St John Chrysostom Research Articles

“The Teachings of Neagoe Basarab to His Son Theodosius” – a Historiographic Retrospective

On the commemoration of five centuries after the death of Romanian Ruling Prince Neagoe Basarab (1512-1521), one of the most important representatives of cultural resistance on Romanian territory in the Middle Ages, the author of the present paper shines a light on the history, context and influences of his masterpiece, The Teachings of Neagoe Basarab to His Son Theodosius. Thus, the paper highlights Neagoe Basarab’s prophetic side, how his writings bring education to his people or the influences of authors like Basil I the Macedonian or Constantine Porphyrogenites on his style and ideas. At the same time, due attention is given to the influence of his work of patristic voices such as St John Chrysostom, Dionysius the Areopagite, John Climacus or mystical authors such as Varlaam și Iosafat, to his way of thinking, and the metamorphosis of his ideas. Furthermore, potential influences such as the one of Machiavelli and his chief work, The Prince, are also brought to attention in the paper, emphasising that there are voices that persist in the claim that the Italian author may have influenced Neagoe Basarab’s activity. The paper concludes, among other things, that, through his work, Neagoe Basarab managed to pave the way for Humanist culture on Romanian territory.

What Was Stefan Yavorsky Silent about? Undelivered Sermons as a Multiple Equation

This article examines the circumstances behind Metropolitan Stefan Yavorsky of Ryazan and Murom’s not delivering a sermon about the truth persecuted everywhere on the Day of St John Chrysostom on November 13, 1708. The text is marked as non dictum in the manuscript by the author. In historiography, Yavorsky’s undelivered sermons are often used to characterise the critical mood of the preacher in the context of the protracted Northern War and the author’s intentions, as he allegedly changed his mind in time to deliver an accusatory sermon. The author of the article suggests that the chief factor that prevented Yavorsky from preaching on the day of St John Chrysostom was the anathematisation of Hetman Ivan Mazepa (in 1708), which preceded the event, and the death of Dimitri Rostovsky, a close friend of the Metropolitan's (in 1709). The article provides arguments confirming the author’s intentions to voice the ideas of this sermon, such as the usage of its fragments in other texts. For the first time, the sermon for the Day of St John Chrysostom is presented in the context of Yavorsky’s preaching heritage, and its content is analysed considering the author’s complex intention (the article also contains rare Yavorsky’s poems in Latin and translations thereof). The research emphasises the need to publish the full text of Stefan Yavorsky’s sermons and further study their place in the public sphere and intellectual culture of the Petrine era.

Denunciations of Sorcery as Demonic Possession in Old Russian Izmaragd

Old Russian scribes repeatedly tried to refute and devalue the abilities of the sorcerers in works of various genres. However, despite all attempts to instill in people a negative attitude towards sorcery, in the seventeenth century, both commoners and rulers turned for help to magicians, sorcerers, whisperers, astrologers, shamans, etc. at difficult times of their lives. A centuries-old tradition behind such appeals forced preachers to use various poetological and psychological methods of persuasion and suggestion. This article explores the rhetorical suggestive techniques and features of the argumentation system in homilies against sorcery, which are part of Izmaragd, an Old Russian collection of regulatory texts of stable composition. The author refers to The Homily of the Holy Fathers on Sorcery, a part of the 16th-century Izmaragd, and The Homily of St John Chrysostom on Those Who Are Cured of Illness by Sorcery, which is part of the Izmaragd. In 17th-century Izmaragd, The Homily of the Holy Fathers about Sorcery is part of The Homily about Those Who Are Treated by Sorcery and does not exist separately as an independent text. Therefore, referring to these texts, one can trace how the original suggestive rhetorical devices and argumentation change. The study demonstrates that in comparison with The Homily of the Holy Fathers about Sorcery, The Homily about Those Who Are Treated by Sorcery, uses a richer palette of rhetorical and psychological methods of influencing the audience. The communicative goal of convincing people to refuse to turn to sorcerers is achieved in different ways. Perhaps due to the brevity of the text itself, The Homily of the Holy Fathers on Sorcery employs simple traditional means, i. e. multiple repetitions and appeal to authority (indirect quotations). The Homily about Those Who Are Treated by Sorcery employs a different, more subtle technology of speech hypnosis in the form of direct and contextual suggestions. In addition to the rhetorical devices typical of old Russian sermons (repetitions, rhetorical questions, exclamations, appeals, comparison, etc.), the text contains an extensive system of argumentation. Appeals to authority (in particular, its subtype – appeal to fame) combine with examples that are a model of behaviour and an anti-model, as well as with maxims of a different nature (intimidating, containing promises). The two Homilies demonstrate two completely different systems of speech impact on the audience. It is unnecessary to talk about the intentional transformation of original rhetorical suggestive devices and systems of argumentation in relation to these texts. Most likely, The Homily of the Holy Fathers about Sorcery inherits the oral tradition of delivering sermons and therefore is based on simple methods of suggestion easily perceived by the ear, and The Homily about Those Who Are Treated by Sorcery, conceived as a written text, was created based on old rhetorical schools.

Rev. Henryk Paprocki’s Contribution to Poland’s Orthodox Translation

The article discloses the history and state of religious translation in Poland via the prism of one confession (the Polish Autocephalous Orthodox Church) and of one translator (Rev. Prof Henryk Paprocki). Although the translation history of the Orthodox Liturgy in Poland is not so short, its achievements centred around the Liturgy of St John Chrysostom and prayer-books, while the large-scale program of translating Orthodox liturgical texts into Polish is still a one-man enterprise. This state of arts postpones the time of possessing the full Polish-language corpus of Orthodox liturgical texts, but it also means that the academic and ecclesiastical reception of these translations is slow and sporadic, and in many cases, the translator remains alone in shaping translation strategies for highly authoritative texts as those for liturgical praxis.

„Wszystko ma swój czas". Patrystyczna egzegeza Księgi Eklezjastesa 3,1-8

Z wczesnochrześcijańskich dzieł egezegetycznych dotyczących Księgi Eklezjastesa zachowały się nieliczne fragmenty komentarza Orygenesa, obszerna część komentarza Dydyma Ślepego, homilie św. Grzegorza z Nyssy, krótki komentarz literalny przypisywany św. Janowi Chryzostomowi, komentarz o charakterze umiarkowanie alegorycznym św. Hieronima i komentarz Grzegorza z Agrigentum, biskupa Sycylii z przełomu VI i VII wieku. Analiza zawartego w powyższych dziełach komentarza do wersetów Koh 3, 1-8 ujawnia dwojaki charakter patrystycznej egzegezy tego biblijnego tekstu: uniwersalny i indywidualny. Z jednej strony autorzy odnoszą tekst Koh 1-3 do czasu w wymiarze powszechnym, obejmującego historię zbawienia ludzkości i związanego z działalnością Opatrzności Bożej, czuwającej nad przebiegiem procesu dziejowego. Z drugiej strony interpretują ten passus w odniesieniu do życia duchowego każdego chrześcijanina, jego głębokiej relacji do Boga, procesu doskonalenia wewnętrznego, walki z wadami i nabywania cnót. Oba wymiary czasowe się przenikają: indywidualna droga człowieka do doskonałości wpisuje się w zaplanowane przez Boga dzieje zbawienia ludzkości. Każda czynność, zarówno w wymiarze indywidualnym, jak i uniwersalnym, ma swój właściwy czas wyznaczony przez Boga.

Peter Paul Rubens’s Investigation of the Origins of Idolatry and Iconoclasm in the Jesuit Church of Antwerp

This paper will examine three images of iconoclasm designed by Peter Paul Rubens for the Jesuit Church in Antwerp - St Eugenia in the Temple, St John Chrysostom, and The Miracles of St Francis Xavier. Through this series of paintings, Rubens embarked on an investigation of the history and roots of idolatry that is similar to Jesuit writings by authors such as Roberto de Nobili and José de Acosta. Like Rubens, these authors demonstrate that idolatry began in the ancient world with simple mistakes, such as when kings erected statues of themselves and compelled their subjects to worship them as gods. However, the passage of time and the trickery of Satan led people to forget that these images originally depicted mere mortals. Rubens shows the viewer that true believers had always opposed such idols, just as Catholics continued to oppose idolatry both within Europe and abroad on the overseas missions. In this way, Rubens’s images of iconoclasm in the Jesuit Church of Antwerp functioned as an effective rebuttal of Protestant criticisms of Catholic image veneration.

'A WONDERFULL MONSTER BORNE IN GERMANY': HAIRY GIRLS IN MEDIEVAL AND EARLY MODERN GERMAN BOOK, COURT AND PERFORMANCE CULTURE.

Human hirsuteness, or pathological hair growth, can be symptomatic of various conditions, including genetic mutation or inheritance, and some cancers and hormonal disturbances. Modern investigations into hirsuteness were initiated by nineteenth-century German physicians. Most early modern European cases of hypertrichosis (genetically determined all-over body and facial hair) involve German-speaking parentage or patronage, and are documented in German print culture. Through the Wild Man tradition, modern historians routinely link early modern reception of historical hypertrichosis cases to issues of ethnicity without, however, recognising early modern awareness of links between temporary hirsuteness and the pathological nexus of starvation and anorexia. Here, four cases of hirsute females are reconsidered with reference to this medical perspective, and to texts and images uncovered by my current research at the Herzog August Library and German archives. One concerns an Italian girl taken to Prague in 1355 by the Holy Roman Empress, Anna von Schweidnitz. Another focuses on Madeleine and Antonietta Gonzalez, daughters of the ‘Wild Man’ of Tenerife, documented at German courts in the 1580s. The third and fourth cases consider the medieval bearded Sankt Kümmernis (also known as St Wilgefortis or St Uncumber), and the seventeenth-century Bavarian fairground performer Barbara Urslerin.Krankhafter menschlicher Hirsutismus kann aufgrund unterschiedlicher Ursachen auftreten, zu denen u.a. genetische Veränderungen und Vererbung, verschiedene Krebserkrankungen und hormonelle Störungen gehören. Die moderne Hirsutismus-Forschung ist im 19. Jh. von deutschen Forschern initiiert worden. Die meisten europäischen frühneuzeitlichen Erscheinungen von Hypertrichose (dem genetisch bedingten Haarwuchs am gesamten Körper und im Gesicht) gehen auf deutschsprachige Eltern oder Förderer zurück und sind in Deutschland in den Druck gelangt. Bei Untersuchungen des Motivs des Wilden Mannes zieht die aktuelle geschichtswissenschaftliche Forschung in der Regel Verbindungslinien zwischen der frühneuzeitlichen Wahrnehmung von Hypertrichose-Fällen und Fragen der Ethnizität, ohne jedoch zu beachten, dass in der Frühen Neuzeit die Verbindung zwischen temporärem Hirsutismus und der krankhaften Verknüpfung von Unterernährung und Anorexie bekannt war. Im vorliegenden Beitrag werden vier Fälle von an Hirsutismus erkrankten Frauen neu analysiert, unter Einbezug dieser medizinischen Perspektive und unter Beachtung von Texten und Abbildungen, die meine jüngsten Forschungen in der Herzog August Bibliothek und an deutschen Archiven ans Licht gefördert haben. Die hier betrachteten Fälle betreffen ein italienisches Mädchen, das 1355 von Anna von Schweidnitz, Kaiserin des Hl. Römischen Reichs, nach Prag gebracht wurde; Madeleine und Antonietta Gonzalez, die Töchter des ‘Wilden Manns’ von Teneriffa, die in den 1580er Jahren an deutschen Höfen bezeugt sind; die bärtige Sankt Kümmernis (Wilgefortis), und die bayerische Jahrmarktkünstlerin Barbara Urslerin.

Deux séries chrysostomiennes : Sur l’impuissance du diable et Sur l’obscurité des prophéties

Since the publication of the 1718 edition of B. de Montfaucon, the scholarly consensus on St John Chrysostom has been that the De diabolo tentatore homilies (CPG 4332) belong together as a homogenous series of three discourses. However, an in-depth study of these texts, together with an analysis of the manuscript tradition and of the Catalogue Augustanus, demonstrated the need to reconsider the composition of the De diabolo tentatore series, which we re-named here as On the impotence of the devil. Thus the first homily within the On the impotence of the devil series also features as the third homily within the On the obscurity of prophecies series (CPG 4420). These two sequences, which are well established, are also well defined and delineated, both thematically and chronologically. The problem that remains is the possibility of establishing whether the two series of homilies were delivered at approximately the same time. The series On the obscurity of prophecies would have been delivered in the course of the Lent of the year 386, right at the beginning of St John’s priestly ministry. It is also certain that the two homilies On the impotence of the devil were given in Antioch, in the course of the Bright Week, at the time of the bishopric of Flavian. We have no indication regarding the dates when the two sermons were preached. The absence of any further manuscripts in continuation of these five homelies strongly suggests the hypothesis that the two groups of sermons would have been delivered on different dates and that we are dealing here with two distinct series of homelies.

The Monk as Christian Saint and Exemplar in St John Chrysostom’s Writings

By the time Augustine read the Life of Antony in 386, the biography had already become an international best seller in the Roman Empire. Translated twice into Latin and read in places as far off as Milan and Syrian Antioch, the Egyptian Life also proved to be a significant influence upon hagiographical writing in the late fourth century, the most notable example being the Lives of St Jerome. Consequently, scholars have often taken it to represent the dominant paradigm for sainthood in fourth-century Christianity and the centuries that followed. But is this assumption tenable? The Life of Antony would in all likelihood be read only by the educated elite or by ascetic circles in the Church, and was hardly accessible to the ordinary Christian. More importantly, hagiographical discourse in the fourth century was not restricted to biographies, but pervaded all sorts of Christian literature. This is certainly the case with the writings of St John Chrysostom (c. 349—407), who often presents the Christian monk as a saintly figure in his monastic treatises and his voluminous homilies. Indeed, what emerges from his writings is a paradigmatic saint who is significantly different from that portrayed in the biographies, and yet equally influential among his lay and ascetic audiences. To be sure, Chrysostom’s monastic portraits share some common features with that provided by Athanasius’s Life. Nevertheless, there are also stark differences between the two, and these are the focus of this paper.

Jesus the Perfect Communicator

Jesus is considered as the ‘Perfect communicator,’ the one who perfectly communicated the love of the Father to us. It was in prayer that Jesus entered into communion with his Father, receiving the very life and love he needed to transmit. Our Lord also made good use of multi-sensorial communication, not merely announcing with his lips, but with his whole life. He spoke the language of the people so that they could better receive his message and persevered in announcing the truth despite various oppositions. We see these aspects present in the lives of the Church Fathers: St Gregory of Nazianzus (prayer), St Augustine (the use of the five senses), St Gregory the Great (talking the language of the people) and St John Chrysostom (speaking the truth). The task of communicating the Good news has been entrusted to the whole Church. These aforementioned elements of good communication, namely prayer, being multi-sensorial, with adapted language and persevering in truth despite contradictions and challenges, can help in our mission of communicating the Gospel to the contemporary world of today.

The Sacramentality of Sound: The Blessing of Bells and Olivier Messiaen’s Conception of Musica sacra

The Sacramentality of Sound: The Blessing of Bells and Olivier Messiaen’s Conception of Musica sacra Jennifer Donelson What Musick is there that compar’d may be To well-tun’d Bells enchanting melody! Breaking with their sweet sound the willing Air, And in the listning ear the Soul ensnare...1 I. Bells in Christian Liturgy and Culture The Church Fathers’ first assessments of the bell are not favorable. St John Chrysostom reprimands Christians for attaching bells to their wrists for protection in imitation of the pagan practice.2 St Ignatius of Antioch urges deacons to invite the faithful to the liturgy by calling their names rather than using a clapper or bell.3 By the sixth century, however, bells had found their way into monastic life. One of the first appearances in monastic literature of the word signus (signal), which could mean a wooden or metal device like a clapper or a semantron, is in the Rule of St Benedict circa 530. Chapter 22 states, “In this way the monks shall always be ready to rise quickly when the signal is given and hasten each one to come before his brother to the Divine Office, and yet with all gravity and modesty.”4 In chapter 43, we see the same word used to indicate a signal that calls monks to abandon their work and hurry to prayer.5 1 Richard Duckworth and Fabian Stedman, Tintinnalogia, or, The Art of Ringing (London, 1671; reprint, Teddington UK: Echo Library, 2007) 4. 2 Percival Price, Bells and Man (New York: Oxford University Press, 1983) 100. 3 Ignatius of Antioch, Ep. ad Polycarpum 2.4 (PG 5:722). 4 “Et ut parati sint monachi semper; et facto signo absque mora surgentes festinent invicem se prævenire ad opus Dei, cum omni tamen gravitate et modestia.” Regula S. P. Benedicti c. XXII (PL 66:490), trans. Cardinal Gasquet, The Rule of Saint Benedict (New York: Cooper Square, 1966) 53. 5 “Ad horam divini officii mox ut auditum fuerit signum, relictis omnibus quælibet fuerint in manibus, summa cum festinatione curratur; cum gravitate tamen, ut non scurrilitas inveniat fomitem.” Regula S.P. Benedicti c. XLIII (PL 66:675). Antiphon 15.1 (2011): 61-77 62 Jennifer Donelson Around 585, St Gregory of Tours, in his Miracles of St Martin, makes frequent mention of signae that are struck or shaken by means of a cord and for the purpose of awakening monks and signaling the imminent beginning of services.6 The word campana (bell) had made its appearance a little earlier in a circa 515 letter from a deacon in Carthage named Ferrandus to Abbot Eugippius in Naples, in which Ferrandus introduces Eugippius to the practice of ringing a bell that was hung.7 In the Liber Pontificalis, we learn that Pope Stephen II erected a three-bell belfry (campanae) at St Peter’s in the mid-eighth century.8 By the beginning of the ninth century, “every parish church [in the Frankish dominion] was expected to have one bell.”9 St Bede the Venerable, in his Ecclesiastical History of the English People (731), relates a miraculous story in which the bell’s toll signaled the death of St Hilda to a nun thirteen miles away, thus suggesting that by this time, even visions from God referenced the role of the bell in the life of the monastery. As she was resting in the sisters’ dormitory, she suddenly heard in the air the well-known note of the bell that used to wake and call them to prayer when any of the sisters had died. Opening her eyes … she saw the roof open, and a great light pour in from above and flood the room. While she gazed into this light, she saw the soul of God’s servant Hilda borne up to heaven in the midst of the light accompanied and guided by angels. Then she awoke, and seeing the other sisters lying around her, realized that what she had seen was either a dream or a vision.... [A]t daybreak some brothers arrived from the monastery where [St Hilda] had died with news of her passing. The sisters replied that they already knew, and...

St John Chrysostom on Ministry, Discernment, and Call

St John Chrysostom on Ministry, Discernment, and Call

Russians on Russian Music, 1880-1917: An Anthology by Stuart s> Campbell (review)

332 SEER, 83, 2, 2005 for the endangered Karner Blue butterflymight be praiseworthy,but which adds not much understanding to the function of butterflies in Nabokov's writings,this is one of the most interestingpartsof the whole collection.John M. Kopper's paper on 'the space of imagination that joins Darwin and Nabokov' (p. 229) is a superb discussion of the interaction between scientific theories and art in Nabokov's thinking and writing. Stephen H. Blackwell offersan equally fascinating examination of Nabokov's adaptation of Andrei Belyi'snotions of the metricaldesignsof poetry and its unintentionalpatterns, which leads him to outline Nabokov's 'poeticsof negative patterns'(p. 233). With Shapiro'sfine essay on the similaritiesof the methods of early Dutch paintersand Nabokov's art,the collection turnsto an area of Nabokov studies which has been given increasedyet not sufficientattention over the lastyears, namely the writer's interaction with the visual arts. This topic is further explored in the final essay in this section, Clarence Brown's excellent discussion of the function of the comic stripin Nabokov's construction of his fictionalworlds. The collection ends with Stephen Parker'sstock-takingof Nabokov studies today, a rathercomplex areathatseemsto have exploded over the lastdecade. Dmitri Nabokov is given the final word with his touching and beautiful memories of his parentsand the family'stime in Ithaca. Essays in this collection have been chosen so as to give a balanced representationof differenttrends and views in the constantly expanding area of Nabokov studies, while at the same time outlining new approaches to Nabokov's texts. The latter, however, could have been given more weight at the expense of those studies that cover very well-travelledground. That said, Shapirohas managed to bringtogetherquite disparateessaysand approaches into a coherent volume that traces Nabokov's development not only as a writerbut also as 'the last Renaissance man' with his ever-wideningrange of interests. Wotfson College, Oxford S. FRANK Campbell, Stuart (ed. and trans.). RussiansonRussianMusic, I88o-I9I7.- An Anthology.Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, New York and Melbourne, 2003. xvi + 267 pp. List of sources. Notes. Index. ?45.00: $69.95. VALUABLE anthologies are always worth extending, and this book makes a welcome continuation of Dr Campbell's earlier review of Russian musical criticism from the period I830-80 (SEER,73, 1995, 2, PP. 332-33). Although many of the institutionsthat were being establishedduring the earlierperiod were already up and running by i88o, many of the malicious disputes, jealousies and rivalries are to be found unabated in the decades before the Revolution. Indeed, one of the most difficult characters of the nineteenth century, Tsezar' Kiui, lived until I9I8; other majorsurvivorsfrom the earlier period were German Larosh (Herman Laroche) and, most important, Vladimir Stasovhimself,although,as the compilerconfesses,hiscontributions are relativelysparselyrepresentedhere, as his views were alreadywell known REVIEWS 333 (p. xii). This was a period when all the artsflourishedin their differentways, andwhen, with theincreasing'privatization'ofmusicalinstitutions,composers and performersenjoyed greater scope than previously. Though performers, like Fedor Shaliapin (Chaliapin), are little represented here, the growth of interestin certain composers, such as Chaikovskii,was exponential, and more space is given here than in the previous volume to composers and compositions , and less to questions of the organization and infrastructureof musical life. In other respects,the volume under review plays a comparable role to its predecessor, namely to bring to readers without Russian the major musical ideas of the period. As before, Campbell has performed musicians a most valuable service. Chapterone is devoted to Chaikovskiiwith reviewsof his Liturgyof StJohn Chrysostom,the ManfredSymphony (byKiui, in relativelybenign mode, and Larosh), the First, Fifth and Sixth Symphonies, and the operas Mazeppa, Pikovaia damaand Charodeika (thelatter,often considered Chaikovskii'sweakest essay in this genre, is given a long and farfrom dismissiveaccount by Larosh, who nonethelessfeels it degeneratesafterthe firstact). Chaptertwo consistsof essays on some of Rimskii-Korsakov's principal works: Snegurochka, Sadko, Kashchei bessmertnyi, Skazanie o nevidimom gradeKitezhe i deveFevronii and Zolotoi petushok. Chapter three is devoted to other composers of the former Balkirev circle, whilst the fourth is on composers of the Beliaev generation (for this purpose, Arenskii, Glazunov and Liadov). Beliaev himself adored the music of Glazunov, and here his work as a symphonist is discussedby Iurii Engel'. One of...

‘Rend and teare in peeces’: Textual Fragmentation in Seventeenth-Century England

One discernable trend in early modern studies of the last decade has been a shift towards considerations of the reception of texts and, in particular, of readership. As part of this growing interest in consumption, several scholars have turned their attention to handwritten additions to printed books, considering moments when an early modern reader has altered a printed text or, more frequently, added a cross, a tick, a pointing hand, or, in the case of one verse collection I recently read, the repeated and endearing 'I like' beside various poems.1 But while readers' marginalia constitutes a small but emerging field, the related early modern practice of inserting, pasting or binding printed pages within a manuscript has been largely overlooked.2 This is not surprising: instances of the appropriation of a printed fragment within a manuscript are much less common than augmentations of a printed text with handwritten additions. However, the commonplace book of Sir John Gibson (British Library, Additional Manuscript 37719), compiled between 1655 and 1660, offers a sustained and often spectacular embodiment of just this practice, and a close account of this text presents compelling implications not only for the history of reading and of manuscript compilation, but also for our understanding of disenfranchised Royalists of the 1650s.The compiler's circumstances are as striking as the text produced: Gibson (1606-1665) was serving a prison sentence for debt in Durham Castle between 1653 and about 1661 while he compiled the manuscript.3 Gibson had been a wealthy Royalist landowner whose fortunes came crashing down as a result of the Civil War and its aftermath.4 Born in Welburn, North Riding, Yorkshire, and educated at Trinity College, Cambridge, Gibson's wealth was built on his substantial land holdings and the alum mining monopoly he inherited from his father. He expressed his politics through a conspicuous loyalty to the King: during the Civil War, Gibson was appointed to the Commission of Array for Yorkshire and rose to the rank of Colonel of the Horse. In 1644 Gibson's troop was ordered to guard York city during the siege of York which resulted in a Parliamentary victory.The origins of Gibson's imprisonment are both representative and opaque: representative in that Gibson, like many landowning Royalists, faced financial hardship as a consequence of his politics; yet opaque, in that the precise details are difficult to establish. In the early 1640s Gibson had stood as surety for John Redmayne and Henry Marshall in debts to a Yorkshire apothecary, William Wilson, and the demand to repay these debts in the 1650s coincided with a period of acute economic difficulty for Gibson. By then Gibson's estate - his primary source of income - had been compounded by Parliament, and his alum mine was rendered profitless when Parliament revoked the miners' patents in 1648, proclaiming them unfair monopolies. Gibson was thus unable to repay the debts he had guaranteed, and was imprisoned in Durham Castle in 1653.Like most early modern 'commonplace books', the manuscript Gibson compiled while serving this prison sentence is not really a commonplace book at all: not in the literal sense of a collection of sententiae, distributed across a range of headings.5 More useful as a bibliographical definition is that accommodating term 'miscellany': Gibson's single quarto volume (208 × 160mm) offers a diversity of inclusions - 602 entries across 564 pages - in English, Latin and Greek. The manuscript consists of thirty translations of sermons by (or attributed to) St John Chrysostom, translated 'by John Errington esq. 1656' (fol. 6), a fellow prisoner in Durham. The manuscript includes poetry by Gibson - an autobiographical verse and devotional poems - and by well-known sixteenth- and seventeenth-century authors including Christopher Marlowe, Philip Sidney, George Herbert, Francis Quarles, John Cleveland, and George Sandys, including extracts from Sandys' translation of Ovid's Metamorphoses. …

Review: A History of the Liturgy of St John Chrysostom. Volume V. The Precommunion Rites

A History of the Liturgy of St John Chrysostom. Volume V. The Precommunion Rites Robert F. Taft 573 Rome (Orientalia Christiana Analecta, 261.) Pontificio Istituto Orientale 2000 Paperback88 7210 326 6

IS MISSION A CONSEQUENCE OF THE CATHOLICITY OF THE CHURCH? AN ORTHODOX PERSPECTIVE*

ATHANASIOS N. PAPATHANASIOU (**) Is our Lord Jesus Christ a liar? Before hurrying judge this question as a blasphemy, let us remember how Christ himself describes his second coming and final judgement: On that day many will say him, 'Lord, Lord, did we not prophesy in your name, and in your name drive out demons and perform many miracles?' Then he will tell them plainly, 'I never knew you. Away from me, you evildoers!' (Matt: 7:22-23). It is here that above posed blasphemous question arises. How can Jesus claim that he never knew them? Is it possible that omniscient God ignores very existence of some creatures? The answer lies in understanding of verb to and term knowledge. What Christ means here is apparently not mere mental knowledge, collection of information, but something much more than that: real knowledge is personal relationship, communion between persons. really know someone insofar as share my life with him/her in love, as Christ has asked us. (1) What human being is being called by God is participation in a community. When disciples met Christ after his resurrection, they did not recognize him until he sat at table with them and shared food with them (Luke 24:30-32). What makes me a Christian is not individualistic acceptance of an ideology, but participation in a meal, that is, in eucharistic gathering of church. Here we can recognize one another as concrete persons, experience presence of God, manifest faith and anticipate final gathering in eschata, wedding supper of Christ and church (Rev. 20:9, 21:2). It is not by chance that first who spoke about catholicity of church, spoke in connection with eucharistic gathering and construction of a local church. It was St Ignatius of Antioch, who, in his letter Smyrnaeans (ca 100 AD), wrote, Where Christ is, there is Church. (2) As we can see, Ignatius uses-an adjective (catholic), not a noun (catholicity). The same happens in creed: I believe in one holy and apostolic Church.... This is of special importance. Catholicity is not an abstract concept or an ideological formula, but mode of life of a certain community, that is, church, body of Christ. (3) The term catholic (hence catholicity) derives from Greek expression kath'holou, which denotes totality or integrity. Applied church, it has not got a mere geographical meaning. It certainly implies worldwide expansion of Christianity, but primarily it signifies inner wholeness and integrity of church's life. (4) The term is used as equivalent of Orthodox mark difference of church from every other Christian group or denomination, which may hold parts of truth but not whole truth. The church is catholic, because she accepts and experiences whole truth incarnate, Jesus Christ, and serves transformation of whole world (with no dichotomies between so-called spiritual and material aspects of life) into flesh of Jesus Christ. So, church is not only because she holds truth, but also because she manifests and offers it whole of humankind. These two elements of ecclesiastical life (the experience and manifestation of truth) are definitely inseparable. If church does not proclaim her truth (that is, rebukes her missionary task), she loses catholicity. According St Paul, church is Christ's body, the fullness of Him who fills everything in every way (Eph. 1:23). It is a truly daring concept: If church is fulfilment, completion of Christ, it means that Christ is incomplete without church, his body, so much same as church is incomplete without Christ, her head! St John Chrysostom comments on St Paul's words and emphasizes that, since body consists of all parts, Christ needs every single member of his. …

Viollet-le-Duc on drawing, photography, and the ‘space outside the frame’

A small cache of documents held in a Paris archive holds tantalizing implications for the study of the role of the nascent art of photography in nineteenth-century architectural thinking. An investigation of the publishing history of Viollet-le-Duc's 1877 L'Art russe 1 at the French Ministry of Culture's Bibliothèque et Archives du Patrimoine turned up a folio containing thirty-four uncatalogued and unpublished early photographs of Russian monuments that had been donated to the library by the architect's descendants in the 1960s.2 Several of the photographs bear the dated imprints of their makers; many were made in 1867 by the Moscow commercial studio of Mikhail Nastiukov, where several of Russia's earliest artist-photographers apprenticed in the 1860s and 70s.3 A number show riparian landscapes featuring jagged architectural silhouettes cutting across a bleached sky. Nastiukov's view of the Church of St John Chrysostom at Korovniki is typical of these, showing one of many striking ensembles constructed in Yaroslavl, a merchant town on the Volga trade route that prospered in the seventeenth century (figure 1). Similar images were published by the same photographer in his 1867 album Volga Valley Landscapes from Tver to Kazan, the record of an unofficial Russian-style 'mission heliographique' that took on the task, like its French predecessor in 1851, of documenting the nation's architectural treasures.4 One photograph of non-Russian origin is an engraved daguerrotype of the sixteenth-century Cathedral of St Basil the Blessed in Moscow, drawn from one of the first photographic albums published in France — optician Lerebours' Excursions daguerriennes of 1839.5 No documents accompanied the original donation to explain how these photographs came into the possession of the family, or, indeed, whether they had belonged to the nineteenthcentury architect himself or to his son, who had later taken over as director of the Service des Monuments historiques; their papers were co-mingled in the Rue Drouot attic. But the objects themselves bear a telling clue to their origin — the original handlers of the photographs had amended their captions by hand, and the graceful pen that translated the printed Russian legends into French was that of Viktor Butovsky, Director of the Museum of Art and Industry in Moscow, and the principal Russian sponsor of Viollet-le-Duc's book project.6

Domestic Dangers: Women, Words, and Sex in Early Modern London

'What else is woman but a foe to friendship ...a domestic danger.' These words, taken from a biblical commentary by St John Chrysostom, are frequently quoted in early modern literature, showing that sexual morality was central to the patriarchal society of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century England. In this fascinating and original book, Laura Gowing considers what gender difference meant in the practice of daily life, examining the working of gender relations in sex, courtship, marriage conflict, and verbal disputes. Her focus is the richly detailed and previously unused records of litigation over sexual insult, contracts of marriage, and marital separation in London, c.1560-1640. Gowing takes a new approach to these legal testimonies, reading them as texts with complicated layers of meanings in order to reveal precisely how culture, language, stories, and experience connected. Arguing that women's and men's sexual honour had such different meanings as to make them incommensurable, she reveals how, in every area of sex and marriage, women were perceived as acting differently, and with different results, from men. This is the first analysis of women's special experiences in the metropolis, and presents powerful evidence for women's use of legal agency. From the formal world of law to the daily world of the street, Domestic Dangers reveals the organization of gender relations and the shape of ordinary women's lives in early modern London.

Old belief and work

The correlation between Protestantism and capitalism was demonstrated effectively by Max Weber. His findings related to the West. What is the situation in Russia? Can a similar correlation between economic and religious development be traced here? The example of Old Belief springs most readily to mind as its contribution to the Russian industrial revolution, which took place at the turn of the century, was unusually high. I propose to consider whether an analogy is justified or even possible; it would in any case be instructive to look more closely at the place of Old Belief and its significance in the social history of Russia. In contrast to the Protestantism and Catholicism of the West, which have some fundamentally different theological doctrines, the dogmas and teachings of Orthodoxy and Old Belief are alike. Old Believers consider themselves to be followers of ancient Orthodox Christianity. The spiritual crisis of seventeenth-century Russia, which saw the origin of Old Belief, evoked a huge interest in the ancient Russian Orthodox heritage. This interest was particularly intense among Old Believers, whereas it remained at a low level among those who remained true to the official church, those called 'Nikonians' in Old Belief terminology. Among the Old Believers the eloquence of St John Chrysostom shone once more in its true colours. It can even be said that among Old Believers Orthodox teaching experienced a revival, regaining the living significance of the times of the Church Fathers. It is important to point out here that this interest in the Orthodox heritage and pre-Nikonian church writings quickly brought about near-universal literacy among Old Believers. Old Belief was by no means a uniform movement. Different tendencies or 'concords' ('soglasiya') within Old Belief responded to the challenge of the official church in different ways. The most moderate group of Old Believers, the popovshchina ('priestly'), recognised the heresy of the new post-Nikonian hierarchy but nonetheless did not refuse to accept deserters from among its priesthood and put them through a special ceremony in which they renounced their former heresy. This situation arose because none of the bishops in seventeenth-century Russia remained true to Old Belief. Pave! Kolomensky, the only bishop devoted to the old ways, was martyred by the authorities. Another group of Old Believers, called the bespopovshchina ('priestless'), believed that the split in Russian Orthodoxy had brought the earthly hierarchy and priesthood to an end and that they were now to be found only in heaven. The bespopovtsy kept up all aspects of ancient Orthodox practice except those which could only be performed by a priest. They therefore have no liturgy and there is no altar in their houses of prayer: it is as if the altar were sealed up.

SHORT NOTICES

The Mediation of Christ. By Thomas F. Torrance. Christian Spirituality and Sacramental Community. By Wolfhart Pannenberg. St John Chrysostom: On the Incomprehensible Nature of God. Translated by Paul W. Harkins. The End of Strife. Edited by David Loades. Categories of Mediaeval Culture. By A.J. Gurevich. Popular Religion in the Middle Ages: Western Europe 1000–1300. By Rosalind and Christopher Brooke. Women Writers of the Middle Ages: A Critical Study of Texts from Perpetua († 203) to Marguerite Porete († 1310). By Peter Dronke. The Life and Work of Jalaluddin Rumi. By Afzal Iqbal. Pietists: Selected Writings. Edited by Peter C. Erb. The Doctrine of Election and the Emergence of Elizabethan Tragedy. By Martha Tuck Rozett. Das Missale Deutsch, Teil 1: Bibliographie der Übersetzungen in Handschriften und Drucken. Compiled by Angelus Albert Häussling. Victorian Science and Religion: A Bibliography. Compiled by Sydney Eisen and Bernard V. Lightman. John Henry Newman: An Annotated Bibliography of his Tract and Pamphlet Collection. Compiled by James David Earnest and Gerard Tracey. The Christian College: A History of Protestant Education in America. By William C. Ringenberg. The Abandonment of the Jews: America and the Holocaust, 1941–1945. By David S. Wyman. Cours deMétaphysique: Tome II. Métaphysique Générate, l'étant en tant qu'étant. By Albert Félicé and Antoine de Coninck. Metaphysical Themes in Thomas Aquinas. By John F. Wippel.