Anthropologists speak of ethnography as both product and process of fieldwork yet have tended to be overly concerned about product In this article I argue that by making process of fieldwork more participatory, we make product more policy oriented The case presented here suggests that visual methods can be valuable in process of validating anthropological interpretations with study populations and of submitting ethnographic renditions to general publics. Visual methods help study populations to project their views and engage them in dialogue that validates fieldwork while helping them to construct their own and joint visions of and I suggest use of visual instruments at three different stages of fieldwork (conversations around photos, artifacts, and opinion books) involving informants and general publics. Using dialogues on, with, and about study population produced a multifaceted, richer, and more reflective construction of the other. Interview instruments that engage in their own constructions of otherness are particularly useful in ethnographic research on multicultural and socially stratified contemporary urban societies. [ethnographic research, visual interview instruments, participatory fieldwork elderly, Hispanic] The Social Construction of Poverty The urban poor have received a great deal of attention, whether defined as marginal, a reserve labor force, suffering from a culture of poverty or, most recently, as an underclass. Focusing on differences between us and them, academic analysts have made basic assumptions about society which are then passed on to policy makers. Looking at them, analysts and policy makers continue to debate whether poverty is caused by deficient integration within stratification system or by intrinsic characteristics that can be measured to add up to dysfunctional units (such as in culture of poverty traits or in underclass indicators). We agonize over establishing differences, in identifying borders, in isolating brokers in academic circles, and providing information on differences to program planners. This article focuses on similarities to discover common features, within within other, in order to view New York as urban space containing stratified enclaves. To do that, we need to include in academic assumptions about society assumptions that other hold about themselves and us. Rather than using poverty as an explanatory construct or as a worldview, which are unidirectional analysts' constructions, I suggest problematizing social construction of poverty to understand articulation between and within social classes. Instead of using poverty as an epithet or as a view of poor from mainstream (which, whether we use this term or not, we continue to think about), I am focusing on poor's view of their own life circumstances in context of structural inequity. The people I studied - other - embodied various representations: on a first representation they were Hispanics, as defined on basis of census categorizations by National Institute on Aging, which funded my project. On a second representation, they were located in a real place and had a story to tell, that of migration. On a third representation, they were depicted in photos of a space-place constructed by me. A fourth representation was their feedback on my representation of them through our conversations; and a fifth was exhibit that I curated in collaboration with museum staff. This exhibit in turn elicited a variety of representations in responses of audience. What follows is a critical reflection on process that uncovered these representations. Ethnographic Fieldwork: Product and Process A central concern of contemporary ethnography of other in United States (Clifford and Marcus 1986; Van Maanen 1988) has been product. Reflection on process has focused on understanding interviewer's role in production of social knowledge of other, and on distinguishing between anthropological self and anthropologized (Cohen 1992) both in product and in conduct of a fieldwork study (for recent examples, see Anderson 1995; Raybeck 1996). …
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