of civillaw (especiallyregardingland). Frankprovidesa lot of new evidence about the volost'court but while, in places, he seems to accept its importance, elsewherehe reports seeminglywith more enthusiasm -that the peasantsavoided it (comparepp. 56-57, 63-64, 72 with...

The State and the Associational Order of the Economy: The Institutionalization of Cartels and Trade Associations in 1931–45 Japan

The existing literature on the impact of the state on the associational order has emphasized the state's concern on the implications of the associational order to the public goods and the role of the associational order as a policy tool of the state. However, few studies have investigated what particular characters of the state shape the pattern of the associational order. Through a historical analysis, this study highlights three important factors related to the state that contributed to the the rise of the associational order in Japan during the Great Depression and World War II. First, the shift of the state preference from protecting the liberties of private enterprises toward maintaining political stability in economic crisis and controlling resource allocation in war was the ultimate driving force behind the rise of associational order. Second, the constitutional order of the Japanese state, which involves not only the organization, composition, powers, and limitation of the state's executive, legislative, and jurisdictional branches, but also the people's liberties defined by the constitution, was strongly influenced by the continental legal tradition. This structurally shaped the Japanese pattern of the associational order. Third, the institutionalized legal and economic beliefs of property rights provided ideological support to the rise of the associational order.

Making Peasants Backward: Agricultural Cooperatives and the Agrarian Question in Russia, 1861-1914 by Yanni s> Kotsonis (review)

REVIEWS I65 well-oiledwithbooze) and tumultuousproceedings;thedutiesof local officials, the administrationofjustice (understandablycorrupt,and inclined to deferto private justice in cases of rustling), and relationships of both amity and consanguinity,religiousdifferences,propertyand the statusof women. Some interestingpoints emerge: the early practice, reportedby Rigel'man (Istoriia odonskom kazachestve, I778) about drowningbabies (ofwhich O'Rourke is sceptical); the strength of friendship ties; the effectiveness of concerted resistenceto government -as when the Cossacksthwartedthe government's attempt to introduce the zemstvo. That they retained a measure of autonomy, however, was as much due to the state's concern to minimize its costs as to Cossack resistance; and Cossack egalitarianism survived only because the state intervened to rein in the Cossack elite which had been appropriating communityresources.While Cossacksfoughtall comersduringthe CivilWar, their collective stand against the state, whatever its ideological complexion, was based, not on emerging nationalism, but on traditionalcollectivism and esprit decorps which the tsariststatehad itselfhelped to preserveand promote. Department ofHistory PHILIP LONGWORTH McGillUniversity, Montreal Kotsonis, Yanni. MakingPeasantsBackward: Agricultural Cooperatives and the Agrarian Question in Russia,i86i -I9I4. Macmillan, Basingstoke and London, and St Martin's Press, New York, 1999. X+ 245 pp. Notes. Bibliography.Index. 742.50. IN 1914, between a quarter and a third of all peasant households in the Russian Empire belonged to agriculturalcooperatives. Through them they saved and borrowed money, jointly processed and marketed their produce (dairycooperativeswere the most common), and bought equipmentandother goods. The cooperative movement began in the aftermathof the abolition of serfdom,but did not takeoffuntilthe earlytwentiethcentury,especiallyin the years between 1905 and I914. Cooperativeswere 'the only institutionalmass movement to encompass all estates [sosloviia] on a voluntarybasis' (p. i). It is surprising,therefore,that the cooperative movement has received ratherless attention from historianswritingin Englishthan other aspectsof ruralRussia in this period. Thus, Yanni Kotsonis's monograph is a welcome addition to the literature. The leaders and activists of the cooperative movement came almost exclusivelyfrom educated 'society'(obshchestvo), and believed themselvesto be 'enlightened', 'rational'and 'civilized',in contrastto the people (narod), whom they considered 'benighted', 'irrational' and, above all, 'backward'.It was these perceived differencesin cultural'levels'that informed the participation of educated Russians in the cooperative movement, and their conviction in their abilityto 'transforma population that they believed could not conceive of transformingitself' (p. 95). The attitude of some professionalagronomistsis conveyed by a quotation fromAleksandrN. Chelintsev:'Allin all, the agronomistshouldknownot only the demandsof thepopulation itself,but alsothose of which it isnot conscious, i66 SEER, 79, I, 200I those which exist but are accessible only when the specialist-agronomist uncovers them. The agronomist... should know more than what peasants as non-specialistsin economic and organizationalanalysis -have to say.The agronomist should have his own lighthouse [.. .] visible to the agronomist, but perhapsnot visibleto others'(p. I03). The experiencesof earlycooperativesservedto confirmeducated Russians' stereotypesof peasants. Some peasantsused money they had borrowed from cooperativeloan associations,ostensiblyto investin equipment,to fundvillage celebrations, buy consumer goods and pay their taxes. They then borrowed more to repay their initial loans. In the end they had to turn to local money lenders, whom the associations were supposed to supplant, to repay their loans. In othercases, alltoo predictably,villagemoney lendersborrowedfrom loan associationsand then lent the money, at much higherratesof interest,to othervillagers. On the other hand, not all cooperative activists lived up to their selfperceptions . When S. P. Fridolin took up a post as an agronomist in St Petersburgprovince, he lecturedthe peasantson botanical classifications,but was unable to name any of vegetables they grew. He persevered. He used coloured chartsto teach them the 'correct'way to delivercalves (while trying to conceal his revulsion about the thought of seeing real cows giving birth). He set up a model farm which, unfortunately,failed. The peasants told him not to worry about them any more. 'Allthese occurrences', he noted, 'acted destructivelyon my spiritualcondition' (p. II 3). The main focus of the book, however, is not such conflictsof cultureor how cooperatives operated (or did not operate) in the villages. Rather, Kotsonis engages mostly in a careful, at times painstaking,analysis of discussionsand debates inside educated society, between and among government officials, zemstvo nobles, and professional agronomists, about the best ways to foster ruraldevelopment. A recurringtheme is the issue of whetherpeasantsshould be allowed to...

Contemplating the Communication State

REPORTING THE NATION'S BUSINESS: PRESS-GOVERNMENT RELATIONS DURING THE LIBERAL YEARS, 1935-- 1957. Patrick H. Brennan. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1994. THE CULTURAL INDUSTRIES IN CANADA: PROBLEMS, POLICIES AND PROSPECTS. Ed. Michael Dorland. Toronto: James Lorimer and Company, 1996. RADIO CANADA INTERNATIONAL: VOICE OF A MIDDLE POWER. James L. Hall. Lansing, MI: Michigan State University Press, 1997. CLASH OF IDENTITIES: ESSAYS ON MEDIA, MANIPULATION, AND POLITICS OF THE SELF. Ed. James Littleton. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1996. REWIND AND SEARCH: CONVERSATIONS WITH THE MAKERS AND DECISION-MAKERS OF CBC TELEVISION DRAMA. Mary Jane Miller. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1996. A CANADA OF LIGHT. B.W. Powe. Toronto: Somerville House, 1997. FROM POLITICS TO PROFIT: THE COMMERCIALIZATION OF CANADIAN DAILY NEWSPAPERS, 1890-1920. Minko Sotiron. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-- Queen's University Press, 1997. Marshall McLuhan's reflections on the social influence of electronic media have been with us long enough that it is possible to forget their intellectual sources. McLuhan, a devoted reader of Harold Innis, developed further Innis's ideas of the social uses of and time and then gave them popular currency. His project was made possible in part because of a shift in the nature of academic work since Innis had taken up a canoe paddle to gather primary evidence about the Canadian fur trade. McLuhan believed that electronic access to information was as much for the use of scholars as for anyone else. The metaphors for which he became famous were laid over broad surveys of data, ideas and traditions that Innis simply did not have the time or resources to assemble. If Innis spent a lifetime kindling, stoking and tending the flames of a few influential ideas, McLuhan sent them up hourly like flares. There is nothing covert about these intellectual connections. In his introduction to Innis's Empire and Communication, McLuhan indirectly acknowledged that the senior theorist had been the first to describe the relations between media and social structure: [Harold Innis] never ceases to point to the action of visual or literate culture in commanding space, while stressing the fact that command over territorial usually goes with neglect of time, tradition, and stability.1 It was Innis, not McLuhan, who described in empirical detail the historical associations among states whose media were towards either time or space. States concerned with media biased towards time (such as parchment, clay or stone) were more likely to be characterised by a decentralised system of government, with relatively hierarchical social institutions. States that used media biased towards (papyrus and paper, for example) were characteristically more centralised in their governing structures, preferring less hierarchical social institutions. The practical combination and use of the relative biases of media helped account for the social origins of empires. After Innis, Canadianists and communications scholars were set on a track of mutual interests. The state's concern to bind space through the construction of a railway had been followed by ambiguous social outcomes. The transportation system that had been justified in the language of establishing national sovereignty was used, paradoxically, to transport American goods westward. In a development that Innis seemed to anticipate, the decision to create a national broadcasting system, along with other cultural policies, held a similarly contradictory prospect. Of all the developed nations, Canada has been the most eager to reserve a role for government in developing a national culture, yet few nations remain as politically and economically dependent on another nation for their cultural symbols. After Innis, Canadian culture (media content, if you like) could never again be seriously considered without a recognition of the influence of American media channels on that culture. …

The emergence of the UK auditor resignation legislation

This paper examines the emergence of the legislation relating to auditor resignation which now forms part of the United Kingdom's Companies Act 1985. It is argued that the legislation is best understood as part of the complex relationship between the profession and the state and the state's attempts to promote public confidence in a capitalist economy. Two case studies are provided to show that the legislation was conditioned by the state's concern to promote London as an international financial centre and strengthen perceptions of auditor independence.

'Compensatory Legitimation' in Greek Educational Policy: An explanation for the abortive educational reforms in Greece in comparison with those in France

This article examines the political dynamics of planning and implementing educational reforms in Greece and makes comparisons with those in France. It argues that, as in the case of France, the notion of the state's concern for 'compensatory legitimation' of its authority provides a more adequate theoretical tool for explaining the long series of abortive educational reforms in Greece than the ones employed so far by Greek sociologists and historians of education. Furthermore, by comparing the strategies for compensatory legitimation employed in the two countries, the article reaches the conclusion that in Greece, whilst the invocation of legal and constitutional norms is very old and common, the use of expertise and the invocation of a discourse of participation are very recent and limited compared with France.

Citizenship, Social Rights, and the Ethnic State: The Case of Structural Discrimination against Arab Children in Israel

In a world of nation states, citizenship, or full membership of the social and political community, has a three-fold relationship to the supply and demand of public welfare. First, in the liberal tradition that society exists to serve its members, citizenship offers moral justification for the state's concern for individual citizens (Harris, 1987; Jordan, 1989). Second, since citizenship confers a form of equality of status on members of the community (Marshall, 1963), it must be assumed that the state university applies to these members whatever distributive standards it adopts (Macedo, 1990). Finally, and as a consequence of the other two relationships, citizenship is one of the primary bases for claims on the economic resources of the state (King & Waldron, 1988; Barry, 1990, p. 4).

IS THERE NO BALM IN GILEAD?–BIBLICAL INTERTEXT IN THE HANDMAID'S TATLE

'Tu crois que c'est l'oiseau qui est libre. Tu te trompes; c'est la fleur...'1 says Jacques Derrida in one of his essays. Freedom is asserted in the cycle of defying and accepting one's roots. The Handmaid's Tale is haunted by the echo of cultural origins, as manifest via the insiduous presence of biblical images in the text. Rooted in the English language legacy of the 'Great Code', Atwood's book attempts to destroy these roots via the demonic misrepresentation of Judaic-Christian religion. In the dystopic world con jured up in The Handmaid's Tale, the author uses the possibilities of distortion to the full, thereby pointing to the dangers lurking in the process of institutionalization of the sacred text. The role of the Bible in the state depicted in The Handmaid's Tale is ambiguous. Locked in a special wooden box, it becomes a totem of the totalitarian system in every house. At the same time, it is 'an incendiary device', available only to the initiated; others are forbidden to read it. Oflred, the main character comments on this situation in a revealing way: 'who knows what we'd make of it, if we ever got our hands on it?'2 The Bible is a trapped text turned into a lethal instrument because the regime makes it generate oppressive laws. Everyday life in the state is based on principles whose authors claim that they follow the biblical model. The society fosters male domination and female object status, which is sanctioned by the patriarchal history of Jacob/Israel and by Paul's First Letter to Timothy. 'Let the woman learn her subjection' marks the crucial moment in the wedding ceremony. The long list of injunctions is rounded off with: 'she shall be saved by child-bearing', which points to the only acceptable vocation of women in Atwood's Gilead. The institution of surrogate motherhood is the state's main concern because of the plummeting birth rate in the families of the elite. The relationships within apparent triangles are to imitate the Jacob, Rachel, Bilhah arrangement, triggered off by Rachel's infertility crisis. In fact, this model is often displaced by the Sarah/Hagar conflict, when a handmaid happens to incur her mistress's displeasure. She may be sent off to the colonies, the equivalent of inhospitable wilderness with no merciful Yahvist

Fuzzy Set Theory and U.S. Arms Transfers: Modeling the Decision-Making Process

This paper has three main objectives: (1) to develop a fuzzy set model of arms export decision making; (2) to describe how the optimal arms strategy of an exporter for a particular importer can be derived from the model; and (3) to test the model by predicting the transfer strategies of the United States for a random sample of prospective importers. The exporter's optimal strategy for a given importer is derived from a fuzzy set of countries in the import region that are important to the exporter and several fuzzy sets representing the exporter's utilities for its arms options. The tests conducted show the model to have considerable promise. Its predictive accuracy exceeds the success rates of two null models; it captures the policymaking for different transfer strategies; and it applies to importers in several regions. The model also outperforms a comparable expected-utility model, which is especially significant given the differences between the fuzzy and expected-utility approaches on the subject of decision-making imprecision. This paper is a preliminary examination of the applicability of fuzzy set theory to arms transfer decision making. It has three basic purposes: (1) to develop a fuzzy set model of the process through which an arms exporting country selects a transfer strategy for a prospective importer; (2) to present a method for deriving the exporter's optimal strategy in any arms trade setting; and (3) to test the model by comparing its ability to predict the policy choices of the United States for Third World importers with the predictive capabilities of two expected-utility models. The comparisons of the fuzzy and expected-utility models are particularly important because of the different ways in which the two modeling approaches contend with the issue of policymaking imprecision. Both kinds of models acknowledge that imprecision affects the strategy selection process; however, while the two expected-utility models ascribe imprecision to decisionmaker uncertainty, the fuzzy set model attributes it to the intrinsic fuzziness of key concepts in the decision problem. Comparing the performances of the expected-utility and fuzzy models should indicate whether uncertainty or fuzziness is more prominent in the arms trade process. There are a number of simplifying assumptions that facilitate the development of the fuzzy set model. Among these is the standard premise that the deliberative process is a rational, utility-maximizing enterprise conducted by a collective decision-making unit known as the state. The model also assumes that the utilities which the state seeks to maximize reflect the state's concern about its relations with all politically important countries of the arms import region. The

HUNGARIAN URBANIZATION AND SOCIALIST IDEOLOGY

This paper addresses the extent to which urbanization in Hungary has fulfilled planning ideology. In particular, aspects of overall urban systems and regional development, industrialization, housing, and features of the so-called socialist are examined. Results indicate that although the urban system has become more balanced in recent years, marked disparities exist in the regional pattern of city growth rates, trends of industrialization, and in the provision of housing. Furthermore, the cities have not met all expectations. Socialism appears to be producing a fundamentally new-though still contradictory-process of urbanization based on the State's concern for efficiency rather than equity.

Au Maroc : sharifisme citadin, charisme et historiographie

Négligence révélatrice d'une certaine insouciance méthodologique à l'égard de l'historiographie traditionnelle marocaine, la littérature généalogique constitue un secteur particulièrement négligé par la recherche moderne. Dans sa compilation magistrale sur l'historiographie des dynasties sharifiennes, Lévi- Provençal abordait la généalogie (ansāb) comme faisant partie du genre biographique. Il insistait sur son abondance et sur ses liens avec la littérature hagiographique (manāqib). Les généalogies rebutaient, elles étaient le produit du sharifisme qui incitait les lettrés à composer « ces listes de noms qui peuvent sembler à peu près sans objet » ‘ et dont la lecture ne valait l'effort patient que dans la perspective d'éventuelles « bribes d'histoire », véritables accidents du texte.

The Regents College Teaching Fellowships

SECOND in the nation, both in the number of students enrolled in institutions of higher education and in the number of residents attending institutions of higher education, New York State has long been aware of the importance of qualified college teachers. In I958, a program of Regents College Teaching Fellowships was inaugurated as one approach to the problem of increasing the supply of competent faculty members. Recently, the program has been formally evaluated. Since New York's policy of awarding fellowships to prospective college teachers is the only one of its kind in the country, the state's experience with the program may be of considerable value to others interested in the role of state government in raising, or at least maintaining, the quality of college faculties. Several developments in recent years indicate the need for increased numbers of qualified college teachers. The most obvious of these is the progression of the large postwar generation from high school to college. In addition, advances in knowledge and the growing sophistication of American technology make higher education a necessity for increasing numbers of today's young people. In planning for the needs of higher education, then, a state must consider not only the growing numbers of young people of college age but also the increasing rate of college enrollment. These two developments alone would justify a state's concern for maintaining the quality of college faculties in the face of increasing demands from its citizens for higher education. Two other considerations, however, affect the state. First, the availability of high-quality institutions of higher education is of increasing importance to many types of industry. In order to obtain contracts for highly specialized products, industries need the resources of academic knowledge which the universities supply. In addition, employees are often attracted by opportunities for continued education for themselves and their families. To com-