Position Of State Research Articles

Judicial Review of Customs Billing in Bankrupt Debtor

Research aims to determine the position privilege of Indonesian Customs and Excise to be fulfilled first thanother debts, Indonesian Customs and Excise’s as a Preferred Creditor for bonded zone companies that havebankrupt and define effectiveness of the confiscation process as the Commercial Court Decision on bondedzone companies that have assets outside Indonesia. Research method that is being used is juridical normativemethod. The results showed that Indonesian Customs and Excise position as preferred creditor remained inaccordance with the Customs Regulations. However along with the breakthroughs in legal issues and legaldevelopments, the state's position as the preferred creditor is no longer a priority. Legal issues arising relatedto the implementation of confiscation of debtors who have assets abroad will be constrained by the principleof state sovereignty which can impact on the portion of Indonesian Customs and Excise’s debt collectionobligations. Based on the results of the study it was concluded that Indonesian Customs and Excise has thepreferential right to fulfill bankruptcy debtors even with the shift in priority payments by labor wages, so theeffort that must be done is to mitigate risks before bankruptcy and the maximum collection. The universalprinciple in implementing bankruptcy decisions will make it difficult for the execution of debtor assets outsideof Indonesian jurisdiction.

The position of the State in the international system from the perspective of major schools of thought in international relations

The Study is based on the state as one of the main pillars in international politics. In additions, it tackles its position in the international order from the major schools perspectives in international relations, Especially, these schools differ in the status and priorities of the state according to its priorities, also, each scholar has a different point of view. The research is dedicated to providing a future vision of the state's position in the international order in which based on the vision of the major schools in international relations.

Status, Stratified Rights, and Accommodation in International Relations

AbstractDenied status claims can produce serious interstate conflict and accommodation may thus be an important means of avoiding conflict with rising and reemerging status seekers such as China and Russia. But accommodation is an underdeveloped concept. This article draws on scholarship about recognition and hierarchy to propose a novel means of understanding status accommodation: as behavior that sends signals to status seekers about the validity of claims to stratified rights. This framework implies that acts that signal status denial (and thus cause conflict over status) may be driven by three broad kinds of processes: anxiety about a state's position in the world; incompatibility between nonstatus interests and claims to status-implicated rights; and fears about the implications of status accommodation for the validity of discourses and ideas that produce both international and domestic order. These dynamics—especially the latter two—may be linked to domestic political mechanisms and concerns in ways that analysts do not fully appreciate. I illustrate the framework by examining the forces that drove the United States to deny Japanese claims to equal status during the decades before World War II.

Music for International Solidarity: Performances of Race and Otherness in the German Democratic Republic

AbstractCentral to the official identity of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) was the state's positioning of itself as the antifascist and anti-colonial other to West Germany. This claim was supported by the GDR's extensive programme of international solidarity, which was targeted at causes such as the anti-apartheid movement in South Africa. A paradox existed, however, between the vision of a universal proletariat that underpinned the discourse of solidarity and the decidedly more exclusive construct of socialist identity that was fostered in the GDR itself. In this article, I explore some of the processes of othering that were embedded in solidarity narratives by focusing on two quite contrasting musical outputs that were produced in the name of solidarity: the LPKämpfendes Vietnam, which was released on the Amiga record label in 1967, and the Deutsche Staatsoper's 1973 production of Ernst Hermann Meyer's anti-apartheid opera,Reiter der Nacht.

ФИНАНСОВАЯ ГЛОБАЛИЗАЦИЯ КАК ГАРАНТ ЭФФЕКТИВНОСТИ ЭКОНОМИКИ СТРАНЫ (Financial Globalization as a Guarantor of the Effectiveness of the Country's Economy)

Russian Abstract: В статье автором указывается, что одной из основных тенденций развития мировой экономики последних лет является процесс глобализации. Поэтому, проведение взвешенной политики в области государственных и частных заимствований, своевременное принятие мер, необходимых для укрепления позиции государства в управлении образовавшейся задолженностью государственного сектора экономики и регулирования внешней задолженности частного сектора — важный фактор, обеспечивающий макроэкономическую стабильность страны, так как чрезмерный внешний долг негативно отражается на кредитоспособности страны в целом. English Abstract: In the article, the author points out that one of the main trends in the development of the world economy in recent years is the process of globalization. Therefore, the implementation of a balanced policy in the field of public and private borrowing, the timely adoption of measures necessary to strengthen the state's position in managing the arrears of the public sector of the economy and regulation of external debt of the private sector is an important factor ensuring the country's macroeconomic stability, as excessive external debt is negatively reflected on the creditworthiness of the country as a whole.

THE STATE POSITION AS A PREFERENT CREDITOR OF THE TAX DEBT IN BANKRUPTCY

Bankruptcy is a decision issued by the Court that resulted in a general confiscation of all the wealth owned and the wealth that will be owned by the debtor in the future. The State has the preference right to tax debt on the property of the Taxpayer. This means that the position of the state as a preferent creditor who is declared to have prior rights over the property of the Taxpayer to be auctioned in public. The state's preference by taxpayer repayment is in fact not as easy as one might imagine, there are some problems. The purpose of article writing is to know the position of the State as a preferent creditor for the tax debt of the taxpayer declared bankrupt and know the obstacles of the State as a preferent creditor to the repayment of tax debt on taxpayers declared bankrupt. Provisions on the State's prior rights include the principal taxes, administrative sanctions in the form of interest, penalties, increases, and tax collection fees. The weakness in the regulation creates an impediment to the application of the State as a preferential creditor who has the preference right, namely the formulation of the preference right itself that is unclear about the notion of the state's position as the preferent creditor, in addition to the overlapping regulation of the preference right (preferent creditor) The Civil Code, the Law on General Taxation and Bankruptcy Laws and Postponement of Debt Payment Obligations which not only the State as the Preference rights holder's creditors.

Embedded Revisionism: Networks, Institutions, and Challenges to World Order

AbstractHow do institutions shape revisionist behavior in world politics? Applying a network-relational approach to revisionist states and challenges to institutional order, I conceive of institutions as networks—as patterns of ongoing social transactions in which revisionists are embedded. Revisionist behavior is shaped by how a state is positioned within this existing network of institutions. A state's position significantly influences the material and cultural resources the state can deploy in pursuit of its aims, and thus the revisionist's strategy. Focusing on two measures of network position—access and brokerage—I propose four ideal types of revisionists and their strategies in the international system: integrated revisionists, who are likely to pursue institutional engagement; bridging revisionists, who will seek rule-based revolution; isolated revisionists, who prefer to exit the institutional system; and rogue revisionists, who have few resources at hand, and thus ultimately must resort to hegemonic violence. I test these ideal types in four cases of revisionists and institutional orders: Russia in the 1820s; Prussia in the 1860s; the Soviet Union in the early Cold War; and Japan in the 1920s and 1930s.

“They Were Treating Me Like a Dog”: The Colonial Continuum of State Harms Against Indigenous Children in Detention in the Northern Territory, Australia

The analytic lens of state crime can inform our understanding of the mistreatment of Indigenous children and young people in settler-colonial state institutions. Based on a critical analysis of the proceedings and findings of the Royal Commission into the Protection and Detention of Children in the Northern Territory (2016–2017), this article identifies state crimes of torture and abuse inflicted on Indigenous children in carceral and non-carceral institutions. These crimes breach international human rights laws but are more than a set of individual harms. They are also part of a pattern of ongoing structural violence that reasserts the settler-colonial state's sovereign position. This article identifies that the Royal Commission itself is complicit in reproducing state sovereignty. It argues that redressing state crimes against Indigenous children requires challenging the structural injustice of the settler-colonial state.

Approaches to civil society in authoritarian states: The case of China

AbstractBoth civil society in China and research on Chinese civil society have developed profoundly over the last three decades. Research on Chinese civil society can be classified into two categories: a structure‐oriented approach and an agency‐oriented approach. Both approaches acknowledge the state's dominant position in restricting the political space for civil society engagement, but they differ in their understanding of state–civil society relations. A key concern within the structure‐oriented approach is to analyze how the autonomy of civil society organizations is shaped by their structural position vis‐à‐vis the state. Agency‐oriented scholars, on the other hand, reject the analytical focus on structural autonomy. Instead, they build on a more nuanced understanding of the authoritarian yet nonmonolithic context in China and analyze how civil society organizations develop specific strategies to be able to operate within their restricted political space. In particular, agency‐oriented scholars have analyzed two ways in which organizations exercise agency: by strategically developing formal or informal ties with state actors and by bringing their engagement into the public sphere to raise awareness and express their voice. What could be further developed in the agency‐oriented approach is, however, a deeper understanding of the political dimensions of civil society agency.

Sacrifice and Rebirth: The Legacy of the Last Habsburg War by Mark Cornwall and John Paul Newman

Reviewed by: Sacrifice and Rebirth: The Legacy of the Last Habsburg War by Mark Cornwall and John Paul Newman John E. Fahey Mark Cornwall and John Paul Newman, Sacrifice and Rebirth: The Legacy of the Last Habsburg War. Austrian and Habsburg Studies 18. New York: Berghahn, 2016. 295 pp. How a war ends is at least as important as how it begins. There is no lack of excellent recent scholarship on the start and course of World War I, which should be matched by work on the aftermath. Mark Cornwall and John Paul Newman's Sacrifice and Rebirth: The Legacy of the Last Habsburg War is an insightful look at the many varied veterans' groups, commemorative events and societies, political ramifications, and memorials in the former Habsburg lands. The book offers valuable perspectives on the individuals and groups most affected by the war, that is, veterans and their families who remained active in commemorative groups. Memorial activity naturally varied widely between successor states and became acutely tied up in post-Habsburg political narratives, making the memory of Austria-Hungary's unusually fragmented among the newly expanded, contracted, formed, and divided countries of east central Europe. While there have been books and articles on individual communities or nations, Sacrifice and Rebirth offers useful comparisons [End Page 149] by exploring the entire post-Habsburg world. Cornwall and Newman and their contributors find enough commonalities to argue that a shadow of the Habsburg mental space lingered on well after the war. Cornwall and Newman divide the postwar legacy of Austria-Hungary geographically between places where the war was seen as a defeat (Austria, Hungary, the Sudetenland, and Transylvania), a victory (Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia and Romania), and a mixed state—areas annexed by new or expanded victor states (Croatia, Slovenia, Polish Galicia, and Tyrol). In all regions, individual wartime experience had to be adapted and molded into broader narratives, an exceptionally difficult task for countries like Yugoslavia or Poland, made up of former and current enemies. Catherine Edgecombe and Maureen Healy examine perhaps the most fundamental questions of interwar Austria and the former Habsburg Empire more generally. Virtually everyone in the Austrian First Republic had sacrificed in some way during the war, but for what? While interwar commemorative ceremonies and organizations offered a variety of lenses to find meaning in wartime suffering, including "fatherland," "God and religion," or just "comradeship," no interpretation was universally or even widely accepted. Naturally, this lack of a unified narrative was accompanied by a sharp rise in paramilitary and revanchist groups in Austria and Hungary, as discussed by Robert Gerwarth. In contrast to defeated Austria and Hungary, the "victor states" were usually able to create a somewhat coherent narrative of struggle and reward. This was only possible by ignoring large minority populations and producing approved memorabilia. For example, the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes (Yugoslavia as of 1929) exhibited hundreds of Serbian wartime photographs from the Balkan Wars and World War I. Melissa Bokovoy's chapter examining the exhibits and accompanying photo albums shows how the Serbian ideal of militarized manhood was first created and then spread, as were narratives of wartime suffering and solidarity. This naturally prioritized the Serbian experience of war and removed Croat and Slovene memories from the national pantheon. Czechoslovakia had a similarly conflicted experience of war. Nancy M. Wingfield's chapter on interwar commemoration of the Battle of Zborov illustrates the new state's difficult position. Zborov was a minor engagement [End Page 150] during the Kerensky Offensive; as the first major action by Czechoslovak Legions, it became a key part in the new national pantheon. Of course, the accepted version overlooked the loyal Czech and Slovak forces fighting for the Habsburgs and instead focused on approved Czech soldiers and leaders to the exclusion of much of the rest of the multinational state. Katya Kocurek's chapter complements Wingfield's nicely by looking at the political activity of Legionary veterans' associations, particularly the more right-wing Independent Union of Czechoslovak Legionaries. Other countries completely overwrote the memory of World War I. For example, millions of Poles served in World War I in the armies of Austria-Hungary, Germany, and Russia. However, these victims and...

Food Regime Analysis in a Post‐Neoliberal Era: Argentina and the Expansion of Transgenic Soybeans

This paper uses the food regime literature to analyse the political and economic relations promoting the expansion of soybeans in Argentina following the post‐neoliberal turn in the early 2000s. Continuities of the agrarian expansion from the neoliberal to post‐neoliberal model highlight the state's role in supporting a neoliberal food regime. Neoregulation in the post‐neoliberal agenda continues to favour increased production of transgenic food over ecological and human‐health considerations. Moreover, the emergence of new corporate and transnational actors has contributed to a new form of corporate‐agrarian governance premised on biotechnology. First, a food regime lens is used to describe the expansion of transgenic soybeans in Argentina, followed by an analysis of planning documents to show the state's position in reproducing neoliberal discourses and policies favouring the expansion of agriculture. The conclusion discusses the utility of food regime analysis for explaining the new forms of agricultural governance in Argentina.

Parahistory: History at Play in Russia and Beyond

This essay examines a variety of popular engagements with history made possible by new technologies, namely the Internet and video games. We term these nondisciplinary appropriations of history parahistorical. Parahistory is an international phenomenon, but it is articulated differently in various national contexts. Russian parahistorical pursuits provide insight into both the phenomenon at large and the peculiarities of the Russian state's and population's attitudes toward history and historical memory. On the basis of a contextualized survey of Russian parahistory, we argue that historians cannot afford to ignore these uses of history beyond the academy which can teach us a great deal about the nature and broader implications of our discipline.

The relevance of positional risks in creating development strategy: The case of public enterprises

Public enterprises have considerable economic and political importance in many countries around the world. The state is largely involved in infrastructure sectors of strategic importance for the development of the national economy. State-owned enterprises often significantly contribute to GDP and total employment. Also, we should not overlook their effect on the operating and financial performance of companies that do not belong to the public sector. However, a number of research studies have shown that the state does not perform its ownership function in an effective manner and that state-owned enterprises are usually less successful than private companies. The same holds true for Serbian public enterprises. Inadequate management, lack of transparency in their operations and absence of an efficient monitoring system lead to irrational use of resources and huge losses. Serbian public enterprises have become one of the generators of public debt, mainly due to the policy of government guaranties for their loans. Substantial subsidies coming directly from the budget or indirectly through unpaid obligations to other public enterprises, coverage of their losses and write-offs of their debt place a heavy burden on the state budget. Therefore, reform of public enterprises is not a matter of choice, but an urgent need. The financial problems of public enterprises in Serbia are so deeply embedded that their ignorance could undermine the reform processes and implementation of the strategy for economic development of Serbia or its results might fall below expectations. In this paper we put special emphasis on the quantification of inherited risks. In the first and second part we point out particular characteristics of public enterprises and their importance in some national economies. In the third part of the paper we deal with dimensioning of operating and financial risks with the aim of shedding some light on the scope of the problem, not only from the perspective of public enterprises, but also considering a negative impact of these risks on the performance of the overall economy. In the fourth part the focus is on the problems of poor quality of corporate governance, need for fundamental changes in the state's attitude toward public enterprises, and means of enhancing corporate governance. Finally, in the last part of the paper we draw attention to potential manipulations in financial statements and their consequences as well as to a lack of the government's commitment to raising the quality of financial reporting in general.

Justifying Communal Violence, Recuperating Militancy: Sunil Ariyaratne's Sarungale and Gamini Fonseka's Nomiyena Minisun

This paper examines two Sinhala films, Sunil Ariyaratne's Sarungale (1979) and Gamini Fonseka's Nomyena Minisun (1994), that demonstrate the ambivalence of the Sinhala socio-political establishment towards the Tamil other. However, while Ariyaratne's ambivalence is discriminatory and victimizes the Tamil minority, Fonseka's recuperation of Tamil militancy provides the potential for change in a post-conflict society. InSarungale, Ariyaratneemploys a perspective in which intra-ethnic violence (caste-based violence amongst Hindu Tamils) is juxtaposed with inter-ethnic, communal violence between Sinhalese and Tamils. In so doing, the film justifies anti-Tamil violence experienced by Nadaraja, the Tamil protagonist. However, by casting GaminiFonseka, an icon in Sinhala cinema in the role of Nadaraja, and by using the popular genre of melodrama, Ariyaratne elicits the viewer's sympathy towards the victimization of Tamils. Indeed, it is this type of vacillation towards Tamils, and by extension the Tamil national question, since the 1950s that gives rise to Tamil militancy and the armed conflict of the 1980s. Regarding Sri Lanka's armed conflict, much critical attention has been paid to the state's violent suppression of resistance, and considerably less scholarship is devoted to the state's complex relationship to Tamil militancy. Indeed, the reincarnation of former combatants as new stakeholders in the government has challenged static definitions of militants, an identity often conflated with terrorists. At the same time, however, the state has made arbitrary distinctions between militants by requiring rehabilitation of some cadres and not others. My argument, then, consists of ·two claims: on the one hand, the ambivalence of Sarungale illustrates the discriminatory power of majoritarian politics evident even in its progressive aesthetic expressions. Indeed, it is this form of discriminatory power disguised as humanism that leads to total war. On the other hand, NomiyenaMinisun represents a productive form of ambivalence as the film captures the state's mutable position vis-a-vis· the Tamil militant movement, an inconsistent logic that gives a faint ray of hope for post-war reconciliation in Sri Lanka.

‘As lief to the gallows as go to the Irish wars’: Human Rights and the Abuse of the Elizabethan Soldier in Ireland, 1600–1603

AbstractThis essay explores the treatment of the Elizabethan soldier in Ireland under lord deputy Mountjoy from 1600 to 1603, the years of the most atrocious violence of the conflict. Coming at the experiences of the ordinary soldier in these years from the perspective of human rights forces the historian to a set of rather uncomfortable conclusions. For while many of these soldiers inflicted horrific violence on the native non‐combatant population, their own experiences were determined by a set of forces and practices that left them vulnerable to some of the most extreme abuses of the age. While this essay will address the question of human rights and the implications and applications of the terminology for Elizabeth England, it will do so within the context of a war that abused the ordinary soldier as much as it abused the non‐combatant Irish. Yet the abuse of these men is worth re‐examining as it provides us with an insight to the state's attitude to the subordinate classes and their basic rights. For in examining the recruitment, equipping and treatment of the ordinary soldiers in the field, we find a brutalized mass whose only option was to endure or flee. A mass whose fundamental rights as subjects of the English crown or indeed as humans were badly abused. They were often masterless men unsuitable for combat and ultimately the victims of ‘social cleansing’, victims of class and coercion. The wretchedness of their conditions of service was thus forced, inevitably downwards, on the helpless non‐combatant Gaelic Irish.

Assets or liabilities? The politics of bank ownership

ABSTRACTBy 2014, there was significant variation across the global economy in the levels of domestic and foreign bank ownership among states. While major emerging and most advanced countries continued to protect domestic control over the bulk of their banking assets, a number of developing and transition economies had opened their banking markets to unprecedentedly high levels of foreign bank ownership. This introduction to a special issue on the politics of bank ownership examines why states have taken such divergent paths, and maps out some of the major consequences of disparate foreign bank ownership levels. The special issue finds that banking sector protectionism against a backdrop of globalization has generated new conflicts and costs for states. Paradoxically, it is the large, powerful countries that are most susceptible to such costs and conflict, in contrast to their more open, if weaker, counterparts. In addition, we find that high levels of foreign bank ownership have not resulted in significant vulnerability for host states, as some scholars had predicted. In some cases, foreign bank ownership can even improve a weak state's power position. Finally, we conclude that states’ varying approaches to banking sector protectionism and openness complicate efforts to supranationalize bank regulation and supervision, exacerbating financial instability.

Our Ancestors, Our Heroes: Saudi Tribal Campaigns to Suppress Historical Docudramas

Scholars of Arab media have explored key aspects of Gulf-Levant media integration in the wake of the privatisation of Arab media over the past several decades. Their studies tend to characterise the controversies that arise from this integration in terms of the relative influence of Islamist or religious values on producers and consumers. Yet behind these Gulf-Levant tensions, this article will argue, there is also a different cultural logic at work, one that engages other dimensions of culture apart from the religious, and concerns the relationship between documentation and authority in a once predominantly nomadic society. This logic was brought to the fore over the Syrian-produced, Gulf-financed Ramadan television series, Finjān al-Damm (‘Cup of Blood’). The Finjān al-Damm controversy speaks to a number of concerns that are crucial for understanding social and political life in the Arabian Peninsula today. These include the nature of censorship in Saudi Arabia, the nature of citizen activism in Saudi Arabia and other Gulf monarchies, and the Saudi state's attitude towards tribalism. Underlying these concerns, the Finjān al-Damm story underscores a new consciousness about the relationship between documentation and authority in societies transitioning from predominantly oral to textual cultures.

“There is Space, and There are Limits”: The Challenge of Teaching Controversial Topics in an Illiberal Democracy

Background/Context Research indicates that across democratic societies, teachers face numerous intellectual and emotional challenges when handling controversial topics in the classroom. Less attention, however, has been paid to how teachers’ willingness to teach controversial topics intersects with political and other societal factors in different sociopolitical milieu and, in particular, in an authoritarian–democratic and culturally diverse state like Singapore. Focus of Study This study focused on constraints to the teaching of controversial topics relating to diversity and the manner in which teachers navigated their personal beliefs amidst the evolving contours of public and official discourses in Singapore. By attending to the intersections of teachers’ beliefs, state policies, and other sociopolitical factors, we aimed to inform scholarship on the teaching of controversial topics and illuminate states’ powers to demarcate the discursive spaces of teachers. Research Design The study adhered to the qualitative case study design. We collected data from interviews that featured various elicitation tasks to describe 35 social studies teachers’ perceptions and practice of controversial issues discussions relating to topics of diversity. Additionally, we drew on policy and curricular documents to portray the evolving contours of public discourse in Singapore. Findings/Results The findings highlight how the participants, influenced largely by state policies, differentiated between topics that were controversial-appropriate and controversial-taboo. In spite of the numerous legal constraints limiting the nature of public discussion of race and politics, the majority of the teachers regarded these topics as controversial-appropriate. There was, conversely, a consensus among the participants that topics related to sexual orientation were controversial-taboo even though there were no similar laws constraining public discussion of this issue. Conclusions/Recommendations This study challenges conventional assumptions about the impact of state-imposed constraints and controls on the teaching of controversial topics in schools. Under some circumstances, state controls and constraints can result in teachers having more freedom to discuss controversial topics because of the clearly demarcated political and social boundaries. However, if the state's position is ambiguous, this may result in a Kafkaesque situation in which teachers become even more conservative in their curriculum decision making due to a heightened sense of uncertainty and insecurity. Ultimately, the study brings to light the nuanced ways that state control and censorship influence the spaces and limits of issues-centered discussion, and underlines the need for research that attends to various social forces that frame the teaching of controversial topics in different democratic settings.

The state's role and position in international trade: A complex network perspective

Based on statistical physics and graph theory, the research paradigm of a complex network, which has sprung up in the last decade, provides us with new global perspective to discuss the topic of international trade. In this paper, we engage in the issue of countries' roles and positions in international trade using the latest complex network theories. On a mid-level structure, countries are classified into three communities that reflect the structure of the “core/periphery” using the weighted extremal optimisation algorithm and the coarse graining process. On a micro-level, countries' rankings are provided with the aid of network's node centralities, which presents world trade as a closed, imbalanced, diversified and multi-polar development. Further, we firstly introduce the improved bootstrap percolation to simulate cascading influences following the breaking down of bilateral trade relations. We find that the breakdown of EU's export relations can more easily form a cascading reaction, which would result in a global collapse of world trade. All the results highlight the important positions of the EU, USA and Japan in the international trade system, which plays a positive role in promoting the world economy.

Governing the Organic Cocoa Network from Ghana: Towards Hybrid Governance Arrangements?

In this paper, we examine the processes of initiation, construction and transformation of the organic cocoa network from Ghana. We address in particular how the state responded to and engaged with civil‐society actors in the organic cocoa network and to what extent state involvement reshaped state–business–civil society relations? While most of the literature argues that globalization and liberalization processes weakened the state's position as key player in the development and management of agro‐food networks, the case of the (organic) cocoa sector in Ghana is often depicted as an exception because of the strong position the state still occupies in it. Employing a global commodity network perspective to analyse the Ghanaian organic cocoa case, this paper demonstrates that although the state is still a major player in the contemporary (organic) cocoa network, some hybrid governance arrangements, involving state, transnational and national NGO networks, and businesses, are emerging. The organic cocoa network also prompted a double process of ‘dis‐ and re‐embedding’ at the local level that helped shape and strengthen the organic cocoa network.