Spanish Leaders Research Articles

Prevalence and quality of medical Spanish education in US osteopathic medical schools: a national survey.

Spanish is the language in the United States with the greatest language-concordant physician deficit. Allopathic medical Spanish programs have proliferated, but the national prevalence of medical Spanish education at osteopathic medical schools has never been evaluated. The objectives of this study are to describe the medical Spanish educational landscape at US osteopathic schools and evaluate program adherence to previously established basic standards. Between March and October 2022, surveys were sent to all 44 member schools of the American Association of Colleges of Osteopathic Medicine (AACOM). For nonrespondents, data were obtained from publicly available websites. Primary surveys were sent to deans or diversity, equity, and inclusion officers at each osteopathic school to determine whether medical Spanish was offered and to identify a medical Spanish leader. Medical Spanish leaders received the secondary survey. The main measures of this study were the prevalence of medical Spanish programs at osteopathic schools and the extent to which existing programs met each of the four basic standards: having a faculty educator, providing a curricular structure, assessing learner skills, and awarding institutional course credit. We gathered medical Spanish information from 90.9 % (40/44) of osteopathic schools. Overall, 88.6 % (39/44) offered medical Spanish, of which 66.7 % (26/39) had formal curricula, 43.6 % (17/39) had faculty educators, 17.9 % (7/39) assessed learner skills, and 28.2 % (11/39) provided course credit. Only 12.8 % (5/39) of osteopathic schools with medical Spanish programs metall basic standards. Urban/suburban schools were likelier to offer medical Spanish than rural schools (p=0.020). Osteopathic schools in states with the highest Spanish-speaking populations were more likely to offer student-run initiatives (p=0.027). Most osteopathic schools provide medical Spanish education, but work is needed to improve consistency, quality, and sustainability. Future research should focus on osteopathic student language proficiency assessment, improve medical Spanish accessibility for students at rural programs, and explore the unique content areas of osteopathic medical Spanish education.

Improving our understanding of open access: how it relates to funding, internationality of research and scientific leadership

As open publication has become a goal in scholarly communication, interest in how it relates to other features of the research process has grown. This paper focuses on the relationship between funding and open access (OA) in the Spanish National Research Council’s Web of Science publications in three scientific fields with different research practices, namely, Biology & Biomedicine (BIOL), Humanities & Social Sciences (HSS) and Materials Science (MATE). Firstly, the three fields are characterised in relation to OA practices (OA status and OA routes) and acknowledged funding (funding status and funding origin). Secondly, the relationship between OA and funding is explored, and the role of additional influential factors, such as the internationality of research and national/foreign leadership of papers, is unravelled through logistic regression. BIOL shows a higher OA share (66%) than do the other two fields (around 33%). Funded research shows higher OA rates than unfunded research in the experimental fields, but not in HSS, where it is related to a shift towards more publications with article-processing charges. The internationality of research, measured through international collaboration or foreign funding, increases OA, albeit with differences across fields. Foreign-funded papers are more likely to be led by foreign researchers in all three fields, but a foreign first author increases the chances of OA publication in HSS only, perhaps because Spanish leaders in this field have not internalised the importance of OA. The research’s policy implications are reviewed.

Where Caciques and Mapmakers Met: Border Making in Eighteenth-Century South America

Where Caciques and Mapmakers Met: Border Making in Eighteenth-Century South America

Brothers in Arms: American Independence and the Men of France and Spain Who Saved It

Brothers in Arms: American Independence and the Men of France and Spain Who Saved It

Affective Governance During the COVID-19 Crisis: Building Leadership, Trust, and Good Citizens

Concepts such as emotional govern­ance, affective citizenship and trans­formational leadership point at the way governments are addressing the COVID-19 crisis from an emotional perspective. The study takes the Ital­ian and Spanish leaders as case stud­ies, analysing TV speeches, press con­ferences and parliamentary addresses, on the one hand, and Facebook posts, on the other hand. The results show that the two cases adopt different emotional repertoires, depending on the historical and cultural leanings but also on the style of leadership they embrace. This style reverberates in the relationship they seek to build with citizens to stimulate compliance with their decisions and in the use of Facebook to promote positive mes­sages and counter the spreading of misinformation. The article also shows how affective governance and style of leadership contribute to the normative definition of good and deviant citizens in critical historical junctures. In par­ticular, the diffusion of fake news (and not just their manufacturing) is de­picted as anti-patriotic and non-civic. We argue that the crisis has catalysed processes and trends that were al­ready at play, while at the same time defining a new trait of leadership in the ability to promote cross-genera­tional solidarity and sense of belong­ing beyond national boundaries. Keywords: citizenship, communica­tion, emotions, governance, leader­ship, solidarity.

“Backstage moments during the campaign”: The interactive use of Instagram by Spanish political leaders

The political use of social media is a well-established field of research. We perform a content analysis of the messages posted on Instagram—one of the fastest growing social networking sites—by the leaders of the four main political parties in Spain, with special emphasis on the interactive use of this platform and the functions played by the posts. The sample of Instagram posts includes a non-election period and a period of regional elections. The results point to a practically irrelevant use of interactive tools, and an emphasis on the self-promotion of leaders and their parties. Accordingly, the data show that Instagram is basically used by Spanish leaders as a supplement to their campaign efforts and strategic objectives. These findings are discussed and linked to broader theoretical issues such as the hypothesis of normalization and the use of the Internet for broadcasting.

Immaterial Empires: France and Spain in the Americas, 1860s and 1920s

Imperial expansion in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries has been largely studied as a military and economic phenomenon. According to the widely accepted narrative, European empires expanded their power across the world following different ‘formal’ (direct) and ‘informal’ (indirect) strategies. This article argues that, beyond material forms of conquest and effective domination, empires also implemented their rule through the use of immateriality. We explore this phenomenon through a transnational and diachronic comparison of the cases of France in the 1860s and Spain in the 1920s. Both examples suggest that such notions as ‘civilization’, ‘race’, ‘spirit’, and ‘greatness’ not only underpinned the imaginary and the conceptualization of empire, but also actively produced powerful ‘immaterial’ means of domination, expansion, and influence. This work’s methodological approach relies on the conviction that concepts and significations are an integral part of politics. France and Spain did not have empires in Latin America in the periods under study, but they were imagined as being imperial powers in the Americas. This crafted an imperial mind-set that complemented the formal and informal imperial practices that France in the 1860s and Spain in the 1920s were undertaking in other parts of the world. We focus on intellectual and political projects and on practices of cultural diplomacy as two manifestations of these immaterial empires. By virtue of these projects and policies, French and Spanish leaders managed to create an image of France and Spain as deserving their ‘natural’ important place in the global scene. Immateriality served as an instrument to counterbalance the growth of competing powers, namely the United States, which, in the 1860s as well as the 1920s, was seen as a dangerous competitor in the so-called Western hemisphere. In this way, notions of Latinity and Hispanity competed with each other and, at the same time, targeted the ‘Anglo-Saxon’, ‘racial’, and ‘spiritual’ competitor.

El retrato de Istolacio, Indortes y Orissón en los manuales escolares, y en las publicaciones periódicas del siglo XIX

En el siglo XIX España está consolidando su identidad nacional y para ello se sirve de los viejos héroes de la antigüedad. El propósito de este trabajo es analizar el uso de las figuras de Istolacio, Indortes y Orissón en los libros escolares, en los periódicos y en las revistas, para conocer el papel que jugaron los tres líderes hispanos en la construcción de una nueva historia nacional y en la consolidación de la imagen que los españoles tenían de sí mismos durante esta centuria.

En el origen del TEU: a propósito de una representación unamuniana de 1940 (El otro)

Nuestro trabajo explora los tres primeros años del Teatro Español Universitario (1939-1941) a partir de una representación de El otro, de Miguel de Unamuno, en febrero de 1940. A partir de las contradicciones que encontramos en los datos de que disponemos actualmente, se han planteado dos hipótesis de trabajo aún por confirmar: que el TEU nacional tuviera un director anterior a Modesto Higueras, considerado hasta la fecha como su auspiciador, o que se llevaran a cabo dos funciones inaugurales del TEU de Higueras a causa del fracaso de la representación de El otro. Completaremos esta revisión historiográfica con un somero repaso de la recepción del teatro unamuniano entre los intelectuales falangistas que nos permita entender la relectura partidista que los dirigentes del SEU pudieron realizar a partir del texto de Unamuno.

‘There is no alternative’: How Italian and Spanish leaders’ discourse obscured the political nature of austerity

The Eurozone crisis and the remarkable convergence of national governments towards austerity policies draw scholars’ attention to the discursive strategies that they have used in order to legitimate their economic decisions. This article studies the common features of austerity discourse beyond national and partisan boundaries. It relies on an in-depth analysis combining lexicography and the study of metaphors in speeches of the Italian and Spanish heads of government between 2011 and 2013. While drawing on recent work addressing the legitimation of economic policies, this research takes a step back in order to shed light on the broader discourse on which austerity policies rely and in order to explain the common patterns in various political actors’ discourse. Rooted in a post-foundational approach, it identifies several discursive strategies for depoliticising economic issues (e.g. the construction of an economic common sense, the appeal to external constraints and the metaphorical naturalisation of economics), thus unveiling their political nature. The ‘restructuring’ and ‘rescaling’ of social practices are identified as the main mechanisms pertaining to the articulation of such a broader hegemonic discourse.

Americanistas, diplomáticos y líderes de la emigración españoles en el México del Centenario: la «embajada intelectual» como modelo de acción panhispanista (1909-1910)

Durante los centenarios de las independencias, importantes intelectuales españoles desplegaron una enérgica acción panhispanista en Hispanoamérica. Se analizará aquí cómo americanistas, diplomáticos y líderes de la emigración españoles se coaligaron en las postrimerías del porfiriato para publicitar este programa, estudiando el viaje de Rafael Altamira a México a través del modelo conceptual de embajada intelectual.

Crisis económica, confianza institucional y liderazgos políticos en España

Este artículo se propone analizar, de modo exploratorio, los efectos de la crisis económica en los principales liderazgos políticos de España. Para entender la política española de los últimos años es necesario conocer las consecuencias de dicha crisis sobre los líderes e instituciones políticas que éstos dirigen. En las democracias representativas los líderes políticos han de mantener vínculos de confianza con sus seguidores para justificar las acciones políticas de los primeros. Por ello, y según las interpretaciones teóricas y datos expuestos en este trabajo, la confianza institucional se torna en un factor clave para poder comprender los efectos de la crisis económica sobre los liderazgos políticos. Así, el deterioro de la confianza en las instituciones está asociado con la creciente deslegitimación de los principales líderes políticos y con una crisis profunda de legitimidad política.

Ever Faithful: Race, Loyalty, and the Ends of Empire in Spanish Cuba by David Sartorius (review)

Reviewed by: Ever Faithful: Race, Loyalty, and the Ends of Empire in Spanish Cuba by David Sartorius William C. Van Norman Jr. David Sartorius. Ever Faithful: Race, Loyalty, and the Ends of Empire in Spanish Cuba. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2013. 312 pp. David Sartorius has written an important book that challenges much of the standard narrative regarding people of color in Cuba during the nineteenth century. This rich analysis sustains a compelling and nuanced argument that will reshape what we know about race in Cuba during the nineteenth century. Sartorius convincingly contends that there were significant numbers of people of African descent who were loyal to Spain, participants in an ever-shifting relationship in which Spanish leaders unevenly sought their support and rewarded their loyalty. The author uses key events of Spanish imperial and Cuban colonial history to structure the six chapters. Each begins with an event that the author uses as a lens to explicate the context, actors, motivations, and implications of each moment. This facilitates the introduction of dozens of African-descended people, slave and free, loyal and rebel, and places them at the center of Cuban colonial history. While this book has a strong narrative structure, it is also theoretically informed, as the author draws on numerous sources to show how positions of loyalty or disloyalty to the Crown of Spain affected understandings of race and the status of people of color. In a brief introduction, the author establishes for the reader his argument and methodological concerns, and summarizes the chapters. Each part balances discussion of enslaved and free African-descended Cubans, revealing the complexity of race on the island. Sartorius also works to avoid the teleological position of only tracing events and participants that led to the ending of slavery and Cuban independence. His approach is both important and well executed, allowing the reader to fully grasp the ideas of people living in an empire and the possibilities and choices that existed for them, rather than only highlighting the road taken. In discussing the first half of the nineteenth century, Sartorius contrasts differing attitudes regarding the population of color between the leadership in Spain and elites in Cuba. There were ongoing debates on the peninsula about race and citizenship, while on the island the focus was on the question of slavery. This is highlighted by the role of Cuban deputy to the Cortes, Andrés de Jáuregui, who effectively killed the abolition debate by invoking the French debates on abolition that he claimed sparked the Haitian Revolution. Two factors contributed to attenuated freedoms for most people of color in the years leading up to the Ten Years’ War. Continued debates over slavery along with significant slave rebellions, such as those associated with the mass, state-led campaign of repression known as La Escalera in 1844, created a perceived need to limit opportunities of interaction and participation for all people of color, slave and free. [End Page 229] The first important challenge to the colonial government and imperial control in Cuba came from planters who understood that slavery was deeply tied to Spanish power. Using different strategies, both Spain and the rebels were able to attract significant numbers of African-descended Cubans to their struggle. Sartorius shows how ideas of citizenship and the loyalty of many people of color resulted in freedom for many slaves who assisted Spain. The rebels, relying on a similar rhetoric of citizenship, also freed slaves who came to their cause. The Pact of Zanjón in 1878 gave way to increased freedom of association and of the press for all. People of color seized such opportunities, establishing new branches of social and political clubs and several black newspapers. The importance of associations, cabildos, and cofradías grew, but there was a cost to these new opportunities. Members of these associations felt pressed to give up “primitive” practices, conform to Spanish colonial norms, and render apolitical any public expression of a shared identity or mutual interest. This resulted in limited opportunities for dissent. During the 1880s, both discourse and political actions reflected concerns over voting rights for men of color as well as over final emancipation. Loyalist actions were complex...

El liderazgo en relaciones públicas y gestión de comunicación. Análisis cuantitativo de los factores de liderazgo en el sector en España

Leadership in public relations and communication management in Spain is analyzed in this paper. Following Meng and Berger's conceptual model (2011), the prerequisites and characteristics of outstanding leaders in communication are examined, as are their personal beliefs and perceptions about leadership, the major challenges facing Spanish leaders in public relations and communication management, and the strategies implemented to deal with those issues. This study is part of an international project developed in 23 countries by the Plank Center for Leadership in Public Relations at the University of Alabama. It was financed by Heyman Associates in New York and the IBM Corporation.

Perspectives on North and South: The 2012 financial crisis in Spain seen through two major British newspapers

The world financial crisis of 2008 reached a head in the Eurozone in 2012, when major problems became apparent affecting several countries in Southern Europe. During this time, the British press focused particularly on Spain, watching the potentially volatile political situation with interest, and documenting the negotiations between Spanish and European leaders. This article considers how this situation was reported in two British newspapers, The Guardian and The Independent, applying corpus linguistics techniques to identify salient aspects of the crisis and to detect patterns in language use that had an ideological dimension. The 2012 crisis emerges mainly as a political issue, and the reporting focuses on solutions rather than causes or effects. However, even though these two publications are not noted for Euroscepticism, they both show a strong tendency to group South European countries together within a negative frame, collectivizing them and establishing a dichotomy with Northern Europe.

Language & authoritarianism in the 20th century: the cases of Estonia and Catalonia

The 20th century saw the Soviet and Francoist regimes enforce their respective ideologies in Estonia and the Catalan-speaking territories in Spain. In both cases, the autochthonous language suffered under the stringent control of the mechanisms of censorship and repression. In fact, Soviet and Spanish leaders—representing both extremes of the political spectrum—tried to replace the use of the autochthonous language in many sociolinguistic domains with their own—Russian and (Castilian) Spanish—as these languages embodied the ideologies and the new orders that they wished to establish. This paper compares and contrasts the diverse methods of control over language carried out in Estonia and the Catalan-speaking areas of Spain in order to demonstrate that highly centralised multilingual states—whatever their political ideology—can make use of surprisingly similar means of control, ultimately depriving local linguistic communities of the ability to use and develop their own language. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5128/ERYa6.16

Louisiana governors: rulers, rascals, and reformers

Walter Greaves Cowan and Jack B. McGuire, veteran authorities on the Louisiana political scene, trace the history of the state's leaders from the French and Spanish colonial eras to the present day. Using a variety of sources, including personal interviews with the recent governors, they describe unforgettable personalities. Such early figures as Pierre Le Moyne d'Iberville and Jean Baptiste Le Moyne de Bienville set the tone for later colonial governors. They had their troubles, fending off protesting Indians and other French and Spanish leaders vying for power. Following the Louisiana Purchase, American politics took control. The Whigs, Know Nothings, Republicans, and Democrats have all waxed and waned through times of slavery, secession, suffrage, and segregation. The early twentieth century saw the rise of Huey P. Long, who established himself as a virtual dictator. An assassin's bullet ended Long's life in 1935, but his followers managed to hold on to the governorship until 1940. In 1948 his brother, Earl Long, brought the family back into power. Over the years, two governors were impeached but were not removed from office, and two governors were jailed in federal prison. The experiences, decisions, and conflicts of Louisiana governors have reflected and influenced the history of the state, often in dramatic and fascinating ways.

Re-Entering Electoral Politics

This article examines change in the Greek and Spanish party systems between their pre- and post-authoritarian periods. While the Greek party system displayed substantial continuity, the Spanish system showed considerable change. We connect continuity in party structure with length of interruption of competitive electoral politics. Our argument relies on the idea of reputation to explain why Spanish party leaders were far less constrained in moving their parties along the policy space than their Greek counterparts. Political parties in Spain had less reputation for established policy positions than Greek parties. Our argument and its implications are formally derived from a model developed by Bowler. We evaluate some alternative explanations and conclude that reputation is a factor accounting for variation in party system change in these two cases. At the time of the transition party leaders were presented with different opportunities to redefine their respective parties' policy positions.

Italian and Spanish Labour Leaders’ Unconventional Immigration Policy Preferences

The expanding global market challenges state capacity to control immigration, the competitiveness of highly regulated labour markets and traditional union organization, and in turn helps to shape the immigration policy preferences of Italian and Spanish labour leaders. Most labour leaders believe that restrictive immigration policies marginalize immigrant workers, undermining the wages and working conditions of natives. Therefore – contrary to the conventional wisdom that unions favour restrictive policies to protect native workers from cheap immigrant labour – most Spanish and Italian labour leaders reason that moderate immigration policies improve the stability of immigrants, which ultimately benefits both native and immigrant workers.

Regulating finance: the political economy of Spanish financial policy from Franco to democracy

In recent years many countries have liberalized their financial markets as a central element of their efforts to reform their economies and increase their economic growth rates. Financial deregulation leads to a fundamental restructuring of a country's economy and polity, as market forces, not state officials, begin to determine who obtains financial resources and at what cost. A critical question is whether countries can undertake a program of liberalization while undergoing democratic transformation. In this study, Arvid John Lukauskas explores why governments tightly regulate their country's financial system and why they choose to liberalize it.Using a rational choice approach, Lukauskas contends that public officials provide the dynamic behind the evolution of financial regulation as they seek to retain power and generate public revenue. Lukauskas argues that the nature of a country's political institutions shape the incentives facing politicians and influence whether they seek to regulate closely or liberalize financial markets in the pursuit of their goals. Lukauskas then tests his ideas in an in-depth case study of the evolution of financial policy in Spain, a country that transformed its financial system into a mostly market-based system after years of heavy state intervention, while undergoing a transformation from a dictatorship to a democracy. Contrary to the conventional wisdom that leaders will not undertake structural change during periods of democratization, he finds that leaders in Spain undertook financial liberalization despite opposition from powerful groups, because democratization gave Spanish leaders a strong incentive to improve economic performance through financial reform in order to compete for votes.This book will be of interest to political scientists and economists interested in studying financial markets and the effects of regime change, including democratization, on economic reform.Arvid John Lukauskas is Assistant Professor of Political Science, Columbia University.