Special Autonomy Law Research Articles

Укрепление традиционных общинных прав папуасов на землю и природные ресурсы

The ulayat rights of Papuan customary law communities over control of land and natural resources are rights granted by laws and regulations with a number of special powers. This study aims to analyze and provide a conception of strengthening the customary rights of the Papuan customary law community to control over land and natural resources. This research method uses a normative-juridical legal research type, which refers to the legal norms of legislation (statute approach), as well as legal theories and principles as supporters. This research is descriptiveanalytical, using qualitative analysis methods. The results of this study indicate that although the regulation of the customary rights of the Papuan customary law community has been in place for a long time, there are some basic things that need to be considered. Several regulations in the Perdasus do not represent the Papua Special Autonomy Law and tend to be contradictory. These provisions raise a number of problems for the Papuan indigenous peoples with regard to land ownership and the use of natural resources.

REFLEKSI ATAS PERLINDUNGAN HAK ASASI MANUSIA DI PROVINSI PAPUA

ABSTRACT
 The problem of handling Human Rights against Indigenous Papuans can be seen by the existence of violence and violations of human rights in all aspects of the lives of Indigenous Papuans in a systematic, sustainable and unstoppable manner. politics where the more indigenous Papuans are involved in politics, the faster the resolution of human rights in Papua because of the large number of representatives who are fighting for the liberation of the Papuan people, meaning that in this problem the Political Rights of Papuan Indigenous People in the National Legislative Body need to get support and protection of human rights on the ground Papua has not been able to run properly due to various indicators that have not been able to run properly. These indicators include the absence of a representative of the National Human Rights Commission; human rights courts, and truth and reconciliation commissions as well as the absence of special fund allocations in the field of human rights in the context of implementing the Special Autonomy Law in Papua, not only that this regulation does not work properly so that it has the potential to be increasingly unstoppable for human rights violations, in its implementation Human rights protection cannot run properly considering that in this regulation there is still uncertainty regarding the meaning, relationship, and purpose of the norms contained in the Papua Special Autonomy Law as well as unclear and limited special powers intended in the Autonomy Law Papua Special. This study emphasizes normative legal research and is balanced by looking at the condition of human rights violations in Papua by multiplying several literacies.
 

FORMULASI KEBIJAKAN PEMEKARAN WILAYAH DISTRIK DI PROVINSI PAPUA (KAJIAN TERHADAP PERATURAN PEMERINTAH NO. 17 TAHUN 2018)

The purpose of this research is to highlight two things, namely, first, the issue of the process of determining the policy agenda for the expansion of districts in Papua Province. Second, the determinants that support and hinder the division of the District in Papua Province. The research method used is descriptive qualitative. With the research location in Papua Province. The technique of determining informants is carried out by snowball, for those who have knowledge of the proposed district expansion areas in Papua Province. Then, the data collection techniques used were observation and interviews, then the research instruments included, interview guides, and recording devices. Data analysis techniques through the stages of data categorization, data description and data interpretation. The results show that firstly, the preparation of the expansion policy agenda in Papua province, when viewed from the regulation of the Special Autonomy Law in general, contains the importance of reviewing aspects of the locality of Papua Province, therefore it is possible to produce affirmative policies as an alternative to contextualizing the locality with national policies related to expansion. District in Papua. Second, the supporting factor is that with a variety of resources owned, the state or government can provide opportunities to improve the quality of human resources in the regions, especially Papua Province through the policy of regional expansion. Then the inhibiting factor is the dilemma of the expansionary requirements and in fact contradicts the context of the Papua Province region.

Oil Palm Plantations, Forest Conservation and Indigenous Peoples in West Papua Province: What Lies Ahead?

Oil palm plantations are currently expanding to the eastern part of Indonesia, especially in West Papua province. Many oil palm permits issued in West Papua occupy intact biodiversity-rich forest areas which have essential value for indigenous Papuans' socio-cultural life. This article discusses expansion of oil palm plantations in West Papua province, and its impacts on forests and indigenous people. It also assesses whether the plantations fit the Special Autonomy Law and Sustainable Development Regulation goals of the province. In general, plantations are being established in forest areas, and further planned expansion threatens intact and biodiversity-rich forests. In addition, plantation development rarely considers the socio-cultural issues of indigenous Papuans. As a result, customary rights and institutions are commonly overlooked, undermined, or violated. Oil palm plantations are not necessarily compatible with sustainable development regulation goals, and need to reconcile its overall economic and conservation agenda.

EFEKTIVITAS PEMBUATAN PERATURAN DAERAH KHUSUS DI PROVINSI PAPUA: STUDI MAJELIS RAKYAT PAPUA

Abstract: The presence of the special autonomy law in Papua has had an impact on institutions. This can be seen with the formation of the Papua People's Assembly (MRP). This study aims to determine the effectiveness of making specific regional regulations in the province of Papua. This study uses a "triangulation" method that combines qualitative and quantitative methods with data collection techniques, namely interviews, documentation, and questionnaires. The results showed that the Papuan People's Assembly (MRP) in making special regional regulations (Perdasus) was already quite effective, which can be seen from the involvement of the MRP which scored 1,35 (moderate), MRP commitment 2,05 (high), the role of MRP 2,0 (high), and the implementation of the MRP mechanism 2,1 (high).

Special Autonomy Law and Education Attainment in West Papua: A Quasi-Experiment Analysis

West Papua was granted Special Autonomy status in 2008 as mandated by Government Regulation No.1/2008. Special Autonomy Law has granted more or less than 30 percent of education Special Autonomy Funds for West Papua. Thus, this study evaluates the impact of Special Autonomy Law on education attainment in Indonesia. We use panel data sets of 33 regions in Indonesia that covers the period of 2001 to 2018. We employ quasi-experiment analysis, specifically the Difference-in-difference (DID) analysis in evaluating before and after effect of Special Autonomy Law in West Papua. We further develop fixed-effect model (FEM) panel data analysis in understanding the impact of Special Autonomy Law on education by controlling socioeconomic and demographic variables. DID analysis in this study suggests that Special Autonomy Law appears to worsen education attainment in West Papua. This study further found that despite positive and significant effect of education spending share on education attainment, it appears that the realization of education spending in West Papua is relatively low. 
 
 Keywords: Special Autonomy Law, Education Attainment, Education Spending Share, DID, FEM

TANTANGAN PEMERINTAH ACEH DALAM MENGIMPLEMENTASI UNDANG-UNDANG PEMERINTAH ACEH (UUPA)

Prolonged conflict between the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) and the Indonesian government from 1976, until finally a settlement took place on 15 August 2005 in Helsinki, Finland, under the mediator Martti Ahtisaari (former President of Finland) both GAM-RI parties sat together to determine their position to end all causes of conflict in Aceh. In the points of the agreement of the Memorandum of Understanding (Helsinki MoU), Aceh was given special rights by the Government of Indonesia to administer Self Government. In the Helsinki MoU article 1 paragraph 1.1.2 a, b, c, d which plays a role in implementing the Law on the Governing of Aceh, but the reality that happened has not been as agreed upon in the MoU. The Aceh Government Law No 11 of 2006 which regulates the Aceh provincial government is further explained in the form of Qanun which was born by the Aceh Government. As a substitute for the Special Autonomy Law and the results of the peace agreement, Aceh is given special authority to regulate and manage government in accordance with the regulations of the Government of Aceh. The methodology of the research used is qualitative research with descriptive type. Searching for and analyzing data through interviews, observations and documents. This study used the theory of Power Balance. The Power Balance system provides various alternatives for policy makers, which leads to war or negotiations. The results of the research obtained are the factors that hampered the implementation of the UUPA, namely: aspects of the legal foundation, lack of cohesiveness of government in Aceh, the existence of internal and external factors, and different perceptions in understanding the Aceh Government Law

KEWENANGAN PEMERINTAH ACEH DALAM KERANGKA OTONOMI DAERAH

The purpose of this study was to determine the authority given by the central government through the Regional Autonomy Law to the Government of Aceh and the extent of the authority of the Aceh government in the implementation of regional autonomy. This type of research uses normative juridical method, the main data source in this study consists of primary legal materials, secondary legal materials and tertiary legal materials. Data collection was carried out through literature study, namely the search of library materials, which included primary legal material in the form of provisions mentioned in the legislation, secondary legal materials in the form of literature books relating to the problem under study. Analysis of primary and secondary data obtained from analytical descriptive research with a normative juridical approach is carried out qualitatively. The results of the study, namely the birth of a special autonomy status for the Aceh region, have eroded some of the authority that is the authority of the central government. The central government is only fully authorized on several matters, namely defense and security, religion, fiscal, education and foreign policy. Apart from this authority, the local government can do this. The implementation of the special autonomy law for the Aceh region with the birth of Law Number 11 of 2006 indicates that the implementation of autonomy is fully held by the region. All matters that become government affairs are further regulated in the Aceh Government law. It is suggested to the government in terms of determining the policy of making the laws of the next regional government so that more attention to all aspects of the affairs of the regional government and the nature of the regulation must be absolute decentralization. It is also advisable to the government to pay special attention to regions with special autonomy status such as Aceh, and it is expected that all implementing regulations which have been obstacles for Aceh in carrying out Aceh's authority can be realized properly. Keywords : Authority, Aceh government, regional autonomy.

Ethnicity, Identity, And The Politics Of Space In Urban Society Of Jayapura City

Despite the Special Autonomy Law has been declared, ethnical sentiment between migrant settlers (amber) and indigenous of Papua (komin) is still strong in Jayapura society. This study assumes that primordial sentiment does not merely derive from cultural differences, yet it is more likely caused by the social-economical disparities, mainly access to the venture space resources. Thereby, this study attempts to investigate how economic spatial domination upon Jayapura city between settlers and Papuans and what are the affecting factors? Using the urban ethnography method, we argue that settlers-indigenous sentiment grew as urban economic structure had not been really changed since the colonial era, even until Special Autonomy implementation. Those settlers such Chinese, Buginese, or Javanese subdue economical opportunities of the city. While Papua communities have not fully integrated to the market economy due to political history which tied up to the traditional manner. However, state affirmative politic after the Special Autonomy Law symbolically delivers new strength for Papuans in negotiating towards economic space disparities of Jayapura.

INTEGRASI ILMU LINGUISTIK DALAM WACANA POLITIK UNDANG-UNDANG OTONOMI KHUSUS PAPUA: PERSPEKTIF STUDI MORFOLOGI

This study is part of an effort to understand the true value of basic philosophy that is revealed behind the law is really very meaningful in finding the words and concepts to describe the meaning of a text of the law. The provision of a special autonomy space for Papua is seen as a new sign that becomes a beacon within nationalists from the threat of Papuan nationalist groups (separatists and federalists) who are constantly creating new signs in the social semiotics space in Papua. Language as the home of life, capable of echoing and symbolized as a form of resurrection that is ready to threaten the unitary state system. The purpose of this study is to uncover political discourse in the text of law number 21 on Special Autonomy of Papua laden with linguistic nuances (morphology) which is not only what is understood, but the understanding itself is essentially linguistic as well. The method used in this research refers to qualitative method with descriptive research type which serves to present a detailed picture about a particular situation, social background, relationship, class or certain characteristic in Papua Special Autonomy Law. The main data in this study is the writing data (main) which is derived from the text of the Special Autonomy Law of Papua. The qualitative data derived from the text of the law in the form of words, phrases, clauses and sentences that provide an overview of the integration of morphological studies can then be described and explored in their meaning according to their use in the text.

DESIGNING A PROJECT OF USING LEARNER- CENTEREDNESS IN TEACHING ENGLISH AT SENIOR HIGH SCHOOLS IN MANOKWARI

Special Autonomy Law (UU OTSUS Provinsi Papua) Chapter XV; article 52, verse 2, confides the implementing of English as a second language in Papua (West Papua province and Papua province). However, some complexities are faced to implement English as a second language in Papua. The complexities are; the difficulty in teaching English at school, lack of motivation to study English by student, different level of student’s English competence, and lack of good English teacher. This article aims to give contribution to solve the complexities above, especially in English teaching- learning process at senior high school level in Manokwari regency, west Papua province. The concept offered to solve the problems in teaching – learning English process is by using <em>Student Centered Learning </em>(SCL) concept. This concept is recommended by experts and suitable to be applied in senior high school level. There are some steps to implement SCL concept, they are; designing the project, implementing the design and evaluating the project. By implementing SCL concept, the teaching- learning English process in senior high school in Manokwari regency is expected to be useful for students and English teachers.

Effectiveness Network Governance In Making of Special Regional Regulations In Papua Province

-Since the implementation of Special Autonomy law, the system of governance of Papua province experiencing changes in terms namely institutional establishment of the Papuan People's Assembly (MRP). The presence of MRP institutions greatly affect the implementation of the Provincial Government of Papua, especially in the manufacture of specific local regulations. The purpose of this study was to determine the effectiveness of the network between local governance institutions in the manufacture of specific local regulations (Perdasus) in Papua province. This study uses "triangulation" that combines qualitative and quantitative methods. The use of this method to produce a general overview of the phenomenon to be studied. In this study suggest that the making of specific local regulations (Perdasus) involving the three institutions namely the provincial government, the DPRP and MRP have done quite effectively. It is characterized by involvement, commitment, roles, and the implementation of mechanisms of each institution towards making Perdasus based authority. The study recommends that the need for institutional capacity development, especially against the MRP as a representative institution of the Papuan people.

Hijacking Adat Recognition Through the Establishment of New Customary Community Council in Papua, Indonesia

AbstractPapuan supporters of the Special Autonomy Law hoped that it would become an instrument to ensure their right to equality through the respect and recognition of their unique identity. This recognition facilitated the blossoming of an adat institution called the Papua Customary Council (Dewan Adat Papua). This institution is an important representative of Papuan. However, it was opposed to the Special Autonomy Law, and several of its members have closed relations with the Council of Papua Presidium (Presidium Dewan Papua), which supports the pro‐independence movement. Eight years after the implementation of this law, a new adat institution was formed called the Customary Community Council (Lembaga Masyarakat Adat (LMA)). The LMA is supported by the central government to vis a vis with the Dewan Adat Papua. This article analyses the reasons why the LMA was established as a form of government recognition in Papua. Interestingly, the LMA's strategy is similar to that employed under Suharto by the Customary Deliberative Council (LMA) prior to the Special Autonomy Period when adat institutions were formed and recognized, although with the new goal of achieving governmental policies of interest.

KEBIJAKAN TRANSMIGRASI DALAM KERANGKA OTONOMI KHUSUS DI PAPUA: MASALAH DAN HARAPAN

Transmigration in Papua is perceived as an important approach to improve welfare, to achieve equity in regional development, and to bond the nation. However, this policy has also been a subject of criticism. Thus, the implementation of transmigration policy in Papua needs to be adjusted along with the enforcement of Special Autonomy Law in this province. The transmigration program is expected to be pro-indigenous (affirmative action). This article discusses the role of transmigration in the development of Papua with some related issues which potentially threaten the existence of the local community. Data and information sources in this study are the result of desk reviews from research reports, articles, books, and supporting documents. The result shows transmigration has a significant role in the development process of Papua. Still, it should consider the fundamental rights of the indigenous to avoid conflict in the community. Besides that, the implementation of transmigration program should follow democratic principles to foster the participation of communities in the development process.

Effectiveness of Health Sector Special Autonomy Funds Management Program Supiori Regency, Papua

Under the Special Autonomy Law, indigenous Papuans receive special attention and are the main subject of development. The existence of the central government, provincial government, district/city governments, as well as subordinate institutions, are all geared to provide the best service to the indigenous people of Papua, in order that improvedsocial welfare can be realized, so that the lives of indigenous people of Papua can be in line with that of the rest of the population in Indonesia. There are four very important service sectors within the strategic mandate of the Special Autonomy Law to be implemented by the government in relation to the welfare of indigenous Papuans, namely: education, health and nutrition, village infrastructure, and economic empowerment. Supiori local government has yet to determine the performance indicators pertaining to implemented programs and activities funded by Special Autonomy. These conditions make the assessment of performance against the use of Special Autonomy funds difficult because indicators of achievement of the program/ activity are not available.Types of data collected in this study include both secondary and primary data. The data collection techniques used in this study are:Questionnaires and Distributed Questionnaires, In-Depth Interviews, Library Research, and Focus Group Discussions.Supiori Autonomy health sector funding of the programs and activities of the Department of Health in 2012 has been quite effective and beneficial for the Health Services Unit, which includes hospitals, health centers and Puskesmas Pembantu health center. In addition, medical personnel (nurses), Posyandu cadres, pregnant and nursing mothers, infants and toddlers, children and the community district also enjoy greater health benefits.There needs to be involvement and participation in the Health Services Unit Autonomy fund management, in areas ranging from planning to follow-up. Participation can be done through discussions about Health Services Unit needs, as well as the needs foundin the planning and budgeting of Special Autonomy funds in the Supiori health field.

Reconstructing Migrant Identity and Language Use: A Case Study of West Papuans in Kaprus Village, Teluk Wondama Regency, West Papua, Indonesia

The implementation of special autonomy law is to empower the natives of West Papua, Indonesia. As the locality and nativity are the main elements to access power, the status of Sougb and Wepu as the natives is threatened. This is related to the fact that they are West Papuan migrants in Kaprus. The migration of Sougb and Wepu clans to Kaprus can be scrutinized through subject right, object right, and kinds of right. Several major causes of this migration are centered on conflict, natural resources scarcity and marriage. In order to gain power and influence in Kaprus, identity reconstruction of Sougb and Wepu is carried out. It is done by utilization of Wamesa language, manipulation of clan history and social movement to control Kaprus. It is done by appointing the leader of Sougb and Wepu clan as the village leader of Kaprus.

Accountability Perspective: Implementation and Reporting on Spending Fund of Papua Special Autonomy

The purposes of this research to identify (1) the Special Autonomy Law, local government regulations and compliance in determining financial performance or management of special autonomy funds, (2) compliance, supervision, accountability of special autonomy funds in determining accountability for the management of special autonomy funds, (3) knowledge related to education and experience on which to base effective management and efficient fund and provide benefits to the people of the province. The qualitative paradigm is used in this research and phenomenology methods. The findings showed: Implementation of accountability required a strong commitment from the governor and the entire staff of the agency concerned, ensure proper use of resources is consistent with legislation in force, indicating the level of achievement of goals and objectives that have been set. Oriented to achieving the vision and mission, as well as the results and benefits obtained, honest, objective, transparent, and accurate, Presenting success or failure in achieving the goals and objectives that have been set.

Papua

Papua Muridan S. Widjojo (bio) The year 2011 in the provinces of Papua and West Papua was politically noisy. Papua occupied the headlines of a number of national electronic and print media sources more often than in the previous year. First, the cycle of violence conducted by both the state apparatus and non-state armed groups predominated. On one side, the management of politics and security in the provinces was still colored by state repression and alleged human rights violations. Impunity was maintained and laws could not be enforced, as law enforcers often failed to indicate the perpetrators' identity, calling them "unknown actors." When perpetrators who are members of state security institutions have been identified and known publicly, the court has tended to punish them with light sentences. On the other side, the non-state armed groups became more aggressive. The year saw more members of the police and military becoming victims of attacks by the Free Papua Movement (Organisasi Papua Merdeka [OPM])- National Liberation Army (Tentara Pembebasan Nasiona [TPN]). Second, the political impasse caused by mutual mistrust between the government and the pro-independence Papuans continued. The special autonomy law implemented in 2001 has failed to restore trust. The impasse is mainly due to independence demands being approached from the perspective of a security framework (securitization). Most of the government's recent policies were also influenced by the securitization policy, which further undermined the spirit of reconciliation embedded in the special autonomy law. Third, industrial relations conflicts between workers and the Freeport Indonesia mine intensified. The root of the conflict is wages, which are considered the lowest in relation to other Freeport companies outside Indonesia. A phenomenal strike of the workers' association lasted roughly six months, and the company was forced to halt its operations for about one month. The strike began in July, and negotiations for a new wage structure were concluded at the end of December 2011. The strike ended and the workers enjoyed a wage increase of 37 percent. It was a Christmas gift for both sides. Fourth, the political will of the government to employ peaceful means of solving the Papua conflict appeared more clearly at the end of the year. On 9 November 2011, Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono stated that the government was prepared to hold open dialogue with Papuan leaders. This statement confirmed the previous policy in which the president appointed special envoys [End Page 398] for Papua and a special unit under the president to handle the political and economic problems of Papua. Overall the new approach has not yet had a positive impact on the political situation in Papua, primarily because the old approaches have not been terminated. The Papua People's Assembly (Majelis Rakyat Papua [MRP]) also remained a protracted problem in Papua. The official term of MRP members should have ended in 2010, but the selection of new members for the 2011-2016 term did not start until April 2011. To make matters worse, the central government intervened by rejecting the appointments of Agus Alua and Hana Hikoyabi who had already been selected as members of MRP by the provincial committee. Alua and Hikoyabi were labeled "separatist" by Jakarta. As a matter of fact, these two Papuan leaders had an important role in facilitating the demonstration "returning" the special autonomy law to the central government in 2010. As a result of this, the inauguration was delayed. On 7 April, Agus Alua passed away after a long illness. On 12 April, 73 members of MRP (40 Papua and 33 West Papua) were inaugurated by the Minister of Home Affairs Gamawan Fauzi in Jayapura. On 30 May, members of the MRP agreed to maintain only one MRP for both provinces. However, on 6-7 June the members of West Papua MRP, led by Vitalis Yumte, Z Abidin Bay, and Anike Sabami, decided to establish a separate MRP for West Papua province. Surprisingly this separate body was supported by all members of West Papuan origin. Despite the refusal of Papuan members of Parliament in Jakarta, the separation was encouraged by Jakarta as well as by the governor of West Papua. The newly established West Papua People's Assembly was re-inaugurated...

LOCAL COMMUNITY EMPOWERMENT IN THE SPECIAL AUTONOMY LAW IN PAPUA PROVINCE

The establishment of the 2001 Special Autonomy Law in Papua Province is not exempted from economic, political and socio-cultural problems. The law is intended to empower the people by preserving their interests and upholding the basic rights of native Papuans. This research aims at finding out a theoretical understanding on the forms of local community empowerment during the implementation of special autonomy in Papua Province. The study is performed through a qualitative approach with a phenomenological strategy. The research was conducted at a location in Jayapura. Empirical data were obtained using the techniques of observation, in-depth interviews, and other secondary data. The implementation of Special Autonomy in Papua Province has brought forth a fundamental change in the approaches and policies of community development, particularly local community empowerment that includes indigenous communities, women, and religion. Local community empowerment in the economic and socio-cultural aspects represents the effort to improve the welfare and sense of justice within the local community in development.

Papua

Papua Muridan S. Widjojo (bio) During the year 2010, the provinces of Papua and West Papua routinely witnessed political events like those of the previous year. Very low level armed encounters between Indonesian military/police and the pro-independence armed group tpn/opm occurred more frequently than in 2009. As in 2005, several demonstrations over the people’s desire to hand back the Special Autonomy Law of 2001 (popularly called Otsus) to the national government involved not only civil society groups but also state institutions such as the Papua People’s Assembly (mrp). In addition to political pressure from within Papua, growing international pressure was noteworthy, especially from the United States Congress and the Vanuatu government. Pressure on Indonesia increased especially after the Asian Human Rights Commission (ahrc) uploaded to the YouTube website videos of torture committed by soldiers of the tni (Tentara Nasional Indonesia, or the Indonesian military). This exposure confirmed to the national and international public that the many allegations of Indonesian security forces committing human rights abuses in Papua were true. Despite these facts, some positive signs also emerged in 2010. Campaigning and advocacy for more dialogue between Jakarta and Papua made some progress. At the beginning of the year, the Papua Peace Network (ppn) was established under the leadership of Father Neles Tebay and Muridan S Widjojo of the Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesia (lipi) or Indonesian Institute of Sciences. Facilitation and mediation by the ppn and [End Page 483] the lipi team in Jakarta did encourage the central government to improve its policy in Papua. A Papua Road Map proposal emphasizing peace talks was presented to Indonesian Vice President Boediono and seven government ministers on 23 November 2010; in general, the response was encouraging. The government is now committed to establishing a new body whose main task is to smooth the implementation of the Otsus law. Similar progress also took place on the part of the Papuans. In Papua, the ppn has successfully conducted public consultations in nine districts with grassroots leaders including representatives of the tpn/opm during February and July 2010. Moreover, the ppn has encouraged various pro-independence factions to overcome their fragmentation and improve cooperation in order to prepare for dialogue. In Port Moresby, the ppn managed to organize a “West Papua Leaders Summit,” which was attended by exiled pro-independence Papuans, including envoys from the armed wing. In Jakarta, there were some clearly positive political signals. First, the government was more responsive to the report of rights abuses. For example, the release of the torture video resulted in a military court giving a number of Indonesian soldiers jail sentences of five to seven months. Second, the government strove to improve the implementation of the Otsus law and was willing to build political communication with Papuan opposition leaders. Moreover, open-minded and progressive high officials were given more roles in designing the resolution policy. In his state address on 16 August 2010, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono promised constructive political communication with Papuan leaders. This promise was manifested on 1 December by the president’s determination to appoint two special envoys to Papua tasked with building preliminary trust and encouraging clear Papuan representation in the coming dialogue. As in 2009, the tpn/opm, led by Goliath Tabuni, continued its campaign on Puncak Jaya. On 27 February a boxcar was shot at from a hill near a bridge over the Kurage River, and a civilian was wounded on his upper cheek. As a consequence, a military/police unit chased the perpetrators. According to a Papuan activist’s report, on 17 March in the village of Kalome, subdistrict of Tingginambut, two local pastoral functionaries of gidi (the Evangelical Church of Indonesia) named Kindeman Gire and Pitinus Kogoya were tortured and shot. As they waited for a car coming from Wamena with their goods, they happened to meet tni soldiers, who suddenly began to torture and interrogate them regarding the whereabouts of confiscated police guns. Kogoya, who managed to flee, heard gunshots. Gire is believed to have been shot, but his body was never found, and local authorities have provided no clarification about the case. On 18 March, tni soldiers also attacked a compound in Lumbuk...