Spreading Propaganda Research Articles

Observing HTI’s Da’wah Movement Following Perppu Number 2 of 2017 Concerning Community Organizations

This research was based on an academic concern regarding the dissolution of Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) on July 19, 2017 through Perppu (Enactment of Government Regulation in Lieu of Law) Number 2 of 2017 concerning Community Organizations. This Perppu has changed the map of the HTI’s da'wah and political movements which were previously massive and dominant in various media and became silent at once. Previously known as the 411, the 212, and the 505 Muslim Movements which were led HTI people, then after the HTI dissolution, this organization seemed to be in suspended animation and vanished without a trace. Even HTI’s preaching movements on various online media under the organization’s guidance have been difficult to find. Based on this concern, the formulation of the problem in this study is as follows: first, what is the doctrine and anatomy of the HTI movement? Second, how was the HTI da’wah movement since the New Order until the issuance of Perrpu Number 2 of 2017? Third, what strategies are used by Hizbut Tahrir after the enactment of Perppu Number 2 of 2017? Fourth, what Counter Narrative reveals the HTI’s inconsistencies after the enactment of Perppu Number 2 of 2017 concerning Community Organizations? These questions will be answered qualitatively through descriptive explanation of the object being studied as behavior and an event with the main location in Indonesia with its information from actors and documents scattered in the electronic and print media, so that the data source is mostly literature and does not rule out the possible date from informants. In conclusion, the HTI movement as a da'wah and political organization will continue to exist despite being banned institutionally. Based on observation and discussion with several community leaders, HTI is continues recruiting new members, especially on public campuses which have become its hub, even though it is done with silent operations. In addition, national political contestation ahead of the 2019 presidential election is also very vulnerable to being ridden by HTI, either by continuing to spread propaganda or raise the issues of government failure in alleviating poverty, securing domestic assets, and the rule of law.

Upotreba društvenih medija u pobunjeničke i protivpobunjeničke svrhe

Traditional media, such as television, radio or newspapers, offer only one-way communication, while social media provide two-way communication. Today, the individuals are the source, creator and user of the content. The scope of social media usage is large, and the forms of social media on the internet are diverse. Currently we can use blogs, forums, virtual worlds, review services, social networks and content sharing sites. While analyzing the theoretical definition, forms and scope of usage the basic characteristics of social media emerged. First of all, social media are relatively cheap, they provide anonymity, large amount of information and easy communication. Social media have distinguished themselves as one of the political instruments, they emphasized and increased the power of the individual, erased borders and enabled modern insurgencies whose goals or motives go beyond the boundaries of the state in which they take place to last longer. Analyzing the needs of the insurgency movements, it can be concluded that insurgents today most often use social media on the Internet to inform others about their activities, finance themselves, coordinate activities, as well as for recruitment and data collection. States also use social media to protect their own interests and achieve their goals. States often have more resources, so it became easier and more effective to support independent groups in fight against insurgency. By analyzing the advantages and disadvantages of social media, depending on the defense system and approach to counterinsurgency, states can use the same social media features as insurgents but to their disadvantage. First, anonymity on the Internet because it is not that easy to stay anonymous, and also for data collection about insurgents and their mobilization of wider support against insurgent movement. Finally, even though the fight in the social media space has begun, the use of social media for offensive purposes is not that beneficial for insurgent movements. In practice, apart from spreading propaganda, insurgents are still failing to exploit the full potential of social media, primarily because of the countermeasures taken by the governments (blocking access, censorship, infiltration, monitoring communications). Currently, the balance is on the states' side, because they can gain information about the goals of the movement, its members and how they operate; also, thanks to the social media, the forces of the states are "closer" to their own population, thus facilitating and expanding the mobilization of the counterinsurgency forces.

Український визвольний рух на центрально-східному Поділлі 40-50-х років XX століття у пам’яті українців

Розкрито становлення та розвиток українського визвольного руху на центрально-східному Поділлі 40-50-х років ХХ ст. Реконструйовано розбудову оунівського підпілля на Поділлі. Розглянуто методи та шляхи поширення пропаганди, збереження пам’яті про ОУН й УПА в українському суспільстві у період Другої світової війни. Визначено місце та роль факторів формування історичної (національної) пам’яті про українських націоналістів в українському суспільстві. Зокрема охарактеризовано діяльність СБУ та УІНП у формування образу про ОУН та УПА в українському суспільстві.

Forms of Vandalism and Their Relation as a Trigger Motives for Misdemeanor in Yogyakarta City

The purpose of this research is aimed to find any forms of vandalism that could became a trigger motives for misdemeanor or lightweight crimes which will be based on the extensive practices and theories surrounding it especially in Yogyakarta City. This study also used a descriptive case study method. The research population included the apparatus of the Yogyakarta City Civil Service Police Unit, as a law enforcer in handling misdemeanor acts such as vandalism. Based on the research results it was founded that there were two forms of vandalism that usually carried out by the perpetrators in Yogyakarta. The first is in form of scribble while the second one is by some attachment or installation of posters / banners / leaflets / stickers without legal permission. Both forms made an unsettling impact while damaging the environmental aesthetics beauty, cleanliness and comfort of City as one of the most important cultural center in Indonesia. The acts of vandalism which took place in the Yogyakarta are targeting both public and private property. The targeted objects include cultural heritage sites and many vital public facilities such as signs and directions for traffic signs. Based on the theory of Goldstein and Stanley Cohen, the form of vandalism in the city of Yogyakarta is categorized as tactical vandalism, ideological vandalism, play vandalism, vindictive vandalism and malicious vandalism. The form of scribbled vandalism usually driven by pranks and delinquency motive. There are wide variety of motives such as to promote goods or services to spreading propaganda using posters and any form of provocative act. Another motive is the adolescent gang related action who want to show their gang identity, this could be traced back as an act of revenge, and their self-obsession due to their broken home condition or the lack of attention in their family. While the other motives are based on encouragement of artistic creations, which the process of a creative which often made an entirely different case since they belong to an art movement that sometimes misunderstood as an act of vandalism.

Spreading Propaganda in Cyberspace: Comparing Cyber-Resource Usage of Al Qaeda and ISIS

Terrorists in cyberspace are increasingly utilizing social media to promote their ideologies, recruit new members, and justify terrorist attacks and actions. This study explores the ways in which types of social media, message contents, and motives for spreading propaganda take shape in cyberspace. In order to empirically test these relations, we created a dataset with annual terrorism reports from 2011 to 2016. In our global cyberterrorism dataset, we used and connected cyber-resources (Facebook, online forum, Twitter mentions, websites, and YouTube videos) and legal documents of individual cases that were mentioned in the reports. The results show that YouTube videos were used primarily for propagating certain ideologies and for recruiting members for Al Qaeda and ISIS. Al Qaeda-affiliated cyberterrorists used YouTube videos as both individual sources and embedded sources for Facebook and Twitter, whereas ISIS-affiliated cyberterrorists predominantly used YouTube videos and Twitter posts.

Spreading Propaganda in Cyberspace: Comparing Cyber-Resource Usage of Al Qaeda and ISIS

Spreading Propaganda in Cyberspace: Comparing Cyber-Resource Usage of Al Qaeda and ISIS

Cyber-securing our elections

ABSTRACTThe 2016 U.S. Presidential election highlighted the cybersecurity threat of hostile state interference in democratic processes. A large body of evidence has emerged demonstrating how Russian operatives hacked the Democratic National Convention and leaked sensitive documents to undermine voter trust; spread disinformation and propaganda to polarise and divide American citizens; and suppressed voters with targeted advertisements and paid trolls. But hostile interference is a global threat and there are lessons to be learned from the U.S. election that could enable faster and more effective responses by governments around the world. This paper describes three preventative measures: the development of norms around influence operations – at a minimum, between like-minded states; internal government restructuring for improved real-time decision-making; and innovative mechanisms for public-private cooperation through trusted intermediaries. While there is no straightforward solution to protecting democratic processes, governments can begin taking steps to secure future elections from influence operations.

The Representation of the Great War on Lithuanian Cinema Screens, 1918–1940

During the Great War, the main conflicting powers established the first public institutions to createand spread propaganda. Governments treated cinema as a powerful medium which might influencemen’s minds. While cinema became a potential weapon to use in propaganda struggles,screens in neutral states were made into battlefields. But the cinema wars did not finish after 1918.After the war, films depicting the Great War were made in various countries, and the films oftencontradicted each other. The article analyses the role that films and stories depicting the Great Warplayed on Lithuanian cinema screens in the interwar period. The first part of the article discussesthe relevance of themes of the Great War in the films and newsreels made in interwar Lithuania.The second part provides an overview of foreign films depicting the Great War that were shown inLithuanian cinemas in the interwar period. Four types of films are distinguished, according to theirfunction. Attempts are made to answer the question whether these films could have contributed toreflections on the Great War in the public sphere in Lithuania at that time. KEY WORDS: First World War, cinema, film censorship, newsreels, propaganda, pacifism, militarism,memory.

FIRST AGRARIAN SCHOOLS AND PROPAGANDA OF AGRARIAN KNOWLEDGE IN THE BAIKAL REGION IN THE EARLY XX CENTURY

The article is devoted to the foundation and development of agricultural education and agrarian knowledge among peasants who lived in the Baikal region at the beginning of the XX century. The Baikal region included the territories of Irkutsk province and Transbaikalian region. In the late XIX – early XX century some professional educational institutions as well as agricultural ones opened in Russian periphery. The archives play an important role in researching such an issue as an agricultural education in Baikal region. Archive documents including documents of management and record keeping, circular letters, requests, resolutions of central and local government allow one to form the historiography data base for this problem. Valuable sources of information include, among others, the agronomy organization report of Irkutsk province, volumes of Transbaikalian district agronomy councils, such periodicals as the Zabaikal’sky khozyain magazine and the Zabaikal’sky rabochy and the Irkutskie gubernskye vedomosty newspapers. Based on this historiography data, the article shows the district councils’ activity concerning the organization of the first basic agricultural schools in the Baikal region. The article features some difficulties the local government faced while organizing those establishments. The article also provides information about the wide spread propaganda of agrarian knowledge through the courses and lectures. First agricultural schools that were opened in the late XIX century and on the verge of the revolution of 1917 faced such problems as skilled labor shortage, lack of finance and pecuniary burdens. It was necessary to reorganize them into vocational educational schools. The article features a brief historiography review on the history of agricultural education in the late XIX – early XX centuries in Russia and in Baikal region specifically.

Preliminary Findings on Online Hate Speech and the Law in India

During the 2013 Muzaffarnagar communal riots, in which over sixty people died and thousands were displaced, social media was reported to have played a significant role in spreading rumors and propaganda. In this context, an incendiary video of two men being beaten to death, described (incorrectly) as a video of Hindus being lynched by a Muslim mob was circulated on the Internet. Similarly, a Muslim man was killed by a mob in Pune following the circulation of morphed images denigrating iconic leader attributed to him. These images were circulated on Facebook and through Internet messaging applications on smartphones.State governments in India have taken to disabling Internet services, especially mobile data services, in response to threats of violence. For example, in June 2016, the Indian government shut down the Internet in the state of Haryana, fearing potential violence arising from ongoing protests. Internet shutdowns are becoming commonplace – there have been thirty-nine incidents since January 2015. The alleged reasons for the shutdowns ranged from apprehensions about provocative social media rumors related to the recovery of cow carcasses to the prevention of cheating during a public government-administered exam. Many of these justifications offered for Internet shutdowns fall within the umbrella of online hate speech or incitement to violence.Hate speech is a serious concern in the Republic of India. However, Indian law does not use the phrase “hate speech.” Different forms of what may arguably be called hate speech are covered in different ways by various Indian statutes.This briefing paper outlines preliminary issues that we noted while conducting a detailed study of hate speech laws in India. It teases out some of the major concerns that arise in the context of both online and offline hate speech, especially speech as potential incitement to violence. Our upcoming detailed report covers a wider range of what might be called hate speech, and extends to speech that may not act as potential incitement to violence. The report offers a more nuanced and detailed picture of the current state of affairs, as well as the conclusions drawn and recommendations made.

Use of Dance to Spread Propaganda during the Sino-Japanese War

Use of Dance to Spread Propaganda during the Sino-Japanese War

Schizophrenia in the Silver Screen: Beyond the Love-Hate Relationship

A film is a series of still images which, when shown on a screen, creates the illusion of moving images. Since its advent, other than being a mode of entertainment and a popular industry, it has been an important weapon of dispersal of information and spreading propaganda. It is well known that the representation of the psychiatric disorders in films has a profound effect on the perception of mental disorders to the public (Orchowski, Spickard & McNamara, 2006). Schizophrenia is a chronic mental disorder that is associated with significant stigma and negative perception among the lay public (Vidović, Brecić, Vilibić & Jukić, 2016). Considering this, the way schizophrenia has been portrayed in films will be interesting to look at and has been a focus of research.

Endangered Scholars Worldwide

Endangered Scholars Worldwide GOOD NEWS We are delighted to announce some good news: ► m o h a m m e d m a l e c k i and k i a n t a j b a k s h , Iranian scholars who were featured in our Summer 2009 issue, have been recently released on bail from Evin prison in Tehran, b i j a n k h a j e p o u r , also featured in the Summer 2009 issue, was released in Fall 2009. ►On January 19,2010, United States Secretary of State Hillary Clinton rescinded the ban prohibiting scholars a d a m h a b i b and t a r iq .Ra m a d a n from traveling to the United States. In all these cases we believe international support was crucial to the success of their campaigns for justice. CURRENT CASES CAMEROON On Septem ber 3, 2009, j u s t i c e m . m b u h , a lecturer at th e N ational Polytechnic Bam bui in Bam enda, Cam eroon, was arrested on charges o f “treason.” The charges appear to be based on docum ents found in his possession relating to th e independence o f th e A m bazonia region o f C am eroon (form erly British Southern Cameroon). Justice is a specialist in C am eroonian politics and has published a num ber of books, including Inside Contemporary Cameroun Politics (2005) and International Law and Conflicts: Resolving Border and Sovereignty Disputes in Africa (2004). He rem ains in prison aw aiting sentence. Please send appeals to: Information current, to the best ofour knowledge, as ofMarch 25, 2010. Endangered Scholars W orldw ide v His Excellency Paul Biya President ofthe Republic of Cameroon Yaounde, Cameroon Fax: (237) 22 20 33 06 Email: cellcom@prc.cm Salutation: Your Excellency IRAN In spite of the recent releases of m o h a m m e d m a l e c ic i and k i a n t a j b a k s h , the situation for students and scholars in Iran has worsened in recent m onths. A general clim ate of fear has intensified w ith the m urder by car bomb of physics professor m a s o u d a l i m o h a m m a d i on January 12, 2010; the continuing unw arranted arrests of many citizens; and the threatening comments, on March 4, 2010, by Iranian Minister of Science Kamran Daneshjoo, that professors critical of the regime would be expelled from their posts. On December 28, 2009, e m a d e d d i n b a g h i (featured in our Spring 2008 issue) was rearrested, along w ith hundreds of people suspected of being pro-reform, following wide­ spread protests in Tehran and other cities m arking the Shi’a religious observance ofAshoura. Also arrested was d r . n o o s h i n e b a d i , a profes­ sor of m edicine and the sister of Nobel Prize-winning reform activist s h i r i n e b a d i . They join countless students and activists who are still languishing in prison in the wake of the waves of arrests that followed the contested election last June. Among them is student leader m a j i d t a v a k k o i i , who was arrested December 7, 2009, after giving a speech at Amir Kamir University. Majid, who had previously spent 15 m onths in jail for his student activism, was sentenced in January to eight and half years in prison. His charges include insulting the Supreme Leader, insulting the president, and spreading propaganda against the regime. Amnesty International has warned that he, along w ith all other impris­ oned activists in Iran, is at risk of torture. Scholars featured in previous issues who rem ain in prison in Iran include: s a e e d l a y l a z , a professor of economics sentenced in December 2009 to nine years in prison (reduced to six...

“International Friend”: Ernest Hemingway in the Classified Documents of China’s Kuomintang

The Reference Library of the Kuomintang of China in Taipei has recently released a classified document titled “The Summary Reports of the Propaganda Operations Conducted by the International Department of the Ministry of Information from the beginning of 1938 to April of 1941.” This document lists foreign visitors to China—including Ernest Hemingway—referred to as “international friends” and expected to cooperate in spreading propaganda for the Kuomintang. This essay will examine the document’s contents and value as historical material, and then outline what the Kuomintang of China expected of “international friends.” In this Chinese context, we will reread Hemingway’s references to China and reconsider his political attitude, especially compared with those of other American journalists who, at the time, were also referred to as “international friends” of the Kuomintang.

The Prison Imaginary in Turkish Literature

The Prison Imaginary in Turkish Literature Maureen Freely From theearliestdays of theRepublic, literary writerswho challengedTurkey's officialideologycouldexpecttospend timeinprison.Despite the privations thatthey suffered behindbars, they were able to formsocietiesofsupportthat helped them grow as writerswhile also helping themto survivematerially. Though today's literary writersare unlikelytospend timebehindbars, they do not alwaysfeel better off. In 1938,while doing his military service, a young Turkish poet named Rasit was charged with incitingmutiny and spreading propa ganda on behalf of a foreign state. The evidence against himwas slimbut, ina court that regarded Communism as the singlemost important threat to national security, not unusually so. Among his belongings, the authorities had discovered an assortment of newspaper cuttings about Marxism, a book byMaxim Gorky, and a handful ofpoems dedicated toNazirn Hikmet, who was not just Turkey's firstand foremost modern poet but also itsmost famous Communist. Rasjt was dispatched toa prison in the cityof Bursa to serve out a five-year sentence. The win terof 1939-40 found him assigned to the prison registeroffice.One morning, the registrar walked in to say, "You're in luck. Your master's coming." When Ras.it protested, saying, "I don't have a mas ter,or anyone else who fitsthatdescription," the registrar thrusta document intohis hand: "Look at this, then.Nazim Hikmet. Don't you reckon he's yourmaster?" (OrhanKemal inJail withN?zim Hikmet). Though Bursa Prison was a broad church, mixing itspolitical prisoners with thieves, drug dealers, murderers, and bandits, every inmate knew of thegreatN?zim Hikmet. Those who had come to know him personally in other prisons painted a picture of aman somuch larger than life thathe could stun a cryingbaby to silence justby picking him up. So Ra?it was not prepared forthe bright-eyed, open-facedman who walked through thedoor, clicking his heels together like a soldier as he introduced himself.As he scanned theroom, his face litup at the sight of each familiar face. "And you're here as well, Vasfi? What happened to your appeal? ... Then what next, Remzi? So you got thirty years then? What on earth for?" He was assigned to one of the isolation cells usually reserved for men caught gambling, thiev ing,or knifing a fellow inmate (though in thiscase itwould have been an acknowledgment by the prison authorities thathewas a distinguished man of letters who should not be obliged to live com munally with common criminals). Ra?it was on hand tohelp N?zim settle intohis new quarters. After Ra?it had cooked themboth ameal of eggs and Turkish sausage on his charcoal brazier?and refused to lethis guest pay forhis share?N?zim asked ifhe would mind being his roommate. "I can't stand being alone! You can't even imagine. ... I can't write a single word. I just go mad." Itwasn't long beforeN?zim, having already decided to tutor Ra?it in French and current affairs, asked to hear a few of his poems. Rasit began with the one ofwhich he was most proud. He had not reached the end of the firststanza Facing page: Orhan Kemal (left) and N?zimHikmetin Bursa Prison / Letter from Hikmet toKemaldated October 7, 1949 46 i World Literature Today SPECIAL SECTION when N?zim said, "That's enough, brother, that's enough . . . let's go on to another one, please" He did as he was told, but he had hardly begun the poem when N?zim cried, "Awful!" Feeling very small,Ra?it embarked on a thirdpoem, only tobe told, "Ghastly!" "All right,brother," N?zim said then, "but why all this verbiage and?excuse the expres sion?mumbo jumbo?Why do you write things you don't sincerely feel? Look, you're a sensible person. Don't you realize you're maligning your selfwhen you write about what you feel in a way that you'd never feel, that you're making a mockery of it like that?"Having launched into a long lecture about "active realism" that Ra?it, in his humiliation, could barely understand, N?zim again stunned his new friend,this timeby asking ifhe would like tohear him read. "I pulled myself together,"Rask laterrecalled. "Wewere facingeach other, eye toeye.He added: 'Butyou're not...

Endangered Scholars Worldwide

Endangered Scholars Worldwide IRAN fa r z a d k a m a n g e r , an Iranian teacher, has been brutally and repeatedly tortured since his arrest in 2006 and is now facing the im m inent possibility of execution. He was sentenced to death by the Iranian Revolutionary Court on February 25, 2008, charged w ith “endangering national security” and “enm ity against God.” According to his lawyer, Khalil Bahramian, who was not perm it­ ted to defend him, Farzad’s trial took place in secret, lasted only m inutes, and failed to m eet Iranian and international standards of fairness. Education International, which has featured his case, reports that Kamanger worked for 12 years as a teacher in the city of Kamyaran, Iran, before he was arrested and placed in detention. He also sat on the governing board of both a local environm entalist group and the local branch of the teachers association. Kamanger wrote actively for the m onthly journal Royan, a publication of the Departm ent of Education of Kamyaran. He was also a w riter w ith a local hum an rights organization that documents hum an rights abuses in Kurdistan and other provinces. e s h a m o m e n i, a US-Iranian student, was recently held for three weeks in an Iranian prison and is currently being prevented from leaving the country. Momeni, a m aster’s student at California State University at Northridge, was working in Iran on a docum entary about Iranian fem inists w hen she was pulled over and arrested for supposed traffic offenses on October 15, 2008. She was held in Iran’s Evin prison w here she was charged w ith “underm ining national security and spreading propaganda against the republic” Information current, to the best ofour knowledge, as ofDecember 11, 2008. Endangered Scholars Worldwide v as a result of her interviews w ith individuals involved in the One Million Signatures campaign for wom en’s rights. Now released on bail, Momeni has been told that she can return to the United States prior to her trial, but the Los Angeles Times has reported that she has been prevented from doing so by authorities who have continued to withhold her passport. Appeals for both Kamanger and Momeni to: His ExcellencyAyatollah Sayed ‘ Ali Khamenei Leader ofthe Islamic Republic The Office ofthe Supreme Leader Islamic Republic Street— Shahid Keshvar Doust Street Tehran Islamic Republic ofIran E-mail: info@leader.ir Salutation: Your Excellency Ayatollah Mahmoud Hashemi Shahroudi Head ofthe Judiciary Howzeh Riyasat-e Qoveh Qazaiyeh/Office ofthe Head ofthe Judiciary Pasteur St., Vali Asr Ave., South of Serah-eJomhouri Tehran Islamic Republic ofIran E-mail: info@dadgostaiy-tehran.ir (In the subject line write: FAOAyatollah Shahroudi) Salutation: Your Excellency Gholam Hossein Mohseni Ejeie Minister ofIntelligence Ministry ofIntelligence Second Negarestan Street, Pasdaran Avenue Tehran Islamic Republic ofIran Salutation: Your Excellency RUSSIA c a r in e c l ém en t, a French sociologist working at the Academy of Sciences in Russia, was attacked in Moscow on November 13, 2008. According to an article in the Le Monde, her attackers stabbed her w ith a syringe while she was on her way to a public m eeting of activ­ ists. This was the third tim e that Clément had been the victim of anonymous acts of aggression in the preceding three weeks. It coin­ cides w ith a spate of attacks on Russian activists and trade union­ ists in recent m onths. The same day th at Clement was attacked, vi social research a l e x e i e t m a n o v , leader of the trade union at the Ford-Vsevolozhsk plant, and m ik h a il b e k e t o v , leader of the movement to defend the Khimki Forest, were also attacked by unnam ed assailants. Beketov was severely beaten and is currently in a coma. The coincidence of these attacks indicates the existence of an organized campaign of intim idation against social activists in Russia, which has combined w ith a spate of attacks on foreigners (one of Clém ent’s attackers reportedly...

Studies on Ibero-Romance Linguistics Dedicated to Ralph Penny by Roger Wright, Peter Ricketts

862 Reviews (p. 38). Contrary towhat has sometimes been assumed, Silone did not live in iso lation.Holmes describes several figureswho interactedwith him in those years: the philanthropist who hosted him foreleven years (Marcel Fleischmann), the owner of a bookshop who published his firstnovel (Emil Oprecht), the fellow editors of infor mationen (Rudolf JakobHumm and Georg Schmidt), their legal adviser (Wladimir Rosenbaum-Ducommun), Rosenbaum-Ducommun's wife (Aline Valangin, an ana lyticalpsychologist, pianist, and writer who became Silone's lover), financial backers (Fritz Brupbacher and Erich Katzenstein), the intellectuals who translated Silone's articles and novels intoGerman, and many others. Silone cast himself in the role ofmentor foradmiring friends and colleagues (p. 76), but sought their advice and revised his work on thebasis ofwhat theysuggested tohim. Holmes proves thispoint very clearly and documents several intellectual exchanges. Such exchanges were dear to Silone: as a novelist and as a journalist, he tried to involve his readers, and to respond to their comments; his aim was 'to encourage a new consciousness rather than to spread propaganda' (p. 72), and his work was often the result of 'a shared learning process' (p. I I5). Concerned thathis critique of tota litarianism should not take the conventional formof essays or articles, Silone looked for a less authoritarian form, and eventually chose the dialogue, which meant 'the accommodation of other viewpoints whereas totalitarianism aims to suppress them' (p. I48). Holmes's sixth chapter provides a fascinating analysis of all the steps taken by Silone toadopt this form: from the insertion, in an article, of a few lines attributed to a reader with opposed viewpoints, to a dialogue between an Italian exile and an adherent of theSwiss National Front (who is still too ready toaccept Silone's points), to thepublished version of La scuola dei dittatori, where Silone managed genuinely to open up his text to different standpoints (p. I74). It is difficult,Holmes remarks, 'toestablish the exact contribution of Silone's exile to this [outcome], but impossible not to see a linkbetween the formof his social and professional intercourse inZurich and the importance of dialogue inhis works' (pp. I74-75). Silone has recently been the object of renewed controversy,with some claiming thathe had been a Fascist informer in 1920S Italy, and others refusing to alter their picture of him as a guardian ofwhat 'was good and true inEurope during itsdarkest days' (p. 14).Holmes criticizes theextreme nature that this controversy has generally assumed, corrects statementsmade by scholars on both sides of the debate, does not spell out her own position on Silone's early life(which would require another book), but offers a large amount ofmaterial which deserves critical attention. Her scholarly approach is impeccable: one hopes that future silonistiwill have the same precision and attention todetail. UNIVERSITY OF EXETER LUcIANO PARISI Studies on Ibero-Romance Linguistics Dedicated toRalph Penny. Ed. by ROGER WRIGHT and PETER RICKETTS. (Juan de laCuesta Hispanic Monographs) New ark: Juan de la Cuesta. 2005. 467 pp. $28.95. ISBN 978-I-5887I-072-7. This volume celebrates Ralph Penny's retirement from theChair of Spanish Lin guistics at Queen Mary College. It opens with Roger Wright's outline of Penny's splendid career in the fields of Spanish dialectology and the history of the Spanish language, togetherwith a select bibliography ofPenny's works. The main body of the Festschrift offers twenty-threehighly engaging contributions onmany aspects of the past, the present, and the future of the Ibero-Romance languages, Occitan, French, and Insular (Anglo-)French. Ant6nio Emiliano explores thedynamics between the traditional standards ofwrit ing and the alternative scribal strategies by comparing eleventh- and twelfth-century MLR, I02.3, 2007 863 documents fromBraga with their thirteenth-century copies. JoelRini examines the history of thepresent indicative paradigm of Spanish ir, suggesting that the appear ance of pres. ind. vais (and subsequently pres. ind. vamos) in the late fifteenthcentury was a direct result of the reduction of the second person plural verbal suffixesand, in particular, the reduction of ides> is.Robert Blake relies on thirteenth-century bilin gual Spanish/Arabic treaties todetermine thepronunciation of thegraphemes h- and f-. Donald N. Tuten demonstrates thatour understanding of linguistic variation in Alfonsine texts can be...

The Responsibility of States for International Propaganda

The tendency in recent world history toward the establishment of political parties based on class or racial ideologies in which no place of respect is given to established territorial boundaries has greatly intensified the problem of the responsibility of states in connection with international propaganda. Two main questions arise: (1) Are states themselves obliged under international law to refrain from spreading propaganda in a foreign country hostile to its government? and (2) Are they obliged to use due diligence to prevent private individuals and organizations from engaging in such activity? The purpose of this study is to seek the answer to these questions through an analysis of the sources of international law referred to in Article 38 of the Statute of the Permanent Court of International Justice: (a) international conventions, (b) diplomatic exchanges, giving evidence of international custom, (c) general principles embodied in municipal laws and judicial decisions, and (d) the attitude of writers on international law. Treatment of the subject will begin here with the period of the French Revolution and will be limited to peace-time political propaganda. The problem is, of course, much older and broader than these limits suggest, but it is believed that their extension would not contribute materially to the purpose at hand.

The “Proletarisation of Science” in Russia

LIKE the majority of people in this country, where the news we receive about what is going on in Russia is often misleading, I know little about the working of the “proletarisation of science” on which Dr. Boris Sokoloff writes in NATURE of September 1. But the omission by Dr. Sokoloff of any account of the constructive elements of this “proletarisation,” with one of which I have recently become acquainted, suggests that he is more concerned with spreading propaganda against “Bolshevism” than with giving an outline of all the features, good and bad, of the attitude of Bolshevism to science.