Special Election Research Articles

From Metaphysics to Midrash: Myth, History, and the Interpretation of Scripture in Lurianic Kabbalah (review)

From Metaphysics to Midrash: Myth, History, and Interpretation of Scripture in Lurianic Kabbalah, by Shaul Magid. Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 2008. 345 pp. $39.94. Shaul Magid has written a bold and intriguing book that should be stimulating to scholars of Jewish literature and intellectual thought. Utilizing five Scriptural narratives - one from each book of Chumash - Magid shows how Lurianic Kabbalists imposed their own particular mystical interpretation on Scripture. Reconstructing Lurianic Kabbalists' exegesis, he argues that their reading of Scripture linked contemporary sociological issues with metaphysical themes. Their most compelling societal issue was a preoccupation with question of conversos who wished to re-enter Judaism and Jewish community. Their metaphysical preoccupation was presence of Evil in a world that Torah proclaimed, God saw that He had Made, and behold it was very good. Both these themes concerned a concept of the Each of Scriptural narratives that Magid presents is a case study of Other. In Genesis, Magid presents Lurianic interpretation of Adam's sin as a way to introduce their view of Evil; in Exodus, he examines Lurianic exegesis of erev rav, minority of non-Jews who accompanied Jews out of Egypt, and who were responsible, according to some rabbinic interpretations, for sin of golden calf. In Leviticus, he discusses prohibition against male homosexuality. In Numbers, Balaam is presented as Other in contrast to Moses. And in Deuteronomy, Torah as authoritative text is Other when juxtaposed with authority that is vested in person Moses. In each case study, Other turns out to be not a true other but a complement - part of a duality that is necessary for certain historical and metaphysical processes to complete their mission. Magid notes that making Other (always ontologically impure) part of one's self is a paradoxical move for a religion that proclaims its special election as a apart, and who live lives of distinctiveness and separation. Magid explains that Lurianic thinkers can incorporate impure into pure because they hold a worldview that all things contain their opposite; consequently, otherness is only a temporary instantiation of self. Chapters One and Two provide readers enough background information to understand assumptions of Lurianic Kabbala. Magid introduces notion of sephirot, entities that, depending on what kabbalistic system one studies, are alternatively regarded as building blocks of universe or aspects of God (often chatacterized as entities that constitute personality of God). In Lurianic system, there is a reciprocal relationship - an ebb and flow - between actions of people and sephirot: smallest movement in one realm effects entire configuration of other realm. Thus, sephirot and creation are ontologically and cosmologically seamless. Adding to this seamlessness is notion of soul inheritance (gilgul), which is a kind of recycling of souls into other souls. In case study on Adam's sin, system works in following way: sephirot that constitute primal Adam sin with primal serpent, resulting in a spiritual or metaphysical blot on soul. …

California Must Cut Spending and Restructure

THE CALIFORNIA Journal of Politics & Policy Commentary California Must Cut Spending and Restructure Joel Fox * Small Business Action Committee Dealing with California’s budget problem requires a two-stage plan. One is to face the immediate crisis of the budget shortfall before the state runs out of cash. The second is to begin restructuring the way government operates that will pay off for California citizens in coming years. Given the result of the Special Election, the first order of business is to cut spending. The governor’s budget proposal carries over $15 billion dollars in cuts. Many of those cuts will have to be applied. While some programs designated for the chopping block such as CalWorks www.bepress.com/cjpp Volume 1, Issue 2, 2009 may be saved in part to handle the immediate crisis, few programs will be left unscathed. State revenue stands approximately equivalent to the level of the 1999 Gray Davis budget if it were adjusted for population and inflation over the last decade. Scaling back spending to those budget levels is appropriate in this time of crisis, although money can be redirected in various budget categories to limit damage from cuts in certain areas. For example, if education were required to adopt a “Classroom First Budgeting” proposal, the education cuts will fall more heavily on bureaucratic practices or support staff and less on students and teachers. Some previously offered methods to achieve savings, which would have been unthinkable a few years ago, will likely find traction. Releasing some nonviolent prisoners near the end of their terms, or elderly prisoners, will reduce *Joel Fox served as president of the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association and is currently president of the Small Business Action Committee.

Fiscal Woes Threaten Future of California's MH Funds

Fiscal Woes Threaten Future of California's MH Funds

Memorandum on California State Proposition 1A

This is a memorandum evaluating California State Proposition 1A, written in March 2009. Proposition 1A contained temporary tax hike extenders, measures to strengthen California's rainy day fund, and other budget reform measures. Proposition 1A was defeated in the May 2009 special election, and its defeat has colored California's subsequent budget politics.

The 2008 Presidential and Congressional Elections: Anti-Bush Referendum and Prospects for the Democratic Majority

The 2008 election extended the national trend that had given con­ trol of Congress to the Democrats in the 2006 midterm two years earlier. The election was again essentially a referendum on the George W. Bush adminis­ tration, but this time the referendum also encompassed a presidential election. The Democratic presidential candidate, Senator Barack Obama of Illinois, capped an improbable journey to the White House by winning the largest share of votes cast for any Democrat since Lyndon Johnson in 1964, defeating Republican Senator John McCain of Arizona by 52.9 percent to 45.7 percent. Obama took all 19 states John Kerry had won in 2004 plus another 9, including 3 in the South, ending up with a 365-173 electoral vote margin. Democrats picked up 21 seats in the House of Representatives and 8 in the Senate. The House victories, added to the 31 seats they gained in 2006 and some pickups in subsequent special elections, left them holding 257 seats to the Republicans' 178, a gain of 55 seats over the two elections. In the Senate, where for the second consecutive election Democrats retained every seat they defended, their total grew to 59 seats, 14 more than they had held after the 2004 election (Table 1).1 The cumulative results of the congressional elections effectively overturned the verdict of 1994, reducing Republican congressional representation to what it had been before the Party's historic rise to majority status 14 years earlier. On the congressional side, the 2008 elections shared a number of notable similarities with 2006, although important differences were also evident. Like 2006,2008 was a referendum on the Republican Party as well as its leader. For

THE STRATEGIC TIMING OF DIRECT DEMOCRACY

This paper focuses on the strategic timing of elections by agenda‐setters in direct democracy settings. Because concurrent elections affect turnout, scheduling referenda for different elections will produce different median voters. I hypothesize that agenda‐setters with power over the timing of a referendum will schedule the referendum in conjunction with the other set of races that produce a policy closest to their preferred outcome. Consistent with the theory, I show that Wisconsin school boards' use of special elections for school referenda are related to differences in the revealed preferences of voters in low‐ and high‐turnout elections.

Analysis of the turnout effects of vote by mail elections, 1980–2007

Proponents of vote by mail elections often argue that this type of election facilitates participation such that elevated levels of turnout occur. The research tests this assumption by analyzing 44 statewide elections (1980–2007) in the state of Oregon—the only state that conducts all of its elections by mail. The results of this analysis suggest that the vote by mail format is a major stimulus to voter participation in special elections in Oregon, while its effect on turnout in primary and general elections is positive, but fairly minimal.

Origins of a Stalemate

THE CALIFORNIA Journal of Politics & Policy Commentary Origins of a Stalemate Tony Quinn California Target Book Sometimes things just happen. That’s how California ended up with a two-thirds vote requirement for taxes and the budget, currently the subject of so much handwringing. Neither one was the product of intensive debate nor public deliberation, despite the far reaching impact on state finances. David Doerr, now of Cal Tax but for many years tax consultant to the Assembly wrote “California’s Tax Machine” in 2000, a history of California taxes and spending. He notes that in 1933 State Controller Ray Riley and Board of Equalization member Fred Stewart recommended to the legislature several state and local spending controls to close a “huge” $50 million budget www.bepress.com/cjpp Volume 1, Issue 1, 2009 gap. One of their ideas that caught on was to require a two- thirds vote to pass the budget if it grew by more than five percent a year. Almost as an afterthought, the legislature added the two-thirds vote to a constitutional amendment the voters passed in November 1933. In the 1960s, the five percent requirement was dropped and all budgets required a two- thirds vote. While the two- thirds rule empowered the minority party in the budget process, it was never much of an issue. The majority party added enough goodies to get the minority members to go along, and most budgets passed before the legislature left for its summer break. Budget holdups became more common in the 1980s and 1990s, but often it was just posturing. In 1983, majority Democrats refused to send Gov. George Deukmejian a budget unless he promised not to call a special election on redistricting. In 1980, Senate Republicans were going to hold up the budget for some long forgotten reason, but then realized this would keep them from going to

Ecuador: Correa's Plebiscitary Presidency

With the election of Rafael Correa in 2006, Ecuador joined the ranks of Latin American countries that have taken the "Left Turn" in national politics. Correa views his presidency as an opportunity to effect profound political change by convoking a constituent assembly to write a new constitution. In the course of campaigning for the constituent assembly, Correa constructed a powerful hyper-plebiscitary presidency—a mode of governance marked by the president’s recurrent appeals to public opinion and special elections that enhances the legitimacy of the executive at the expense of congress. Using the informal and formal powers of his office, Correa was able to govern "over the heads" of existing institutions and greatly debilitate what remained of the political opposition.

Physicist Wins Open Illinois Seat

Last weekend, Bill Foster, a former researcher at Fermi National Accelerator Laboratory, won a special election to fill the seat held by former House Speaker Dennis Hastert in a race that attracted national attention.

The coming age of direct democracy: California's recall and beyond

Chapter 1 Introduction: A New Era in Direct Democracy Chapter 2 Political Change Takes Root: The 2002 Elections Chapter 3 The Voters Revolt: The Governor's Recall and 2003 Special Election Chapter 4 The Year of Recovery: Bipartisan Cooperation and Populism in 2004 Chapter 5 The Year of Reform: Partisan Conflict and the 2005 Special Election Chapter 6 The Year of Rebuilding: Reconstruction and Reconciliation in 2006 Chapter 7 Epilogue: Towards a Hybrid Democracy

Taxonomy: racism versus fiscal conservatism in voting on segregationist provisions in Alabama’s constitution

On Election Day 2004, a razor-thin majority of Alabama’s voters rejected a proposed amendment to remove overtly segregationist language from the state constitution. Opponents had contended that approval would have opened the legislative door to significantly higher taxes. We employ the results from two earlier special elections to analyze the outcome. In 2000, voters supported repealing a constitutional provision prohibiting interracial marriages. Three years later, Alabamians were asked to reveal their preferences with respect to additional taxation. The evidence suggests that opposition to higher taxes rather than bigotry was decisive in the rejection of Amendment 2 in 2004.

Reflections on By-Elections in the Fourth Republic of Ghana

GHANA STUDIES / Volume 11 ISSN 1536-5514 / E-ISSN 2333-7168© 2010 by the Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin System 105 REFLECTIONS ON BY‑ELECTIONS IN THE FOURTH REPUBLIC OF GHANA ALEXANDER K. D. FREMPONG Introduction Elections form a very popular focus of study among social scientists. However , by-elections, (special elections held to fill parliamentary seats that have become vacant in-between regularly scheduled elections), remain one of the least researched areas of the electoral process. An explanation for this is that we tend to value by-elections only in terms of their obvious function of filling vacancies in the legislature. But by-elections have several other potential functions in a political system; ranging from new political recruitment, through boosting party popularity, to conducting dry-runs for future elections (Feigert and Norris 1990: 184–85). In addition, there are many other questions about by-elections worth researching into (Scarrow 1961: 79–81). To what extent is the outcome of by-elections an indicator of public opinion? Can the results of a particular by-election or a series of them be taken to serve as indicators of future political trends? Are by-elections significant forecasters of the outcome of the next election? Or, do they at best simply reflect the state of opinion in particular constituencies at given times and for reasons which are relevant only to the local and immediate situation? What factors cause some by-elections to be more accurate reflectors of national opinion than others? Since Ghana’s return to constitutional rule in 1993, there have been several publications on regular elections, but very few if any, exist on by-elections though, they have also become an essential part of the new democratic dispensation.1 This paper seeks to bridge that gap. How many 1. See Ayee 1997, 1998, 2001; Boafo Arthur 2006; Gyimah-Boadi 1999, 2001, 2009; Agyeman-Duah 2000, 2005; Jeffries and Thomas 1993; Jeffries 1998; Oquaye 1995; 106 Ghana Studies • volume 11 • 2010 of the features and dynamics of by-elections outlined above have manifested in the Ghanaian context over the last decade and half and to what extent have by-election outcomes impacted on regular elections in Ghana? Ghana’s 1992 Constitution makes elaborate provisions on by-elections in Articles 97 and 112 relating to how a legislative seat may become vacant and the time frame and modalities for filling the vacancy (Ghana 1992). Parliament in Ghana has since the start of the Fourth Republic in 1993 till the end of the fourth and the start of the fifth parliamentary term in January 2009 witnessed over twenty vacant seats arising out of death, resignation or disqualification, several of which have been filled through by-elections. Some of them have proved more significant than others; yet others, more controversial. After a brief theoretical analysis of by-elections, this paper examines the dynamics, intricacies, and impacts of by-elections in Ghana since 1993 vis-à-vis the constitutional provisions and concludes by drawing out the major emerging issues with a discussion of the raging debate on the relevance of by-elections in the current constitutional dispensation. By-Elections: A Theoretical Analysis By-elections are widely used to fill legislative seats which fall vacant between regular elections. Such vacancy may arise as a result of the death or resignation of a Member Parliament (MP) or for other reasons that prevent an MP from performing his functions. This basic function apart, Frank Feigert and Pippa Norris (1990) have identified several other potential functions of by-elections. First, they can serve as a significant route for recruiting new representatives or bringing back leading front benchers who were defeated in previous elections. Second, the political ramifications Lynos 1997; Morrison 2004; Lindberg and Morrison 2005; Nugent 2001a, 2001b, 2007; Ohman 2002; Amoah 2009; Jockers, Kohnert and Nugent 2009. The only article on by-elections in Ghana’s Fourth Republic is Jonah 2001. Frempong • Reflections on By‑Elections in the Fourth Republic of Ghana 107 following keen contests may have considerable impact on subsequent byand /or regular elections. Victory can substantially boost national party popularity in opinion polls, while poor performance can lead to demoralization of party activists, leadership...

The Effect of Limiting Participation in Special District Elections to Property Owners: A Research Note

Scholars have found significant policy differences between special districts governed by elected officials and those overseen by appointees. However, their research ignores U.S. Supreme Court rulings that allow many special districts to restrict electoral participation to property owners. This study finds that the presence of officials elected by property owners upon a district's governing board is related to a reduced reliance upon property taxes for revenues and a greater reliance upon service charges. Using Census data sets and a review of state statutes, the study demonstrates that board elections can be an effective means for property owners to influence policy.

Federated States of Micronesia

Federated States of Micronesia John R Haglelgam (bio) The latter part of 2006 brought an air of political excitement and anticipation. The people were excited about the biannual national election scheduled for March 2007; they had anticipated that the election for the at-large seats in the four states would be hard fought because some of the likely candidates had expressed interest in seeking the presidency. The inauguration ceremony for the new national administration took place on 16 July 2007. This was a public celebration of the peaceful transition of political power from the administration of Joseph Ursemal to that of Emmanuel "Manny" Mori. The actual transition from the previous administration to the current one took place in May 2007. It occurred on the same day that the 15th Congress of the Federated States of Micronesia (FSM) met to organize itself and elect the new president and vice president. The election of the president and vice president take place after the national election when the district members (with two-year terms) and the at-large members (with four-year terms) are elected, that is, every four years. Following the national election in March 2007, the FSM Congress met in its first regular session on 11 May. Although then incumbent President Joseph Ursemal of Yap easily won reelection to the national congress, he failed in his bid to retain the presidency. Instead, the congress elected at-large senator Manny Mori from Chuuk. The new president is an FSM Congress veteran of four years. He was first elected in the 2003 special election to fill Chuuk's at-large seat, which Redley Killion had vacated when he became vice president. Four years later, during the March 2007 election, Mori easily defeated incumbent Vice President Killion for the same seat. Ursemal's failed presidential attempt was the culmination of a deteriorating relationship between his administration and the FSM Congress caused by two lawsuits: the president's suit against congress to have a public law declared unconstitutional, and the congress's suit against the president to declare several of his vetoes unconstitutional. In addition, the congress felt that the president had completely ignored its recommendation regarding the passport scandal at the embassy in Washington DC (FSM Government 2006), and the unauthorized borrowing of funds by the FSM ambassador to the United States to help defray the cost of running the embassy (Haglelgam 2007). Investigations of the unauthorized borrowing and the passport scandal resulted in criminal charges being filed against the ambassador and his driver, a citizen of the Philippines. [End Page 192] The results of the March election were not as close as political analysts in the Federated States had predicted. The contest for the at-large seats in Chuuk, between then Vice President Redley Killion and Senator Manny Mori, and in Pohnpei, between Speaker Peter Christian and Senator Resio Moses, were billed as precursors for the FSM presidential election. President Ursemal ran unopposed for his former at-large seat in the congress. Ramon Peyal, who had won that seat during the special election in 2003, voluntarily stepped aside as previously agreed to allow the president to overcome the first hurdle in his reelection bid. This was interpreted as a sign of the Yap leadership's continuing support for the president. Two proposed amendments to the FSM national constitution—one regarding dual citizenship, and the other extending full faith and credit to public acts, records, and judicial proceedings across state lines—were submitted for ratification by the voters during the election. Both amendments failed to obtain two-third of the votes in at least three states as required by the national constitution. This was the third time in four years that the voters had rejected the dual citizenship amendment. The results of the March election were as follows: For Chuuk State, Manny Mori won the at-large seat with a total of 12,932 votes, with the five district seats being taken up by Peter Sitan (1,864 votes); Roosevelt D Kansou (2,099 votes); Joe N Suka (1,964 votes); Tiwiter H Aritos (3,870 votes); and Moses A Nelson (1,058 votes). Both the dual citizenship and full faith and credit...

Erratum to: Kenneth Baillieu Myer 1921 - 1992

Kenneth Baillieu Myer was elected to the Fellowship of the Australian Academy in April 1992, under the provision for special election of people who are not scientists but have rendered conspicuous service to the cause of science. Myer was a significant figure in Australian history by virtue of his contribution to the origins or early development of major national institutions, most notably the Howard Florey Laboratories of Experimental Physiology and Medicine, the School of Oriental Studies at the University of Melbourne, the Victorian Arts Centre and the National Library of Australia. He successfully fostered new research in organizations such as the Division of Plant Industry of the CSIRO and helped build the Oriental Collection of the Art Gallery of New South Wales.

Kenneth Baillieu Myer 1921 - 1992

Kenneth Baillieu Myer was elected to the Fellowship of the Australian Academy in April 1992, under the provision for special election of people who are not scientists but have rendered conspicuous service to the cause of science. Myer was a significant figure in Australian history by virtue of his contribution to the origins or early development of major national institutions, most notably the Howard Florey Laboratories of Experimental Physiology and Medicine, the School of Oriental Studies at the University of Melbourne, the Victorian Arts Centre and the National Library of Australia. He successfully fostered new research in organizations such as the Division of Plant Industry of the CSIRO and helped build the Oriental Collection of the Art Gallery of New South Wales.

Does Voting by Mail Increase Participation? Using Matching to Analyze a Natural Experiment

Would holding elections by mail increase voter turnout? Many electoral reform advocates predict that mail ballot elections will boost participation, basing their prediction on the high turnout rate among absentee voters and on the rise in voter turnout after Oregon switched to voting by mail. However, selection problems inherent to studies of absentee voters and Oregon give us important reasons to doubt whether their results would extend to more general applications of voting by mail. In this paper, we isolate the effects of voting in mail ballot elections by taking advantage of a natural experiment in which voters are assigned in a nearly random process to cast their ballots by mail. We use matching methods to ensure that, in our analysis, the demographic characteristics of these voters mirror those of polling-place voters who take part in the same elections. Drawing on data from a large sample of California counties in two general elections, we find that voting by mail does not deliver on the promise of greater participation in general elections. In fact, voters who are assigned to vote by mail turn out at lower rates than those who are sent to a polling place. Analysis of a sample of local special elections, by contrast, indicates that voting by mail can increase turnout in these otherwise low-participation contests.

Flags of our fathers: Voting on Confederate symbols in the State of Georgia

Participants in a special election held in the State of Georgia on 2 March 2004 voted overwhelmingly in favor of adopting a newly designed state flag that no longer incorporated a divisive Confederate symbol. We analyze the legislative politicking that defined the voters’ options as well as the outcome of popular voting on the flag design across Georgia’s 159 counties. We find the referendum’s results to have been determined largely by demography (education, race, and population density) and by the level of support in 2002 for the two gubernatorial candidates who played significant roles in the flag controversy.

Looking for Gender in Women's Campaigns for National Office in 2004 and Beyond: In What Ways Is Gender Still a Factor?

In 2004, 39 individuals were newly elected to the U.S. House of Representatives. Eight of these individuals were women. Women went on to win two special elections held in 2005, while a man won the third contest. This increase in the numerical representation of women in the lower house of Congress in 2004–5 was a positive counter to the lack of progress women made in advancing their numbers in other elective offices, such as the U.S. Senate, governorships, and state legislatures in 2004. These gains in representation, however, only amounted to a 15.5% membership for women in the U.S. House of Representatives. Who were these successful women, and what does their election suggest to us about women and political officeholding and about gender as a factor when men and women run for public office in the early years of the twenty-first century? Do their campaigns and election reflect the continued relevance of gender, or are they indications of the demise of gender as a factor in elections?