Palestinian State Research Articles

Re-visiting women’s work motivations and career needs: international evidence from the perspective of self-determination theory

Purpose The study explores the work motivations and career needs of women, drawing on self-determination theory. The study aims to develop motivation theories and support organisations to shape the work environment addressing women’s work motivations and current career needs. Design/methodology/approach The exploratory study was conducted based on two research questions: Why do women change jobs? What are women looking for in a new workplace? To conduct this study, an online questionnaire with open-ended questions was prepared. Respondents were women who had applied for an administrative job post in Brazil, Mexico, Poland, Portugal and State of Palestine. Collected answers from 363 respondents were analysed by using Nvivo software. Findings This study presents women’s work motivations and career needs that affect the decision to change the job. Results indicate that women’s work motivations include four components: 1 − career growth (career development, skills improvement, challenges), 2 − competitive compensation (financial, personal fulfilment), 3 − work environment (organisational culture, work-life balance) and 4 − leadership (recognition, management leadership skills). Additionally, the study highlights four components of women’s current career needs: 1 − career growth (continuous professional development, challenges, training skills), 2 − competitive compensation (financial/fair pay, personal fulfilment), 3 − work environment (cooperation/teamwork, adequate tools, respect and safety) and 4 − leadership (clear organisation goals, communication/empathy, recognition, support). Originality/value Based on collected data, components of women’s work motivations and career needs were identified. The results provide contemporary and international evidence about the complex nature of women’s work motivations and career needs.

TEOLOGI PEMBEBASAN PALESTINA

The Theology of Liberation in Palestine has become a phenomenon influencing the dynamics of religion, politics, and identity in Palestine and worldwide. This paper analyzes the connection between Palestinian Liberation Theology and Latin American Liberation Theology, as well as its influence on the perception and participation of Christians in the Palestinian liberation movement. The research method employed is a literature review, focusing on relevant literature search, selection, content analysis, comparison, and critical evaluation. The research findings indicate that Palestinian Liberation Theology shares the same roots as Latin American Liberation Theology, focusing on liberation from oppressive structures and restoring dignity to the oppressed. This theology has strengthened the identity of Palestinian Christians and fostered ecumenical cooperation, motivating them to engage politically in the struggle for Palestinian independence. Practical support from global Christians is reflected in concrete actions and social activities, such as support for the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions movement against Israel. Palestinian Liberation Theology has been a source of inspiration and strength for Christians in Palestine and worldwide to advocate for justice and promote sustainable peace in the region.

Decentralizing Democracy: Secure and Transparent E-Voting Systems with Blockchain Technology in the Context of Palestine

Elections and voting play a crucial role in the development of a democratic society, enabling the public to express their views and participate in the decision-making process. Voting methods have evolved from paper ballot systems to e-voting systems to preserve the integrity of votes, ensuring a secure, transparent, and verifiable process. Continuous efforts have been made to develop a secure e-voting system that eliminates fraud attempts and provides accurate voting results. In this paper, we propose the architecture of a blockchain-based e-voting system called VoteChain. Developed to support the existing voting system in the state of Palestine, VoteChain aims to provide secure e-voting with features such as auditability, verifiability, accuracy, privacy, flexibility, transparency, mobility, availability, convenience, data integrity, and distribution of authority. The work introduces a smart contract designed to meet the demands of e-voting, governing transactions, monitoring computations, enforcing acceptable usage policies, and managing data usage after transmission. The proposed system also adopts advanced cryptographic techniques to enhance security. VoteChain features a web-based interface to facilitate user interaction, providing protection against multiple or double voting to ensure the integrity of the election. Furthermore, VoteChain is designed with a user-friendly and easily accessible administrator interface for managing voters, constituencies, and candidates. It ensures equal participation rights for all voters, fostering fair and healthy competition among candidates while preserving voter anonymity. A comparative analysis demonstrates VoteChain’s advancements in privacy, security, and scalability over both traditional and blockchain-based e-voting systems.

Making Home with Olive Oil: Palestinian Food in Mo

This essay explores the humanizing role of food, particularly olive oil, in the Palestinian Netflix comedy series, Mo. Through a discussion of different scenes depicting olive oil throughout the series, the article argues that food serves to render Palestinians more legible to Western audiences, while also highlighting realities about life in the diaspora for Palestinians. Through wit and olive oil, the audience is drawn to engage with the tribulations of diaspora Palestinians trying to make a living, to seek asylum, and to remain connected to the Palestinian homeland.

The Image of Palestine in the US Press 1919

Press play a crucial role in studying the process of creating the USA’s public perception of the State of Palestine of 1919. Newspapers and magazines enable a researcher to define the distinctive features of the ‘Other’ profile. The reconstructing and explaining of the Palestinian public image from the point of the traditional historical research methods prove insufficient. Being a peculiar phenomenon of American social, political, and cultural life, Palestine’s public conception requires an interdisciplinary examinational approach based on historical imagology. In 1919, there were three models of the State’s future under discussion in the US periodical literature. The first one considered it as two separate countries; the second one – as one Arabic-Jewish country; the third one – as the territory under control of the United Kingdom. Journalists raised questions regarding each of the models evolving representation of the political system in The Middle East: the prospects of the colonial institution; transferring from Colonialism to Postcolonialism; opportunities of applying the experience of Colonial Empires. Studying an informational discourse of the USA in 1919 will allow us to compile a comprehensive list of public images of the State of Palestine and the Middle East (from the territorial as well as political point of view); monitor their evolution, and discover its structural components.

From Oslo to Be’eri: how the 30-years-long peace delusion led to Hamas’s 10/7 massacres

ABSTRACT The failure to prevent Hamas’s slaughter of some 1,300 Israelis on 7 October 2023 – the largest massacre of Jews since the Holocaust – is a direct result of an emergency phone consultation three hours before the terror group’s invasion of Israel with the participation of the IDF’s and Shin Bet’s top leaders, who decided to do nothing despite acute warning signals and failed to alert the Gaza division commander and the political echelon to the imminent attack. Had they taken the minimal precautionary measures, the catastrophe would have been averted altogether. To fully understand the mindset underlying this monumental blunder requires tracing its evolution within the context of the 30-years-long Oslo peace delusion in general, and during the turbulent year preceding the 10/7 massacres in particular. That is: the substitution of a grand strategic deception aimed at Israel’s destruction for a true peace process and the attendant emasculation of the IDF’s military capabilities and combative/offensive ethos, on the one hand, and the unravelling of Israel’s sociopolitical fabric that culminated in the 2023 mass civil disobedience that enticed Hamas into action, on the other. Even Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who opposed the Oslo process from the outset and managed to neutralise its most catastrophic potential calamity – the establishment of a Palestinian state committed to Israel’s destruction in the West Bank and Gaza – failed to extricate Israel from this disastrous course and was ironically forced to bear its full brunt on 7 October 2023.

On the (Im)possible Relation Between the Universal and the Relative: The Aporia of Community

Abstract ‘British values’ have recently been invoked by the Right in Britain – both in the Conservative Party and outside by the Reform Party led by the Right insurgent and public school educated (Dulwich College) ‘man of the people’ Nigel Farage. Such values are directed at communities of colour, as well as those communities that stand apart from the logic of ‘phallologentricism’. Factions of the secular Left too have engaged in an iteration of ‘culture wars’ by targeting Jewish communities who may not share Hamas’s desire to eradicate Israel in favour of a monistic Palestinian State. At the heart of these contested cultural terrains is an overarching issue: namely, the question of the universal, and how the universal informs the States’ politics of representation (the “General Will”, the “nation”, “citizen” etc…). Derrida reminds us that “the social” – let alone the State and the polity it brings to life – can never be reduced to a single meaning, that the nature of community will always be subject to contestation contra the telos of monism.

Eastern Mediterranean Maritime Boundary Delimitation: The Claims of the State of Palestine under UNCLOS

The 2015 accession of Palestine to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) has implications for the rights and obligations of Eastern Mediterranean States. Palestine’s maritime entitlements under UNCLOS are almost two and a half times the land area of Gaza in the form of a territorial sea. Palestine’s maritime sovereign rights may extend up to 200 NM offshore Gaza within the exclusive economic zone and continental shelf with tremendous economic potential. This article examines Palestine maritime claims under UNCLOS and the corresponding delimitation process. It argues that the application of UNCLOS in the East Mediterranean region may contribute to an equitable settlement of the conflict between Israel and Palestine.

The Impact of Tax Revenue on Macroeconomic Variables: A Case Study from Palestine

Taxes are a vital component of fiscal policy. Governments use tax revenues to either stimulate or slow down an economy. The purpose of this paper is to examine the cause-and-effect relationship between taxes and inflation, Real GDP, Real GDP Per Capita, and unemployment for the State of Palestine. The data was collected from the Palestinian Monetary Authority, covering the period from 1996 to 2022. A time series analysis was conducted to measure the cause-and-effect relationship. The results indicated that taxes are positively significant for both Real GDP and Real GDP Per Capita. This finding helps policymakers in determining the impact of tax revenue on the Palestinian economy, especially since Israel controls some of the collection of tax revenues. Meanwhile, taxes were not significant for either inflation or unemployment.

BOIKOT PRODUK ISRAEL DI INDONESIA BERDASARKAN PERJANJIAN YANG DILARANG DALAM UNDANG-UNDANG NO 5 TAHUN 1999 TENTANG LARANGAN PRAKTEK MONOPOLI DAN PERSAINGAN USAHA TIDAK SEHAT

Boycotting business competition is one of the prohibited agreements. The close historical relationship between Indonesia and Palestine means that Indonesia continues to support Palestinian independence. One of the most prominent reactions to this conflict was the boycott of Israeli products. Companies such as Danone and Coca-Cola, Starbucks which are affected by the boycott must make it clear to the public that the boycott actions that have been carried out so far are not in the context of business competition and do not violate Law No. 5 of 1999 concerning the Prohibition of Monopoly Practices and Competition. Unhealthy business but commitment to humanity. The call for a boycott is just fanaticism without a religious connection because companies that come to Indonesia only want to invest

The American Position towards the Establishment of the Palestinian State: From the Oslo Accord to the Deal of the Century (1993 – 2019)

The end of the Cold War period in the early 1990s crowned the United States of America (US) as the sole superpower in the world, allowing it to engage more actively in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. Yet, there were initiatives by the US administrations that addressed the conflict since the 1970s. The consecutive US administrations of President Clinton, President Bush and President Obama made efforts in addressing the conflict but all failed to reach a settlement where negotiations were stuck during addressing the final status issues including the fate of the Israeli settlements and the status of Jerusalem. The Trump administration took a different radical approach and imposed a unilateral peace proposal that sided the Israeli narrative known as “deal of the century”. Under these US efforts, and under the claim that the Palestinians rejected most of these initiatives or were the side that failed these US peace initiatives, the question that arises in mind is that to what extent did the American position address the minimum aspiration of the Palestinian people in establishing their own independent state? Basically, the article suggests that the US was not a fair broker, it didn’t practice any form of pressure on the Israeli side but instead blamed the Palestinians – who are under the Israeli occupation -, the US didn’t accept the comments or the reservations of the Palestinians over its peace initiatives but accepted and adopted the Israeli comments, according to the US officials’ statements. The article writing methods generally follow the descriptive analytical approach and the historical approach along with highlighting the official statements and documents related to the topic.

‘Allenby, O’ Allenby’: John Huston Finley’s Internationalist Case for a British Mandate in Palestine

ABSTRACT As the First World War drew to a close, the head of the American Red Cross’s Commission to Palestine, John Huston Finley, stepped into ongoing debates over the future of the Holy Land when he called for an international trusteeship in Palestine. Supporters and opponents of the Zionist movement – as well as the few scholars that have since engaged with Finley’s views – primarily understood Finley’s proposal as anti-Zionist. While Finley certainly presented his plan as an alternative to a Jewish state in Palestine, this article demonstrates that Finley’s proposal was much more directly a case for a British mandate that was rooted in Finley’s experiences working with the British – as well as his personal fascination with General Edmund Allenby. Finley believed and argued that Allenby’s person, character, and conduct demonstrated that the interests of ‘civilization’ could best be secured in Palestine by a British trusteeship. In his 1919 A Pilgrim in Palestine, published amidst the post-war debates over mandate assignments, Finley presented Allenby as a symbol of trusteeship’s possibilities in making an American case for British rule.

University students’ attitudes toward the stalled peace process and normalization with the Israeli occupation

Despite the persistent animosity between Palestinians and Israelis, the portrayal of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict has undergone significant changes over time. The concept of normalization, integral to the peace process, has gained increasing prominence. Nevertheless, this concept has acted as a divisive force within the Palestinian political landscape in the West Bank, creating a clear divide between advocates and opponents. Employing a rigorously validated 19-item factorial questionnaire, the present mixed-method study endeavors to elucidate the perspectives of Palestinian university students regarding the stagnated peace process, the normalization of relations, and the security coordination with Israel. The findings of this study shed light on several intricate associations among the examined variables. They underscore that economic, political, and security considerations serve as pivotal factors contributing to the stance of Palestinian youth, wherein they show support for armed resistance and concurrently express opposition towards both normalization and security coordination with Israel. Ultimately, the study's culmination underscores a discernible pattern – that Palestinians could potentially embrace the prospect of normalizing relations with Israel and embarking on the path of peaceful coexistence, provided Israel acknowledges their rights and facilitates the establishment of an independent Palestinian state.

Commentary] Israel: A Problem the World Created (And Now Appears Unable to Solve)

The article takes the view that the conflict in Gaza, involving Israel and Hamas cannot be viewed objectively by assuming that the conflict started on October 7th, 2024. Rather is the conflict a reflection of the pattern of such events and related actions by Israel as the occupying power over 75 years since the declaration of the state of Israel on May 24th, and indeed related conflicts in Palestine prior to that declaration. The article briefly examines to origins of Zionism as an ethic nationalism in the rise of nationalisms in the final 30 years or so of the 19th century. It remarks in particular on the rise of and persistence of Revisionist Zionism and its European neo-liberal roots. It explores the development of Zionism and how it has morphed into a political instrument, going well beyond a benign ethnic nationalism. However, aside from documenting many of the repressive actions of the successive government of Israel since the inception of the state and arguing that Israel’s action following October 7th have been disproportionate, the article explores two potential permanent and practical solutions to the successive conflicts in Palestine: a two-state solution and a confederal solution, both to be guaranteed internationally. The aim of any settlement, it os argued, must provide security and integrity for the state of Israel and the establishment of a similarly recognized and protected Palestinian state. A variety of sources, including Jewish sources, have been used and referenced.

Renewable energy potential in the State of Palestine: Proposals for sustainability

Renewable energy is not only a viable economic choice in Palestine, but it is also an imperative requirement to end the country's current energy crisis, which is particularly acute in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. The main focus of this study, which makes it the most thorough in its sector, is showcasing Palestine's distinct renewable energy potentials (thermal solar, PV, wind, biomass, and hydropower). The System Advisor Model software (SAM) was used to predict the power potentials for a year. The results indicate that Palestine has a significant potential for PV power generation within 1,700 kWh/kWp. Wind energy can see a considerable difference in capacity, with a mean power density in the high mountains of WB of 600 W/m2, a mean power density for all of WB of 300 W/m2, and a relatively low power density for GS of less than 100 W/m2. Options for investments in the high seas and with the nearby Arabic nations were also offered. About 1,717 GWh of energy equivalent comes from biomass resources. It is determined that the best designed system can produce 82 % of the total while only 18 % is purchased from the grid using HOMER to retrieve the optimum on-grid hybrid energy system. Furthermore, only 70.7 % of the energy produced is consumed, with the remainder being sold back to the grid. Therefore, using renewable energy sources in addition to the grid is advised to cut costs and potentially generate income. Reduce reliance on fossil fuels and combat global warming, as well.

Palestinian diplomacy and communication in latin america case Brazil

Diplomacy and soft power relations with worldwide countries have been and continue to be ambitious for an official Palestinian institution. Political and diplomatic outreach, media communication, and opening relations and embassies with countries and regimes increase legitimacy and convey the message to decision-makers. In Latin America, before the digital connectivity boom, letters and speeches helped build public opinion in favor of the recognition of the Palestinian State. Today, Palestinians are increasingly seeking diplomatic and media communication with the international community to gain support for their full sovereignty, the end of apartheid, settlements, and the recovery of rights. Along with institutional relations, new technologies—although under the control of large corporations—have been exploited by Palestinians to break the siege and allow communication as an extension of diplomatic efforts. This article intends to highlight the role of Palestinian diplomatic relations and media communication between them and the Brazilian government, aiming for political recognition of Palestine. To this end, the research adopts two methodological procedures: literature review and content analysis, based on in-depth interviews. Seven people who worked in the Palestinian diplomatic corps in Brazil were interviewed, including ambassadors and media figures who contributed to diplomatic communication and appeared in the Brazilian media to gain recognition.

Unresolvation of the Palestine problem — the main threat to regional security

The article analyzes the situation in the Middle East in connection with a new largescale armed confl ict between Israel and radical Islamist groups. The author reminds readers of the origins and causes of the Palestinian-Israeli confl ict and gives a detailed picture of the dynamics of events in the former British mandate territory of Palestine after 1948. The main reason for the ongoing tension in Israel's relations with the Arab and Muslim world is the disregard by the Israeli authorities and the leaders of a number of Arab countries of the relevant resolutions of the UN General Assembly on the creation of the State of Palestine. The ongoing occupation of the Syrian Golan Heights and Lebanese Shebaa farms by the Israeli armed forces does not help to strengthen confi dence in Tel Aviv on the part of neighboring Arab countries. The author believes that the main goals of the attack on Israel by Hamas militants and Islamic Jihad (banned in the Russian Federation) on October 7, 2023 were, fi rstly, to attract the attention of regional and global players to the Palestinian problem, and secondly, to demonstrate the increased military capabilities of Hamas and the vulnerability of Israel, and thirdly, a slowdown or complete disruption of the process of further normalization of Israel’s relations with Arab countries. In addition, Palestinian radicals believed that a successful military operation against Israel could lead to an increase in fi nancial, economic, political and military assistance to Hamas from its supporters and sponsors. The author notes the growing involvement of a number of regional and extra-regional players in the armed confl ict in the Gaza Strip (Lebanese Hezbollah, Yemeni Houthis, Iran, Qatar, Turkey, USA, EU countries). The article also notes the limited capabilities of UN institutions and other international organizations at this stage for a comprehensive and fair Middle East settlement.

Palestine-Israel conflict

Among the conflicts in the world, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is one of the most difficult and unresolved problems. In the said territory, which was called Middle Eastern Palestine, the main population were Arabs and Jews. The Arabs were the indigenous population of Palestine and therefore represented the majority of the population, while the Jews were the minority. For centuries, Jews and Arabs coexisted peacefully in Palestine, but when the Jewish part began to grow slowly and steadily in the early 20th century, the situation changed radically. In the 90s of the 19th centuries, along with the strengthening of anti-Semitic attitudes in Europe and Russia, the nationalist movement "Zionism" emerged in Eastern and Central Europe, the main goal of which was the return of the Jews to their historical homeland - Palestine. The mass emigration of Jews to Palestine is denoted by the term Aliyah. It was initiated by the Zionist organization "Hibbat Zion." From 1881 to 1939, five Aliyahs of Jews took place in Palestine, and from the same period, the conflict between Jews and Palestinians began, which spans dozens of years. In the 1940s, there were two nationalist movements in Palestine: Zionism, whose goal was to create a national center for the Jews, and Palestinian-Arab nationalism, which wanted to abolish British rule and create an independent Palestinian state. These two nationalist visions caused the conflict between the Jews and the Arabs. This conflict has not lost its relevance for decades. Both regional and non-regional countries are involved in the resolution of the conflict, however, the disagreement between Israel and Palestine has not been resolved. In addition, in the background of the conflict, the threat of terrorism has also increased, and this region remains one of the hot spots not only in the Middle East but also in the world. For decades, many international-level events and meetings have been held on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, its causes, and conflict resolution, various methods and recommendations for solving the problem have been developed, but to no avail. This is cobfirmed the surprise raid oh ,,Hamas“ on Israel on October 7, 2023, whish was follewed by the bombing of the Gaza Strit by Israel. It is the bloodiest and longest conflict. Outside forces are also involved in it, whivh destabilizes the situation in the entire Middle East. Keywords: Israel, Palestine, Zionism, Aliyah, Conflict

Palestine and Israel War Conflict During COVID-19

The purpose of this study is to determine how international law affects the Israeli-Palestinian conflict during the COVID-19 pandemic. The approach used in this research is literature study, which entails gathering pertinent material from books and journals, evaluating it, and drawing conclusions. Concerns regarding the socio-economic circumstances of Palestinians have been highlighted by the fast-spreading COVID-19 epidemic. Overcoming two issues at once is becoming more and more difficult. Considering the harm done to infrastructure for sanitation, hygiene, and water, the Palestinians’ situation is getting better. The COVID-19 virus is being stopped by impeding the flow of essential supplies into the Palestinian state and causing environmental harm, both of which may affect public health. International humanitarian law is in place to prevent these kinds of tragedies, but the Israeli government and military disobey these laws. From an international law standpoint, this research helps understand how the state of Israel behaved toward Palestine during the COVID-19 epidemic. References to a wide range of national and international periodicals and books were used in the preparation of this research. In addition, it makes use of the most recent news about the subjects covered. The findings of this review of the literature indicate that despite an increase in attacks on Palestinian civilians, the situation between Israel and Palestine has not improved

The Effect of Ramadan Fasting and Sport Detraining on Complete Blood Count, Testosterone Hormone and Biochemistry Variables Among Soccer Players

Aim: The study aimed to identify if Ramadan fasting and sport detraining affect complete blood count (C.B.C), testosterone and biochemistry variables among soccer players. Method: The researchers used a quasi-experimental method in the pre- and post-measurements of the study's variables, and 15 male athletes from the Faraon football club in the Tulkarm region of the State of Palestine conducted the study. Athletes (age, 19.86±1.64 years, Height (cm) 172.06±5.71, Weight (kg) 66.93±6.86, index: 24.62 ±1.4 kg/m2) was determined as. The measurements were applied on the first day of Ramadan and on the last day of it. Paired sample t-test was used to assess the differences. Results: There are statistically significant differences between pre and post-tests means of Blood (CBC) parameters (WBC: t=2.553, p=0.023* ; HGB: t=2.265, p=0.040*; RDW: t=-3.606, p=0.003*; MPV: t=-3.445, p=0.004*) but there are no statistically significant differences between pre and post-test for the rest of Blood (CBC) parameters. There are statistically significant differences between pre and post-tests means of Testosterone Hormone (TH: t=3.024, p=0.009*). There are statistically significantdifferences between pre and post-tests means for biochemistry parameters (CPK: t=4.169, p=0.001*; HDL: t=4.017, p=0.001*; LDL: t=-4.805, p=0.000*; cholesterol: t=-3.891, p=0.002* and triglyceride: t=-2.362, p=0.033*) in favor to post-test mean. But there are no statistically significant differences between for the rest of the biochemistry parameters. Conclusion: This indicates that Ramadan fasting and sport detraining completely has a negative impact on the study variables among soccer players.