Palestinian State Research Articles

Joe Biden's visit to the Middle East: losses and gains

The article analyzes the US foreign policy in the Middle East in the context of the growing confrontation between the collective West and Russia against the backdrop of the Ukrainian crisis. Particular attention is paid to the results of the visit of US President Joe Biden to Israel, to the West Bank of the Jordan River to the State of Palestine and to Saudi Arabia, which he made in mid-July 2022. The author comes to the conclusion that another attempt by Washington to draw the countries of the region into its behind-the-scenes foreign policy games has failed. The Middle Eastern allies and partners of the United States represented by Israel, the monarchies of the Persian Gulf and other Arab states took a neutral position in relation to the confl ict in Ukraine, and the oil and gas exporting countries did not go for a sharp increase in hydrocarbon supplies to the EU countries and the UK, as he insistently asked Biden. The White House failed to put together a regional anti-Iranian bloc on the basis of the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Persian Gulf (GCC), as the leaders of Qatar, Oman and Iraq are determined to maintain their traditional ties and contacts with Tehran. Moreover, these countries are making mediation eff orts to normalize relations between the Saudi Arabia and Iran, and there are prerequisites for success in this matter. In general, the Arabs do not support the US administration's concept of hegemony in the world and building a unipolar world order in the Middle East. Even with some remaining dependence on the United States and the West as a whole in the fi nancial, economic, military-technical and other fi elds, the Arab countries prefer to pursue an independent policy on key issues of our time, develop a multipolar world, and maintain mutually benefi cial and respectful relations with all states, including China and Russia. The Arab capitals are in no hurry to speed up the rapprochement with the State of Israel, which is imposed by Washington, expecting from its leadership to intensify eff orts to justly resolve the Palestinian problem and liberate the illegally occupied Arab lands. Even the bogey exaggerated by the White House of a common threat to the Middle East from the hypothetical appearance of Iran's nuclear weapons and its expansion in the region cannot persuade the Persian Gulf monarchies and other Arab countries to cooperate with Jerusalem in the military or military-technical fields.

THE ISRAELI‐PALESTINIAN‐JORDANIAN CONFEDERATION ALTERNATIVE

There is an international consensus that the two‐state solution, the establishment of a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza with East Jerusalem as its capital, should be the basis for the resolution of the Israeli‐Palestinian conflict. Given the current right‐wing tendencies within Israeli politics, I ask if the way to break the current impasse in Israeli‐Palestinian relations might be to try to return the Jordanian factor to the equation as Alon Ben‐Meir has recently proposed.

Deliberating the Constitutional Supremacy from Legal Perspective in Palestine

<p>The system of government considers constitutional supremacy in which the freedom of the legislature of parliamentary supremacy relinquishes to the requirements of a constitution. This article examines the constitutional supremacy of basic law from the legal and judicial perspective, particularly concerning the Palestinian situation. In addition, constitutions differentiate according to whether they are codified or not into written constitutions and unwritten constitutions. Besides, constitutions differ in how they are amended into flexible and rigid constitutions. Palestinian Basic Law of 2003 is not explicitly provided with any legal provision or article in the Basic Law about the principle of constitutional supremacy or the supremacy of the basic law. However, some elements and legal provisions or articles could make the Basic Law supreme. The article aims to clarify the decline of the concept of constitutional supremacy or the supremacy of the basic law from the legal and judicial perspective, with particular reference to the Palestinian situation. Moreover, constitutional oversight secured the supremacy of the Basic Law of 2003. These main findings show that the Palestinian Basic Law of 2003 has adopted the principle of supremacy of the Basic Law of 2003 over ordinary laws and subsidiaries within the state of Palestine. The article also emphasises the need to explicitly mention the principle of constitutional supremacy or the supremacy of the basic law by amending the Basic Law of 2003</p>

The Sporting Club Maccabi de Paris in the Interwar Period (1924–1939): The Path of a Zionist Club

The Sporting Club (SC) Maccabi de Paris is both the first longstanding Jewish sports club in France and the most influential. Founded in 1924 by Jews from Eastern Europe and Russia, the club disseminated ‘philanthropic’ Zionism during the interwar period, uniting Jews from different communities around the idea of creating a Jewish State in Palestine. At the time, sport was considered a tool for regenerating bodies to create a ‘new Jewish man’. The club’s leaders fostered the idea of a strong and powerful Jewish people united in Judaism, and the participation of French athletes in the ‘Jewish Olympics’, the Maccabiah Games, represented the culmination of this propaganda. Rooted in cultural history, this article studies the birth and development of the SC Maccabi de Paris from its creation to the beginning of the Second World War.

The impact of political instability on economic development/ Acase study of Palestine compared to international rankings during the years (2010-2021)

The study aimed to examine the impact of political instability in Palestine on economic development in comparison with international classifications during the years (2010-2021). The study followed the descriptive analytical approach, by referring to Palestinian and international reports and statistics, and analyzing them to reach the following results: The existence of a role for political instability and the Israeli occupation in influencing economic growth in Palestine. The existence of economic development in Palestine in spite of all obstacles, and achieving high rates at the global level in its economic development. The existence of growth in the rate of gross domestic product, gross national income and savings, and achieving the State of Palestine has high rates at the global level. There is a growth in the rate of per capita GDP and per capita gross national income. The study also showed the absence of growth in the number of new foreign companies in Palestine. The presence of an increase in the proportion of the labor force participating among individuals 15 A year or more than a year (2010-2021). Decrease in the unemployment rate among participants in the labor force for individuals aged 15 and over (2010-2021). The study came out with a set of recommendations: The need to publish annual and quarterly statistical reports, because of their role in evaluating the level of economic development and taking appropriate decisions. Working to strengthen the resilience of citizens in light of the attacks and obstacles caused by the occupation, because of their role in achieving economic development. The need to work on promoting and encouraging foreign investment in Palestine, because of its role in increasing the level of income and improving the standard of living in Palestine. The need to maintain an advanced level in economic development, and paying attention to all agricultural, tourism and industrial sectors because of their role in increasing output GDP and thus increase the level of per capita GDP.

Changing Attitudes Toward the West Bank in Jordan

Changing Attitudes Toward the West Bank in Jordan Michael Sharnoff (bio) A quarter of a century after King Hussein’s disengagement from the West Bank, and nearly two decades after the signature of the Wadi Arabah Peace Accord with Israel, Jordan’s western border has still not been fixed and the fate of the Palestinian refugees on the East Bank remains uncertain. —Tariq Mreyoud al-Tal1 This quote, expressed by Jordanian scholar Tariq Mreyoud al-Tal probably appears strange to most Westerners and perhaps even non-Jordanian Middle Easterners. Jordan’s boundaries in question refer to its relationship with the West Bank, a landlocked territory bordering Israel and Jordan and home to around 3 million Palestinian Arabs and half a million Israeli Jews. Jordan occupied this land during the 1948 war and subsequently annexed it in 1950. The West Bank became an integral part of Jordan until Israel conquered the land from Jordan during the 1967 war. Despite Israel’s occupation, Jordan continued to assert sovereignty claims on the West Bank until King Hussein severed all legal and administrative ties in 1988 in favor of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). Today, Jordan, along with nearly the entire international community, regards the West Bank as an Israeli-occupied Palestinian territory. The official position of the Hashemite Kingdom supports ending Israeli rule of the West Bank and establishing an independent Palestinian state [End Page 44] there, along with the Gaza Strip and East Jerusalem as its capital. However, despite Jordan’s disengagement from the West Bank, the Hashemite monarchy’s stance obfuscates Jordan’s complex and historical, political, and legal relationship with this territory. Indeed, Jordan’s attitudes toward the West Bank have evolved, as explained by Adnan Abu-Odeh, former political advisor to both King Hussein and King Abdullah II, from an indivisible part of Jordan, to an occupied Jordanian land with Israel, to a territorial dispute with the PLO, and to an occupied Palestinian land.2 Jordan’s disengagement from the West Bank in 1988 and peace treaty with Israel in 1994 sought to affirm that Jordan is not Palestine, that Jordan would not become a substitute Palestinian homeland, and that the PLO was principally responsible to end the occupation and establish an independent state. This article aims to explain the changing attitudes toward the West Bank in Jordan from 1948 until the present. It will expand on Abu-Odeh’s remarks about the fluidity and evolving perceptions of Jordan’s attitude toward the West Bank and explain why some Jordanians espouse views toward the West Bank which challenge official Hashemite policy. In doing so, this article will demonstrate how Jordanian perceptions of the West Bank are influenced by Israeli and Palestinian politics and will assess how attitudes in opposition to official regime policy seek to defend the kingdom’s national security and protect the Palestinian people. Historical Context During World War I, the Allied Powers recognized Britain at the San Remo Conference in April 1920 to serve as the mandatory power in Palestine. The Allies endorsed the establishment of a Jewish national homeland in Palestine based on the Balfour Declaration of November 2, 1917, which would comprise land on both banks of the Jordan River. The League of Nations, the precursor to the United Nations, sanctioned the British Mandate of Palestine in 1922, which remained in effect until 1948. However, in 1921, Britain severed three-fourths of the original Mandate to Abdullah I, son of Hussein bin Ali, Emir of Mecca, based on agreements signed with London before the start of the Great Arab Revolt (1916–1918) against the Ottoman Turks. This new Arab entity became known as Transjordan and comprised territory east of the Jordan River. Transjordan, which gained semi-independence in 1923 and full independence from Britain in 1946, [End Page 45] consisted of vast territory with sparsely populated cities such as Irbid, Salt, Karak, and Ma’an. The ruling Hashemite dynasty governed over a quarter of a million Bedouin and non-Bedouin Muslim Arabs, settled Christian Arabs, and small numbers of Armenian Christians, Druze Arabs, Muslim Circassians, and Muslim Chechens.3 Abdullah I had grand territorial ambitions that Transjordan alone could not satisfy. Coveting a...

“Michael Walzer’s Just War Theory and the 1982 Israel War in Lebanon: Theory and Application”

The article draws on Michael Walzer’s just war theory to assess the conduct of the Lebanon War of 1982 (Operation Peace for Galilee) and argues that according to the underpinning principles of Walzer’s theory, it was an unjust war. Sharon’s war plans, codenamed “Grand Oranim,” were designed to relieve the Lebanese Christian militias of their so-called Palestinian burden by driving the refugees into Jordan where they would presumably bring about a regime change and turn Jordan into a Palestinian state. My analysis focuses on the causes of this war, jus ad bellum, whether it was a war of self-defense, and the means that were employed in its conduct, its jus in bello. Likewise explored and analyzed here are the concepts of proportionality and the treatment of non-combatants.

Urban Particulate Matter Hazard Mapping and Monitoring Site Selection in Nablus, Palestine

Few air pollution studies have been applied in the State of Palestine and all showed an increase in particulate matter concentrations above WHO guidelines. However, there is no clear methodology for selecting monitoring locations. In this study, a methodology based on GIS and locally calibrated low-cost sensors was tested. A GIS-based weighted overlay summation process for the potential sources of air pollution (factories, quarries, and traffic), taking into account the influence of altitude and climate, was used to obtain an air pollution hazard map for Nablus, Palestine. To test the methodology, eight locally calibrated PM sensors (AirUs) were deployed to measure PM2.5 concentrations for 55 days from 7 January to 2 March 2022. The results of the hazard map showed that 82% of Nablus is exposed to a high and medium risk of PM pollution. Sensors’ readings showed a good match between the hazard intensity and PM concentrations. It also shows an elevated PM2.5 concentrations above WHO guidelines in all areas. In summary, the overall average for PM2.5 in the Nablus was 48 µg/m3. This may indicate the effectiveness of mapping methodology and the use of low-cost, locally calibrated sensors in characterizing air quality status to identify the potential remediation options.

How Democracy Can Undermine Peace: The Israeli–Palestinian Case

This study argues that democracy can, at times, undermine a peace process. Israel’s ‘overly’ democratic nature detracted from the potential success of the official peace process, from Oslo to Camp David, since its democratic–bureaucratic system diminished the influence of the moderate public opinion and vote. This argument is examined over two integrated and almost parallel timelines: the official peace process from 1991 to 2000 and Israel’s change in electoral systems from 1992 to 2001. This study is the first to integrate these two processes—negotiations and elections—in a single empirical approach. I conclude that while the Israeli public shifted from a negative to a positive stance toward a Palestinian state, the Israeli government shifted in the opposite direction, from the success of Oslo to the failure of Camp David. Original electoral findings were analyzed after a personal visit to the Israeli Knesset.

Sledgehammer: How Breaking with the Past Brought Peace to the Middle East

Sledgehammer: How Breaking with the Past Brought Peace to the Middle East

Biological and Molecular Characterization of Tomato brown rugose fruit virus (ToBRFV) on Tomato Plants in the State of Palestine

The incidence of Tomato brown rugose fruit virus (ToBRFV) and biological and molecular characterization of the Palestinian isolates of ToBRFV are described in this study. Symptomatic leaf samples obtained from Solanum lycopersicum L. (tomatoes) and Nicotiana tabacum L. (cultivated tobacco) plants were tested for tobamoviruses infection by reverse transcription polymerase chain reaction. Tomato leaf samples collected from Tulkarm and Qalqilia are infected with ToBRFV-PAL with an infection rate of 76% and 72.5%, respectively. Leaf samples collected from Jenin and Nablus were found to be mixed infected with ToBRFV-PAL and Tobacco mosaic virus (TMV) (100%). Sequence analysis of the ToBRFV-PAL genome showed that the net average nucleotide divergence between ToBRFV/F48-PAL strain and the Israeli and Turkish strains was 0.0026398±0.0006638 (±standard error of mean), while it was 0.0033066±0.0007433 between ToBRFV/F42-PAL and these two isolates. In the phylogenetic tree constructed with the complete genomic sequence, all the ToBRFV isolates were clustered together and formed a sister branch with the TMV. The sequenced Palestinian isolates of ToBRFV-PAL shared the highest nucleotide identity with the Israeli ToBRFV isolate suggesting that the virus was introduced to Palestine from Israel. The findings of this study enhance our understanding of the biological and molecular characteristics of ToBRFV which would help in the management of the disease.

Yahudiler Siyonizm’i Hıristiyanlardan mı aldılar?

Zionism, the main ideology of the State of Israel, emerged as an intellectual movement and social movement at the end of the 19th century. While this development is subjectively related to the conditions in the Christian world, it is objectively related to the internal dynamics of Judaism. The exclusion of Jews by Catholics and Orthodox has prevented them from integrating into society, nurtured national consciousness and pushed them to seek salvation. On the other hand, Protestants believed that it is necessary to establish a Jewish state in Palestine for the return of Jesus Christ to the earth and endeavored for this sake since the 17th century, These views and efforts, which were fermented among Christians for two centuries, found its expression among the Jews with the concept of Zionism. Considering this fact it can be thought that Zionism passed to the Jews from the Christians. However, although Zionism emerged theoretically and socially in the late date, its intellectual foundations are found in Jewish scriptures as well as its actual examples in Jewish history. The concept of the chosen people, the idea of the promised land and the constant emphasis in liturgy on returning to Jerusalem provide the theological basis for the Zionist goal of establishing a Jewish nation-state in Palestine. It is also undeniable that throughout history Jews made many efforts to establish a Jewish state in Palestine or to create such an opportunity. Experiences such as Jesus is the expected Messiah, the Bar Kokhba revolt, attempts to the Julian The Apostate and Princess Eudoxia, provoking the Persians against Byzantium, and following false Christ figures such as David Alroy and Sabbatai Zevi, the construction of a Jewish homeland in Tiberia at the initiative of Yasef Nasi can be given as examples. The appropriate ground in Europe created by the conditions in 19th century offered the Jews the opportunity to theorize this theoretical and practical legacy in the form of Zionism.

The role of media television to emerge patriotism during conflict: evidence from Palestine TV

Drawing upon observations regarding the crisis in Palestine, media is sometimes the only source of information consumed by society. This raises the critical question of how the Palestinian state media generates awareness of societal issues, such as the patriotism of citizens as a sense of devotion to one’s country. This study examines whether the state media TV in Palestine contributes to existing patriotism because such a contribution should be explored separately. For this purpose, we first analyse the strategies employed by Palestine TV in delivering news during the period 2020–2021. Second, we examine whether the information framed in the state media effectively promotes Palestinian patriotism to the target audience. To discuss this issue, we use agenda-setting theories through the first level, wherein we describe the power of media to persuade viewers, influence public opinion and construct a hierarchy of being patriotic. The results revealed that the news portrayed on Palestine TV enhanced Palestinian patriotism. This finding implies that media can augment citizens’ views on patriotism. This study provides insights into future investigations on the role of media in the time of crisis particularly related to the Israeli occupation in Palestine and the impacts of its occupation on Palestinians.

Who is representing the Palestinian People: The Palestine Liberation Organization or the State of Palestine? The Aftermath of United Nations General Assembly Resolution 67/19

Abstract This article focuses on the representation of the Palestinian people eight years after the adoption of United Nations General Assembly Resolution 67/19 in 2012, which accorded Palestine observer State status at the United Nations. It addresses the representative role of the Palestine Liberation Organization as an entity with international legal personality recognized by the international community as the sole representative of the Palestinian people. It discusses the developments related to this representative role in light of the ambiguous relationship between the Palestinian Liberation Organization and the State of Palestine, which is merely a continuation of the organization’s relationship with the Palestinian National Authority.

Review: Palestine is Throwing a Party and the Whole World is Invited, by Kareem Rabie

Book Review| June 01 2022 Review: Palestine is Throwing a Party and the Whole World is Invited, by Kareem Rabie Palestine is Throwing a Party and the Whole World is Invited, by Kareem Rabie (Durham: Duke Press, 2021). US$99.95 (hbk), ISBN 1478011955 Jamil Hilal Jamil Hilal Independent Palestinian sociologist, who has been working as a senior research fellow in a number of Palestinian research institutions, including Birzeit University, the Institute of Palestine Studies, the Palestinian Institution for the Study of Democracy (Muwatin), among others. Email: jamilh@gmail.com Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar Contemporary Arab Affairs (2022) 15 (2): 100–102. https://doi.org/10.1525/caa.2022.15.2.100 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Twitter LinkedIn Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Jamil Hilal; Review: Palestine is Throwing a Party and the Whole World is Invited, by Kareem Rabie. Contemporary Arab Affairs 1 June 2022; 15 (2): 100–102. doi: https://doi.org/10.1525/caa.2022.15.2.100 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentContemporary Arab Affairs Search This book examines the changes in the West Bank during the post-Salaam Fayyad years. The author follows in great detail the case of the construction of the city of Rawabi in the West Bank. Rawabi, a housing complex founded near the city of Ramallah by the Palestinian entrepreneur Bashar Masri, is explored by the author as a case study to illustrate how private capital has increased the dependency of the Palestinian West Bank characterized by a settler–colonialist condition. This condition is not, regrettably, illustrated sufficiently or adequately here. The book documents very meticulously the emergence of this urbanized zone and how private capital restructured the public sector and subordinated the Palestinian Authority (PA) to the institutions of the occupying Israeli power. The author views the emerging city of Rawabi as a political–economic project occurring within a process of a Palestinian “state-building” endeavor that was envisaged, very naively as it turned... You do not currently have access to this content.

Trade policy in a sovereign Palestinian State: What are the options in a final settlement?

AbstractThis paper quantifies the economy‐wide effects of different trade policies on the Palestinian economy, using a detailed database and a general equilibrium model adjusted to the particularities of the Palestinian economy. The findings show that a liberal and non‐discriminatory trade regime provides the highest benefits for the Palestinian economy, in terms of welfare effects, GDP growth and job creation. The choice of an exchange rate regime has a considerable influence on the effects of trade policy. Accordingly, a full control over trade and monetary policy instruments could improve the capacity of the Palestinian National Authority to address the prevailing high unemployment and sluggish economic growth.

Analysis of floristic composition and species diversity of vascular plants native to the State of Palestine (West Bank and Gaza Strip).

This study aims at providing an updated checklist of the native vascular flora of the Palestinian West Bank and Gaza Strip (State of Palestine, SP), serving as a taxonomic and nomenclatural basis for botanical research and encouraging new floristic surveys and biosystematic studies. The study provides an up-to-date checklist of native vascular taxa of the SP and their distribution within the plant districts in the country. This is the very first annotated checklist for the native vascular plants of the SP which incorporates recent name changes, new distribution records, habitat, herbarium specimens catalouge, Red List criteria, wild edible plants, endemism and use in Traditional Palestinian Herbal Medicine. The quantitative analysis of the flora has shown that the SP hosts 1826 taxa, distributed in 686 genera and 108 families; five taxa are gymnosperms, nine taxa are Pteridophytes and 1812 taxa are angiosperms. The most represented families are Leguminosae (222 taxa, 12.2%), Asteraceae (197, 10.2%) and Poaceae (196, 10.7%), while the most represented genera are Trifolium (38, Leguminosae), Silene (32, Caryophyllaceae), Astragalus (27, Leguminosae), Medicago (26, Leguminosae), Allium (25, Amaryllidaceae) and Euphorbia (25, Euphorbiaceae). Annuals (52.4%), Hemicryptophytes (20.2%) and Chamaephytes (12.2%) are the most represented life-forms amongst the SP flora. The richest plant districts in the SP vascular plant taxa are Gaza Strip (GS) (1216 taxa), Jerusalem and Hebron Mountains (JHM) (1235) and Nablus Mountains (NM) (1126). Agglomerative hierarchical clustering (AHC) permitted the division of SP into two main regions, based on the existence of vascular plant taxa: Region 1 (western plant districts with 1128-1237 taxa) with higher water availability and temperate Mediterranean climate which permit the establishment of more than 65% of the total SP flora in these districts and Region 2 (eastern plant districts with 571-698 taxa), characterised by desert and semi-desert conditions, as well as the presence of alluvial and co-alluvial soils, which allow the survival of lower numbers of plant taxa. One hundred and sixty-five taxa of the SP flora are endemic and near-endemic. However, in comparison with some countries of the Mediterranean Basin, this number is below the average endemism concentration, along with other southern arid countries, such as Tunisia and Egypt. In total, there are 102 threatened plant taxa, belonging to 39 families and 83 genera representing 5.6% of the total plants in the SP. IUCN and the Conservation Measures Partnership (CMP) unified classification of direct threats for SP Red-Listed plants has shown a high extinction risk to the Palestinian threatened wild flora, with 76.5% of the threatened species being either critically endangered (CR) or endangered (EN); only 23.5% were vulnerable (VU). However, several taxa are threatened by numerous factors including small population size, human activities, for example, conversion of traditional to intensive agriculture accompanied by deep ploughing and the application of pesticides, urban development and construction, global climatic change, drying of marshes and wetlands, quarrying, fires and pollution. This checklist can help focus conservation efforts and provide a framework for research, protection and policy applications for the SP flora, especially for the endemic and threatened plants.

Vague and unworkable: The fuzziness of the archipelago as a concept and its unsuitability as model for a 21st century Palestinian nation

While it is frequently invoked, the archipelago is such a vague concept that its deployment in fields such as island studies is only productive when the contingency of its use is specified. In this article, we examine the concept itself and then consider the use of the archipelago as a metaphor and/or model for a future Palestinian state. The creation of the modern nation-state of Israel in Palestine in 1948, various Israeli military actions, and (often related) public and private developments of former Palestinian lands has resulted in a substantial proportion of Palestinians fleeing to neighbouring countries (chiefly Jordan, Lebanon, and Syria). Those Palestinians who have remained have largely been confined to territorial isolates within the Jewish state. These isolates have frequently been understood and analogised as ‘islands’ within Israel, and the aggregation of these isolates has been variously referred to and/or represented as an archipelago. This article examines the development of this metaphoric interpretation of the Palestinian community within Israel in Anglophone, Arabic, and Francophone discourse, and characterises the contortions necessary to imagine Palestinian territories as archipelagic. The conclusion returns to consideration of the notion of the archipelago itself and of its usefulness in island studies and other contexts.

Pergantian Mata Uang, Prangko dan Meterai sebagai Instrumen Administrasi di Palestina Era Transisi Abad 19-20

The Palestinian coin currency as a medium of exchange no longer exists; including stamps and seals; except as the object of research. So research is carried out with the formulation of the problem, how change both coin currency, stamps, and seals as an administrative instrument in Palestine on 19-20 century transition era? The research purpose was to determine the change in coin currency, stamps, and seals in that era. Through research methods qualitative, exploratory, and literature study; then both coin currency, stamps, and seals were collected as evidence of its existence and change. Data were collected, processed, presented, and discussed through qualitative descriptive analysis, comparison and synthesis, during the 2021. The results showed, the coin currency of kurush equivalent to piaster (1876-1908), para (1909-1917), millieme (1909-1917) it was later replaced by mil (1927-1947); in line the change of stamps and seals of piaster (1906, 1918); para (1910, 1919); millieme (1920, 1926); which was later replaced by mil (1927, 1937) of Palestine. The Palestinian coin currency experienced a dysfunction and disappeared from circulation instead of the Israel coin currency appearing to shift its existence. The reason is not only the helplessness of Palestine but the departure of Britain (1948) after obtaining a mandate (1922) so that it has influence and interest but is used more for the purposes of its country, including Israel. The existence of coin currency, stamps and seals becomes an urgency to be realized again towards a sovereign Palestinian state now. Further research on Palestinian currency was needed.

Let's talk about the Israel–Palestine conflict: Does exposure to political comedy about the Middle East influence policy attitudes?

AbstractObjectiveThe research considers the impact of exposure to political comedy focused on the crisis in the Middle East on viewers' attitudes toward the Israeli/Palestinian conflict.MethodsData from a four‐group experiment were analyzed (N = 240; August 2021). Video stimuli were drawn from Last Week Tonight with John Oliver, The Daily Show with Trevor Noah, Late Night with Seth Meyers, and Full Frontal with Samantha Bee.ResultsThe results suggest that exposure to this critical content has a limited but significant effect on issue attitudes. Specifically, subjects exposed to satire about the conflict in the Middle East were significantly less likely to suggest that the United States is too supportive of the Palestinians and were marginally less likely to suggest that the Hamas response to the crisis goes too far, that the Israeli government is making a sincere effort to bring about peace, and that there is a way for Israel and an independent Palestinian state to coexist peacefully.ConclusionThe implications of the findings and the potential influence of satire on foreign policy issue attitudes are discussed.