State Campaign Research Articles

Anti-Smoking Media Campaigns and Disparities in Smoking Cessation in the United States, 2001-2015.

To evaluate sociodemographic differences in the relationship between state and national anti-smoking media campaigns and cessation behaviors among adult smokers in the U.S. Repeated cross-sectional analysis. U.S. nationally representative survey of adults ages 18 and older, 2001-2015. 76,278 year-ago smokers from the 2001-2015 Tobacco Use Supplement to the Current Population Survey. Area-level exposure to State-sponsored and "Tips from former smokers" anti-tobacco media campaigns was the primary predictor of this study. Outcome variables included: quit attempt in the past 12 months, past 30-day smoking cessation, and past 90-day smoking cessation among year-ago smokers. We conducted modified Poisson regression models to examine the association between media campaign exposure and cessation behaviors. We also examined effect modification on the additive scale by sex, race/ethnicity, income, and education using average marginal effects. Year-ago smokers with greater exposure to media campaigns were more likely to report 30-day (Prevalence Ratio [PR]: 1.18, CI: 1.03, 1.36) and 90-day cessation (PR: 1.18, CI: 1.00, 1.41) compared to respondents with less campaign exposure. We found no evidence of effect modification by sociodemographic variables. Exposure to anti-smoking media campaigns were associated with year-ago smokers' cessation behaviors. However, there were no differences in the association by sex, race/ethnicity, income, or education, indicating that broadly focused media campaigns may be insufficient to reduce smoking cessation among priority populations, and thus health disparities generally.

The normalisation and domestication of digital disinformation: on the alignment and consequences of far-right and Russian State (dis)information operations and campaigns in Europe

ABSTRACT This article traces a normalising and domesticating process in the use of digital misinformation and disinformation as part of political campaigning in Europe. Specifically, the analysis highlights innovations associated with the digital influence engineering techniques pioneered by far-right groups and agencies linked to the Kremlin, showing how there are areas of alignment and differentiation in the agendas and interests of these two groups. Their individual and collective activities in this area are important because of how they have promoted the use of similar disinforming tactics and techniques in the conduct of domestic politics.

ДВА ПСЕВДОЕВАНГЕЛИЯ: ВАРИАНТЫ ПРОФАНИЗАЦИИ САКРАЛЬНОГО ТЕКСТА

Intertextuality is expressed in different forms, one of the most common among them is parody. The object of parody usually becomes high-law works, as the comic effect of distorting their usual appearance turns out to be easily predictable and accessible to a wide audience. It is natural that public attention is often offered parody versions of canonical confessional texts fundamental to any religion. In such cases, the inversion of universal opposition is realized sacral/ profiled, and the resonance result is achieved, as a rule, by using genre-stylistically heterogeneous language units for it in the presentation of the constant plot. Two paraevangelia are considered as examples of such parodies. One written by D. Bedny in 1925, the other by M. Schilman in 1990. In both cases, the authors apply the reception of the transmission of well-known fabular moves and their characters by lexico-phraseological means alien to the Church Slavic element. However, the supposed intences of the writers vary markedly. D.Bedny is an active participant of the anti-religious campaign of the first Soviet years, executor of the state campaign order; M. Schilman is an obvious henchman of propaganda operations of so-called restructuring aimed at destroying the state. Atheistic events were intended to replace Orthodox religion with communist ideology; Reconstruction and reform manipulations involved the destruction of sacred values in general. The study leads to the conclusion that, in many ways, similar modifications of fundamental religious texts are undoubtedly different from each other by inducible impulses of public consciousness.

Peace in the name of Allah: Egypt’s quest to attain Islamic legitimacy for its treaty with Israel

This article analyzes the Egyptian regime’s quest to establish Islamic legitimacy for the transition from conflict to peace with Israel between 1977 and 1981. Based on an integrative analysis of a wide range of sources, it demonstrates that Islamic argumentations were at the core of Egypt’s official state campaign for peace. The appeal to Islamic justifications facilitated the regime’s efforts to describe its innovative peace policy as a natural link in the chain of traditional religious sequences and enclosed it within deeply socially embedded Islamic concepts and principles. Through a comparative analysis with the Islamist anti-peace campaign that the regime sought to refute, the article highlights that ‘Islam’ has no essential, consensual stance on peace with Israel. Rather, it demonstrates that different Muslim actors draw divergent – sometimes diametrically opposed – positions from Islamic texts in accordance with their particular needs and outlooks.

Do Campaign Finance Reforms Insulate Incumbents from Competition? New Evidence from State Legislative Elections

Variations in state campaign finance regulations across states and over time provide an opportunity to test the effects of reforms on the electoral success of incumbent state legislators. We use the most recent state legislative election returns dataset to test whether state campaign finance reforms help or hinder incumbents. Our analysis of nearly 66,000 contests in 33 years reveals that campaign contribution limits and partial public financing have little impact on incumbent reelection prospects. However, full public financing and prohibitions on corporate independent expenditures significantly increase the probability of incumbent reelection.

Lobbying Expenditures and Campaign Contributions by the Pharmaceutical and Health Product Industry in the United States, 1999-2018

Government efforts to lower drug costs and other legislative and regulatory initiatives may be counteracted by campaign donors and lobbyists in the pharmaceutical and health product industry. To review how much money the pharmaceutical and health product industry spent on campaign contributions and lobbying in the US from 1999 to 2018 at the federal and state levels. Analysis of federal-level and state-level data obtained from the Center for Responsive Politics and the National Institute on Money in Politics, respectively. These nonprofit, nonpartisan organizations track federal and state campaign contributions and lobbying expenditures by individuals and groups. Lobbying expenditures and contributions to political campaigns. Total spending, inflation adjusted to 2018 dollars using the US Consumer Price Index, on lobbying and campaign contributions by year, source, and state. From 1999 to 2018, the pharmaceutical and health product industry recorded $4.7 billion-an average of $233 million per year-in lobbying expenditures at the federal level, more than any other industry. Of the spending, the trade group Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America accounted for $422 million (9.0%), and the other 19 top companies and organizations in this industry accounted for $2.2 billion (46.8%). The industry spent $414 million on contributions to candidates in presidential and congressional elections, national party committees, and outside spending groups. Of this amount, $22 million went to presidential candidates and $214 million went to congressional candidates. Of the 20 senators and 20 representatives who received the most contributions, 39 belonged to committees with jurisdiction over health-related legislative matters, 24 of them in senior positions. The industry contributed $877 million to state candidates and committees, of which $399 million (45.5%) went to recipients in California and $287 million (32.7%) went to recipients in 9 other states. In years in which key state referenda on reforms in drug pricing and regulation were being voted on, there were large spikes in contributions to groups that opposed or supported the reforms. From 1999 to 2018, the pharmaceutical and health product industry spent large sums of money on lobbying and campaign contributions to influence legislative and election outcomes. These findings can inform discussions about how to temper the influence of industry on US health policy.

Suffrage History in the Northern Great Plains: Why It Matters

Suffrage History in the Northern Great Plains:Why It Matters Linda Van Ingen (bio) Woman Suffrage and Citizenship in the Midwest, 1870–1920. By Sara Egge. Iowa City: University of Iowa Press, 2018. xi + 233 pp. Maps, photographs, notes, bibliography, index. $85.00 paper, $85.00 ebook. Votes for Women: The 19th Amendment in Nebraska. Edited by David L. Bristow. Lincoln: History Nebraska, 2019. 96 pp. Photographs, notes, references. $15.95 paper. Equality at the Ballot Box: Votes for Women on the Northern Great Plains. Edited by Lori Ann Lahlum and Molly P. Rozum. Pierre: South Dakota Historical Society Press, 2019. xiii + 410 pp. Maps, illustrations, photographs, notes, index. $34.95 cloth. A quick glance at suffrage history will highlight one significant connection to the northern Great Plains: Wyoming. In 1869 Wyoming's first territorial legislature extended the vote to women, and when Wyoming joined the union in 1890 it became the first state to likewise enfranchise women. The northern Great Plains states of Montana, North Dakota, South Dakota, and Nebraska, in contrast, introduced or otherwise campaigned for the vote at least fifty times from their territorial days well into the first decades of the twentieth century when they began to see some success and, finally, ratification of the federal amendment in 1920. Most of these suffrage efforts ended in defeat, prompting historians to question the significance of this expansive state history. Is it worth the effort to sort through the many times a suffrage bill came before territorial or state legislatures? Or to research how women organized, time and time again, to no avail? As one historian asks of her own work, "Why study the failed woman suffrage campaigns?"1 Does this state suffrage history matter? Three recent publications provide a new opportunity to explore this question in the Great Plains. In 2019 the South Dakota Historical Society Press published a collection of twelve original articles and seven shorter "snapshot" essays that explore state suffrage in Wyoming, Montana, North Dakota, and South Dakota. Edited by Lori Ann Lahlum and Molly Rozum, Equality at the Ballot Box: Votes for Women on the Northern Great Plains is organized into three parts, the first offering a political context [End Page 229] for suffrage in each state, the second consisting of case studies on various suffrage topics, and the third providing analysis on particular suffrage women. The brief snapshots focus narrowly on certain aspects of a state campaign. History Nebraska of the Nebraska State Historical Society also published a collection of articles and essays in the same year. Votes for Women: The 19th Amendment in Nebraska, edited by David Bristow, is an illustrated special edition of previously published articles from Nebraska History Magazine as well as new essays highlighting Nebraska's connections to national suffrage. Sara Egge's 2018 monograph, Woman Suffrage and Citizenship in the Midwest, 1870– 1920, provides a comparative analysis of three counties in Iowa, Minnesota, and South Dakota to explore how suffrage intersected with ideas of citizenship, community, and civic activism to create a regional identity. Egge looks for "an upside" to failed suffrage campaigns, arguing that after decades of defeat, suffragists in the Midwest "eventually adopted civic responsibility as their winning argument for the vote."2 Taken together, this rich body of scholarship not only reveals the breadth and depth of Great Plains state suffrage history but also creates an opportunity for a thematic approach to better understand this history. This essay explores a number of these themes, highlighting what historians have found significant about suffrage history even with, or perhaps because of, the many losses the region endured. These themes show why state suffrage history matters. Historians often look for stories of achievement in their analyses of the past. The notion that history is written by the victor places significance on the winners or those who came first. There is no doubting the significance of Great Plains suffrage history with Wyoming's uncontested status as the first in the nation—if not globally—to enfranchise women. Montana also secured a significant "first" by electing Jeannette Rankin the first woman to Congress in 1916 after enfranchising women through a state amendment two years earlier.3 For states marginalized...

“Socially alien elements” in the Ukrainian society of 1929–1939 and means of their adaptation to the mechanisms of the social engineering of totalitarianism

The article analyzes particularities of the social situation in the Ukrainian SSR in 1929–1939. The mechanisms of the social engineering of the Stalinist regime, which created special difficulties for citizens with “unclean biography” and social origin, are determined. Archival sources reveal the complexity of such state campaigns as “cleaning”, passportization and verification of party documents in the republic. With the help of these campaigns the authorities identified “unreliable” citizens and created social tensions in society that pushed people to such methods of adap- tation to new conditions and rules that implied insincerity with the authorities. Particular attention is paid to Dnipropetrovsk and Odesa regions, which had certain specificity. Firstly, during the revolution in Ukraine there was an active peasant anti-Bolshevik movement there. Secondly, these were multinational, border and port areas, in which there were plenty of people who had relatives abroad or who were engaged in trafficking, illicit trade, or other “non-Soviet” affairs. The causes, methods and consequences of concealing the facts of one’s own biography (especially information about family ties) by the inhabitants of the republic are determined. Some examples of successful or unsuccessful attempts of document forging, corruption actions of local officials, through which “socially alien” citizens tried to “improve” their lives and their status, are considered. The article focuses on the techniques and methods used by the bureaucratic system to identify “socially alien” personalities in all the spheres of life of Ukrainian society. Such a policy of power was not always successful because of the inability of the system to use the resources necessary for total verification and control. Article received 10.03.2019

Малоизученные страницы истории Корейского (Дальневосточного интернационального) педагогического института во Владивостоке (1931–1937 гг.)

Based on the unpublished archives, the author identifies the new chapters of the Korean (Far Eastern International until 1933) Teacher’s Training Institute in Vladivostok, the first national higher educational institution to train teaching staff for the Chinese (1931–1933) and Korean (1931–1937) secondary schools in the Soviet Far East. To develop the previous research (Malyavina, LS 2016, ‘Korean (International) Teacher’s Training Institute in Vladivostok: from Creation till Eviction (1931–1937)’, Nauchnyy Dialog, no. 3 (51), pp. 195-208, in Russian), the information about the teaching staff of the institute is given, the names and destinies of individuals are specified, which is of a novelty. In the context of the 1930s foreign policy and the political si-tuation in the USSR, the present study reveals the reasons for the repressive policy towards teachers and students of the Institute before their deportation (1937). The research presents new data on the resettlement of the Institute in Kazakhstan (Kzyl-Orda) considered within the framework of the state campaign for the forced eviction of the Korean population from the Far East region to prevent the penetration of the Japanese espionage into the USSR.

Sero-prevalence of HPV-16 IgG Antibodies and Its Association with Socio Demographic Features of Women in Lokoja, Kogi State, Nigeria

Aim: To determine the sero-prevalence of Human Papilloma Virus type 16(HPV-16) immunoglobulin G antibodies and its association with socio-demographic features of women attending some clinics in Lokoja, Kogi State, Nigeria.
 Study Design: Hospital based cross sectional study.
 Place and Duration of Study: Kogi State specialist hospital and Federal medical Centre, Lokoja. Kogi State, Nigeria, between June and October, 2015.
 Methodology: We included 400 participants (380 pregnant and 20 non pregnant women; age range 15 to 45 years) attending the hospitals during the duration of the research. Serum samples were analysed for human papilloma virus type 16 IgG using the Enzyme Linked Immunosorbent Assay and questionnaire was also administered to obtain demographic features of the participants.
 Results: The prevalence of human papilloma virus type 16 IgG antibodies was found to be 10%. The occurrence of IgG antibodies to human papilloma virus was found to be statistically associated with educational status and occupation (P = 0.020 and 0.036 respectively).
 Conclusion: The prevalence of human papilloma virus was high. Cervical screening centres should be established in all areas of the state and awareness campaigns should be organized to afford young women the knowledge and dangers of cervical cancer and preventive measures.

Soviet Holocaust Retribution in Lithuania, 1944–64

This article is a microanalysis of Soviet Holocaust retribution in four cases studies, with focus on Lithuania. It was difficult to disentangle crimes against Jews and crimes against Soviet power in cases involving high-ranking nationalists. Soviet authorities had a strong motivation to condemn nationalist leaders and to justify their execution or deportation to the Gulag, but were not as strongly invested in the outcome of the trials involving ordinary people. Punishing collaborators in Nazi crimes consistently remained an aim in and of itself (but was not to be pursued at the expense of other state campaigns). The authorities and locals pursued justice for murdered Jews while simultaneously utilizing the Jewish wartime fate in the pursuit of broader political aims during postwar Sovietization. In the broader postwar Soviet prosecution of treason and collaboration, authorities and defendants navigated competing understandings of personal participation (lichnoe uchastie) in atrocities and the (ir)redeemability of defendants.

РЕПРЕСИВНА ПОЛІТИКА РАДЯНСЬКОЇ ВЛАДИ ПРОТИ МИТЦІВ УКРАЇНСЬКОГО КІНЕМАТОГРАФА ДРУГОЇ ПОЛОВИНИ 1960-Х – ПЕРШОЇ ПОЛОВИНИ 1980-Х РОКІВ

The purpose of the paper is to unblended analysis of sources and literature on the repressive policy of Soviet power against the representatives of Ukrainian cinema. In general, the main principles of party-state policy in the field of cinematography, including the mechanism of the influence of ideology on the cinematographic process in the Ukrainian SSR, are grounded, and the interaction between public administration and creative organizations is grounded; The main methods and forms of the repressive policy directed against the artists of Ukrainian cinema are described. The existing structure severely restricted the powers and independence of the respective republican units of management. In Ukraine, the general management of cinematography was carried out by the Council of Ministers of the Ukrainian SSR through the State Committee of the Council of Ministers of the Ukrainian SSR on cinematography - a union republican body that did not have the necessary independence in determining the main principles of the development of cinema art. Derzhkino's powers included economic, financial functions and control over the ideological content of film production. Derzhkinos powers included economic, financial functions and control over the ideological content of film production. It was in its structure that the Cinema Repertoire Control Inspection functioned, the decision of which depended on the fate of films: from the approval of the script to the release of the film on the screen. In those years, the practice of «film on the shelf» was extended, when films that were fully licensed for rental by all instances were fully prepared for rental, in the final version they did not satisfy the authorities, they were banned from showing. A more liberal requirement was the processing of unsatisfactory moments. The control over the repertoire of films that fell into the audience was reliant on the Main Directorate of Film and Film. The article uses the following research methods: comparative-historical, typologies, classifications, problem-chronological, objectivity, multifactor, which allow to study complex social phenomena, concrete events and facts in their dynamics. In the course of the study, it was found that during this period there was a structuring and centralization of the management system of the cinematographic industry, the general leadership of which belonged to the State Committee of the USSR. It is proved that during the years of stagnation the influence of the command-administrative system and the rigorous subordination to the principles of party ideology, which involved interference with creative processes, increase of authorizing powers of administrative structures and increase of censorship, was intensified. It was found out that after the thaw was extinguished, Ukrainian cinema was subject to strict regulation of the canons of «socialist realism». Ideological policy was secured by relevant party and state regulations, which provided a party assessment of the development of cinematography, criticized areas that were not interested in the party-bureaucratic system, the thematic orientation of cinema was normalized. Against the representatives of this course, the authorities used the usual spectrum of methods of struggle: blatant criticism and discredit in the media, in party and government decisions at the gathering of cinematographers; prosecution and imprisonment. The process of organization of the state campaign against the school of poetry films in the context of implementation of the policy of narrowing the sphere of application of the Ukrainian language and reducing the production of films in the Ukrainian language is analyzed. The planning of the work of film studios, censorship on the subject of films became the main tools for enhanced control over the development of Ukrainian cinema during the studied period. The interaction of public administration and creative organizations - the Union of Cinematographers of Ukraine, which was a pro-government structure and controlled by the party bureaucracy, was grounded, although one of its statutory tasks was protection of the creative, professional, copyright and public rights of its members.

Propaganda against the West in the Heart of Europe. A masked offi cial state campaign in Hungary

There is a twofold crisis in Europe: While mass migration is a serious challenge to the whole EU, we also have member-states striking at the EU itself. Our research shows that Hungary, with its overwhelming political communication, became the first post-socialist EU member state to run official anti-Western propaganda since the end of the Cold War and it seems that other CEEcountries will follow its lead. The campaign does not go against Brussels directly: the real message is hidden between the lines. We analyzed 644 pro-government articles on migration issues. The research shows that anti-Brussels narratives were strikingly frequent, and a new “war vocabulary” propaganda campaign started, stating that the EU is fighting against Hungary, so Hungary has to strike back.

Towards a Democratic State in Palestine/Israel

Abstract International law provides guidelines for the acceptable behavior of states and, ideally, sanctions. It does not prescribe, however, political solutions to conflicts or set out blueprints for reconstituting an unjust political situation in forms that conform to it. While taking international law as a fundamental element defining the parameters of political settlements, this paper asks: what political program best translates its norms and values into concrete form? It explores the two-state solution, apartheid and the prospect of a single democratic state, the last conforming to international law and supported by the One Democratic State Campaign (ODSC).

Women's Labour, Kinship, and Economic Changes in Jinmen in the Era of Authoritarian Rule

This article uses the life stories of three women in Jinmen to demonstrate women's economic agency in bettering the livelihood of their families in circumstances largely shaped by Cold War geopolitics and the authoritarian state's military strategies. It argues that women's devotion of their labour and earnings to their families was part of the reproductive processes of the kinship system, but also important to their building of social reputation and emotional ties with their loved ones. Moreover, the state's campaign to protect traditional Chinese culture, framed within bipolar politics, supported the ideological reproduction of women's primary roles being in the domestic sphere. While the lives of Jinmen civilians were significantly distorted in the Cold War era, their experiences of economic improvement and a certain stability in their ways of life – revolving around kinship – account for the ambivalence they now feel towards the period of authoritarian rule.

Communist Tradition and Market Forces: Red Tourism and Politics in Contemporary China

ABSTRACTIn recent years, five historic Chinese Communist revolutionary sites—Shanghai, Jinggangshan (Jiangxi province), Zunyi (Guizhou province), Yan’an (Shaanxi province) and Xibaibo (Hebei province)—have been labeled as the most sacred sites in the history of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) by local officials in order to promote tourism and patriotic education among young people. This widely publicized state campaign has been undertaken in an era of reform driven by unbridled capitalistic market forces when Communist ideology is losing its magnetic pull. However, the official promotion of these old revolutionary sites reveals several sharp areas of tension in today’s China: ‘red tourism’ (exploiting the heritage of the CCP for the tourism industry) versus ‘green tourism’ (scenic sightseeing for personal gratification), Communist ideology versus a market economy, and state domination versus local autonomy.

State-Organized Starvation: A Weapon of Extreme Mass Violence in Matabeleland South, 1984

This paper explores an episode of state led extreme mass violence in Zimbabwe, commonly referred to as Gukurahundi, with a specific focus on the second phase of the campaign in Matabeleland South in early 1984. During this phase, the state targeted both the political structure of the main political opposition party of ZAPU, as well as the minority Ndebele ethnic group from which ZAPU drew much of its grassroots level political support. Between February and April 1984, the Government of Zimbabwe used food as a political and military weapon of coercion, torture, punishment, and death against the Ndebele people of Matabeleland South. Analysis of (a) transcripts of interviews with survivors and witnesses, and (b) official government communications, between the US Department of State and the American embassy in Harare during 1984, obtained by Freedom of Information (FOI) requests, sheds a critical new lens on the policy of starvation and punishment. The original sources compiled in this study provide evidence of: (1) the suffering of the innocent Ndebele victims of state crime, (2) the knowledge that was available to the Western diplomatic community, (3) the response of the US government to the atrocities, and (4) the response of the Government of Zimbabwe to the atrocities. This study concludes that the deprivation of food supplies, which formed a significant element of this state campaign, deliberately brought between 350,000 and 400,000 people to the extreme edge of starvation in contravention of international law. Corroborating reports from credible sources evidences that these Zimbabwean state crimes resulted in the death of men, women, and children from starvation and dehydration as well as through injuries and illness exacerbated by hunger and malnutrition induced by the government's strict curfew and forced starvation.

Enrolling Underserved Women in mHealth Programs: Results From Text4baby Outreach Campaigns.

Public health practitioners have increasingly leveraged technology-based communication to get health information into the hands of hard-to-reach populations; however, best practices for outreach and enrollment into mobile health (mHealth) programs are lacking. This article describes enrollment results from campaigns focused on enrolling underserved pregnant women and mothers in Text4baby-a free, mHealth service-to inform outreach strategies for mHealth programs. Text4baby participants receive health and safety information, interactive surveys, alerts, and appointment reminders through at least three weekly texts and a free app-timed to users' due date or babies' birth date. Text4baby worked with partners to implement national, state, and community-based enrollment campaigns. Descriptive statistics were used to compare baseline enrollment prior to a campaign with enrollment during a campaign to generate enrollment estimates. Enrollment rates were calculated for campaigns for which the number targeted/reached was available. National television campaigns resulted in more than 10,000 estimated enrollments. Campaigns that were integrated with an existing program and text-based recruitment had the highest enrollment rates, ranging from 7% to 24%. Facebook advertisements and traditional media targeting providers and consumers were least effective. mHealth programs should consider text-based recruitment and outreach via existing programs; additional research is needed on return on investment for different outreach strategies and on the effectiveness of different outreach strategies at reaching and enrolling specific target populations.

Using Creative Assignments to Help Students Integrate Their Learning in a Campaigns and Elections Class

ABSTRACTThe ability to integrate learning—to make connections across classes or even within a single class—is integral to students becoming better learners, and to growing their capacity to perform as civic actors. We discuss an upper-level Campaigns and Elections class in which the course structure and assignments were set up to encourage students to integrate their learning. As part of the class, students played the role of state party committees during the 2016 presidential election, at first making arguments to devote more national party resources to their state campaign and then reporting back to the national party on how the election went in their state, and what the party must do to maximize its future success. Through coding of student final exam essay questions, we explore the degree to which students were able to achieve the integrative learning goals we had set for them, and examine factors that might help predict which students achieved these learning goals. We conclude by generalizing from our experience to discuss best practices for achieving integrative learning in our courses.

Nine Bullets for the Traitors, One for the Enemy: The Slogans and Strategy behind the Islamic State's Campaign to Defeat the Sunni Awakening (2016 - 2017)

Nine Bullets for the Traitors, One for the Enemy: The Slogans and Strategy behind the Islamic State's Campaign to Defeat the Sunni Awakening (2016 - 2017)