Spanish Constitution Research Articles

The Two Main Challenges to Catalan Identity

Since the Franco regime came to an end in 1978, the main political and social forces in Catalonia have pursued a model of intercultural relations that aims to protect Catalan cultural identity and at the same time to incorporate the various different waves of migrants who came to Catalonia from other regions of Spain during the course of the 20th century and who now represent close to 40% of the population. Moreover, during the negotiations for the new Spanish constitution in 1978, these political forces in Catalonia accepted a new political relationship with Spain with the constitution of the Catalan autonomous region. During the course of the past 15 years, two major factors have become increasingly apparent. First, there has been a further wave of migration from other countries and continents, in particular from Muslim countries (13.6% in 2016 compared with 2.9% in 2000). Second, the place of Catalonia within Spain has been called into question for a number of different political, economic, social, and cultural reasons. In 2017, a considerable number of Catalans, close to 50%, mobilized to demand the independence of their country and attempted to proclaim and constitute the “Republic of Catalonia,” thus breaking the constitutional law in force throughout Spain. This breach of the law brought about a response from the Spanish security forces and justice system, which resulted in the suspension of the Catalan autonomous government and the calling of elections. The object of this study is to analyze the impact of the recent migrations and the current political situation on the model of intercultural relations that has governed Catalan cultural identity in recent times. The principal objectives of the model have been to ensure the civil unity of Catalonia, to safeguard Catalan language and culture, and to promote respect for cultures of citizens from other regions of Spain, all within a context of mutual dialogue and exchange. The thesis of this article is that this model, which pursues integration and unity, is in danger of breaking down as a result of the new phenomena.

Promoting a Theatre in Crisis: Poster Design and the Marketisation of Culture on the Madrid Stage

This article examines a paratextual element of stage productions, the promotional poster, a detail often overlooked in analyses of theatre. I show that, far from being of minor importance for academic approaches to the subject, the study of posters sheds light on many of the concerns of the industry, and can reveal more about such matters than the study of a play text or performance. The industrial concerns at the heart of this article are the recent economic crisis in Spain and the austerity measures taken by successive governments to resolve it. I focus on the specific case of Madrid, where the three tiers of government (state, autonomous community, and municipality) overlap to the greatest extent in the domain of publicly-owned theatre, where there is a prominent private theatre industry, and where I have been able to investigate and evaluate in person the question of the visibility of theatre publicity. My analysis of the posters of a number of publicly-owned theatres reveals a burgeoning culture of branding in response to falling audience numbers and ticket sales, a commercial initiative at odds with the perception of culture as a public good in the 1978 Spanish Constitution. I also show that economic hardship in the capital’s private sector is manifest in the aesthetics of publicity for productions at such theatres. Poster design, I argue, is an element of theatre in which the broader move, in both public and private sectors, towards the corporatisation of Spanish culture and its devaluation as a means by which to edify the population, are not merely explicit but also contested.

The 2017 Catalan Independence Referendum: A Symposium

This article summarises contributions to an ASEN-Edinburgh (Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism, Edinburgh Branch) symposium held the day after the 2017 Catalan referendum on independence. Daniel Cetrà describes a referendum disputed between legal and democratic legitimacy and grounded on competing visions of nationhood. Elisenda Casanas-Adam argues that there are alternative interpretations of the Spanish constitution which could accommodate Catalan request and highlights the questionable legality of the Spanish authorities’ forceful response. Mariola Tàrrega argues that the Catalan referendum reveals a worrying context where news media become political advocates of opposing worldviews and politicians attribute to news media an overstated capacity to shape nation-building projects.

Assessment of adulthood in the living Spanish population based on ossification of the medial clavicle epiphysis using ultrasound methods

It is a fact that in recent years requests have greatly increased to obtain estimates of the legal age of undocumented individuals alleged to be minors who have been forced to enter different European Community countries for socioeconomic reasons or due to war. Spain is one of the countries most affected by this illegal immigration because of its proximity to North Africa. Therefore, it has become necessary to develop new standards which help provide a response to the demands of the justice administration. In recent years, the Superior Justice Court has rejected several pieces of expert evidence on the grounds that the age intervals therein were not sufficiently reliable and that the radiographic techniques used to determine age were invasive, potentially causing harm to the alleged minor. These sentences have caused interest in this field of work to increase within the scientific community. As a result, in order to improve age predictions and, above all, reduce minors’ exposure to radiation, this study was created for completion on the Spanish population, using the ultrasound scan as a diagnostic technique. Used as a study sample were the ultrasound images of the proximal sternal epiphysis of the clavicle among 221 individuals of both sexes, of ages ranging from 5 to 30 years. All of the images were classified into 4 stages of fusion, in accordance with the development of metaphyseal closure proposed by Schulz et al. in 2008. The results show differences among the 4 proposed groups for each of the stages of fusion, with the results found in Stage II being especially important because, for both sexes, they would imply that the patient studied has reached an age of over 18 years, which is the legal age of adulthood in Spain, as established by the Spanish Constitution of 1978. Though further research is still recommended, these results, coupled with the use of ultrasound as a non-invasive diagnostic technique, could help solve some of the problems currently arising in justice courts.

Próba secesji Katalonii – po czyjej stronie stoi prawo?

1 października 2017 r. był dniem, w którym oczy całego świata skierowane zostały na Katalonię – ten autonomiczny region Hiszpanii podjął długo zapowiadaną próbę secesji, a tym samym – utworzenia niepodległego państwa w formie republiki. Wydarzenie to stanowiło zresztą apogeum konfliktu, który od lat toczył się pomiędzy Barceloną a Madrytem wokół dążenia Katalonii do coraz większej swobody – wielu mieszkańców regionu było po prostu niezadowolonych z tego, że rząd centralny zaniedbywał jego interesy ekonomiczne, a przy tym coraz bardziej rosło wśród Katalończyków poczucie odrębności od reszty społeczeństwa hiszpańskiego. Jednakże rząd Hiszpanii konsekwentnie blokuje kataloński proces separatystyczny, powołując się przy tym na przepisy Konstytucji. Z kolei rząd kataloński argumentuje swoje racje prawem do samostanowienia narodów. Kto zatem ma rację? Artykuł jest naukowym opracowaniem, które podejmuje próbę odpowiedzi na to pytanie. W tym celu dokonana jest analiza faktów towarzyszących procesowi dążenia Katalończyków do niepodległości oraz przede wszystkim odnośnych przepisów prawnych. Pod lupę wzięta została hiszpańska Konstytucja wraz z relewantnymi jej przepisami oraz orzecznictwo hiszpańskiego Sądu Konstytucyjnego. Poddane analizie zostały także stosowne przepisy prawa międzynarodowego, w szczególności te regulujące prawo do samostanowienia narodów oraz dopuszczalności secesji. W toku rozważań przedstawiono także stanowisko społeczności międzynarodowej.

Federal execution, Article 155 of the Spanish Constitution and the crisis in Catalonia

Federal execution, Article 155 of the Spanish Constitution and the crisis in Catalonia

Google Our Freedom! Narzędzia Google, social media i nowoczesne technologie a katalońska droga do niepodległości

The Spanish Constitution of 1978 has not only created a parliamentary government under a constitutional monarchy, but also enabled a decentralized structure which opened the way for developing co-existence mechanisms for different nationalities and ethnic groups, inhabiting 17 autonomous communities and 2 autonomous cities, varying in their degree of identification with the vision of one common Spanish state. It seems that it has not been expected, that at least one of these regions will demonstrate such strong sense of identity that it will not only demand broader autonomy, but also full independence. Can social media and Google tools help in achieving this goal? Will it be possible to use them to build support for Catalan activities among the international community? And finally – will data obtained thanks to Google enable to forecast future political events? The Author is looking for answers to these questions by analyzing data obtained during research conducted in the network, as well as information gathered while conducting interviews with Catalan politicians in the moment of region’s fight for independence.

La mayoría de edad. Artículo 12 de la Constitución Española de 1978

El presente estudio tiene por finalidad examinar la edad en el ordenamiento jurídico español. Se comenzará por ofrecer un concepto para posteriormente examinar la regulación constitucional. Después el trabajo se centrará en dar una visión del tratamiento de la minoría de edad dentro de distintas ramas del ordenamiento jurídico, comprobando de esta manera si lo establecido por ellas coincide o no con la regulación contenida en la Constitución Española de 1978.Recibido: 31 octubre 2017Aceptado: 28 noviembre 2017Publicación en línea: 27 diciembre 2017

Reforma constitucional y derechos sociales: la necesidad de un nuevo paradigma en el derecho público español

The economic, social and political crisis has created the idea that we need a reform of the Spanish Constitution. Given the traditional jurisprudence and the case law of the Constitutional Court, according to which social rights are not directly enforceable rights but mere political mandates, some other opinions consider that we need to strengthen their character of subjective rights. Considering that the dominant conception of social rights and the constitutional case law have created the current situation, a simple change in the letter of the Spanish constitution could not be enough. This article proposes the main lines for a new language of social rights that assures the protection of social rights, following international standards and foreign experiences.

LA NECESARIA TUTELA COLECTIVA DE LAS AFECTACIONES PLURALES A LOS INTERESES DE LOS CONSUMIDORES Y USUARIOS

El comercio electrónico ha conllevado una rotura del paradigma clásico “consumidor local-empresario local” que nos obliga a replantear la eficacia del Derecho de Consumo como medida de protección de los intereses de los consumidores y usuarios. Este trabajo estudia especialmente aquellos supuestos en los que la entidad de la afectación o daño es ínfimo pero plural, ya que la tutela individual inicialmente prevista deviene, por la proporción entre la indemnización a percibir y los gastos del respectivo proceso judicial, un importante desincentivo económico. El resultado es, no solo una posible vulneración del derecho de acceso a la jurisdicción del artículo 24 de nuestra constitución, sino la consiguiente falta de tutela de estos daños masivos. A través del estudio de las características de estos intereses y los elementos esenciales de su tutela, el autor postula la necesidad de tutelar estos supuestos a través de un único proceso colectivo con el que, además de romper con la barrera económica apuntada, se tutelen los intereses de la totalidad de consumidores afectados.

Cuatro décadas de modernización vs. reforma de la Administración pública en España

The Spanish Constitution of 1978 hardly provides legal developments to internal functioning of Spanish Public Administrations, which have been affected by a deep decentralization and other devolution processes over the past decades. Administrative Institutions have not sufficiently assumed democratic requirements, and fundamental economic and technological changes have been partially addressed. Current administrative performance is based on several reforms which were taken in the fifties and sixties of the past century. Those measures enabled public administration to professionalize its activity, by matching neighboring countries. Thus, modernization procedures of public administration were only implemented instead of introducing wide reforms in order to switch cultural benchmarks and ways to act. The most important features of that processes are: a low political will to introduce real changes; primacy of law-formal culture; bias in design and execution of policies; decisions oriented to processes; focus on organizational changes; persistence of corporatism; a lack of political leadership and persistence; a lack of an effective intergovernmental approach; strengthening of political direction. Administrative simplification achievements, administrative professionalization successes and citizen assistance advances have not completely fulfilled Autonomic State’s provisions and other adaptation requirements through collaborative management tools and effective implementation of Open Government principles.

Derecho a la protección de la salud y vulnerabilidad

En este artículo se intenta, en primer lugar, clarificar el concepto de vulnerabilidad, considerando también la fragilidad estructural y epocal. Para una comprensión del derecho a la protección de la salud, se empieza por una reflexión en el plano de los bienes fundamentales y se analiza después ese derecho en las constituciones portuguesa y española. Además, tratamos la asociación entre vulnerabilidad y derecho, desde un nivel fundamental –en diálogo con Herbert Hart– hasta otras relaciones entre estos dos términos en el campo de la salud. Por último, consideramos los intentos posthumanistas de decir adiós a la fragilidad humana.

Hasta que la muerte los separa. Legítima, derecho de propiedad y prohibición de disposición del titular de los bienes: un ejemplo práctico de inconsistencia normativa

La institución de la legítima ha generado un interesante debate entre la doctrina iusprivatista que atañe a dos cuestiones estrechamente emparentadas con la teoría del Derecho, como son la función y estructura del ordenamiento jurídico. En el presente artículo examino cuáles y de qué tipo son las razones que se ofrecen a favor y en contra de la legítima. Esto me permite distinguir las razones justificativas de las identificativas del Derecho. Es decir, las que se refieren al porqué de la legítima de las que informan de qué es la legítima, o lo que es lo mismo, cuál es la configuración de este instituto en el ordenamiento jurídico. A continuación examino la compatibilidad de la legítima con los derechos de herencia y de propiedad tal como vienen enunciados en la Constitución española. Propondré entonces dos posibles interpretaciones del enunciado constitucional que vincula ambos derechos y mostraré qué argumentos sustentan una y otra. Finalmente pongo de manifiesto la incoherencia de la legítima con una de las dos posibles interpretaciones del art. 33.1 de la Constitución española y la dudosa compatibilidad con la otra al situar en una posición de privilegio a ciertos parientes del causante, o si se prefiere, en una posición de no derecho al propietario de los bienes. Es decir al titular de un derecho que goza de garantía institucional. El artículo concluye con un apéndice en el que i) identifico el tipo de inconsistencia que introduce la legítima en el ordenamiento jurídico español, y ii) propongo reconducir el debate a partir de una distinción adecuada entre el ámbito de justificación e identificación del Derecho.

Corporate monitoring by technological means in Spain: overview of substantive and procedural conceptual construction

The incredible technological advances have found one of their most striking (and legally sensitive) manifestations in the resized capacity control by the employer regarding the provision of services performed by employees. Art. 20.3 of the Spanish Workers’ Statute (WS) designated to set the limits of action in this matter, only diffusely refers to human dignity, without the legislator proceeding to update a pre-informative precept.In this context, case law (both of the Constitutional Court and of the Supreme Court) has been responsible for assuming quasi-legislative work and proceeds to exaggerate the limits of corporate monitoring power when they collide (real or potential) with the nonspecific fundamental rights (to privacy –Art. 18.1 of the Spanish Constitution (SC)–, communications secrecy –Art. 18.3 SC– or to the informational self-determination –Art.18.4 SC–) of employees. The present article aims, based on the analysis of the doctrines used by the high national courts in statements, whether classic or recent (proportionality of corporate measure, expectation of privacy, and informational self-determination of the employee), to build a synthesis rule that allows us to better shape the limits of corporate monitoring power through the use of new technologies. Over time, the main procedural problems raised by this issue are discovered.

Surrogate pregnancy within the framework of the Spanish Constitution: a matter of rights

<p>La gestación subrogada o gestación por sustitución es una práctica controvertida y de gran actualidad especialmente en España, porque sin estar permitida en nuestro ordenamiento jurídico algunas parejas están utilizándola ya en el extranjero. Este trabajo pretende desarrollar los aspectos que considero más importantes para apoyar mi argumento contra la práctica de alquilar los cuerpos de las mujeres para gestar hijos para otras personas a través de un contrato: la afectación a la dignidad de las gestantes y a sus derechos inherentes, la renuncia de los derechos de filiación, y la supuesta libertad de las gestantes para aceptar las condiciones del contrato.</p><p>La gestación por sustitución afecta al derecho a la integridad física y moral de las mujeres gestantes y por eso afecta a su dignidad porque lesiona importantes derechos que le son inherentes y además, porque existe una clara instrumentalización de las mujeres para satisfacer deseos al servicio de una estructura patriarcal que se manifiesta en la presión tanto de ser madre a toda costa, como en la necesidad de buscar descendencia con características genéticas propias. Pero también afecta a su libertad, ya que sólo puede decidir con libertad quien no está comprometido por la necesidad, por eso las decisiones libres sobre acciones que pueden dañar la salud y la vida de las personas deberían tomarse sólo en condiciones de plena igualdad.</p>

How to Improve Effectiveness at the Criminal Investigation of Terrorism Acts. The Detention

Current criminal procedural law against the phenomenon of terrorism was originally promulgated by Organic Law 4/1988, May 25th, reforming Rules of Criminal Procedure. This law implied the consolidation, sui generis, of exceptional measures that affect fundamental rights and developed the provisions of article 55.2 of the Spanish Constitution. In other words, it constituted the basic status of people detained because of terrorism. This part of the Rules of Criminal Procedure against terrorism, and others, should be understood under the circumstances they were promulgated and applied.

The great challenge of the public health system in Spain.

Article 43 of the Spanish Constitution of 1978 establishes the right to health protection and healthcare for all citizens (1). The political organization of the Spanish state is made up of the central state and 17 highly decentralized regions (termed autonomous communities) with their respective governments and parliaments. In terms of health care, political devolution to regional governments has been incrementally implemented over the last 35 years. The taking-up of responsibilities in the field of health by the autonomous communities brings the management of healthcare closer to citizens and guarantees (2): Equity: access to benefits and right to health protection under conditions of effective equality throughout the country and free movement of all citizens. Quality: in the evaluation of the benefit delivered by clinical actions, incorporating only those which contribute added value to the improvement of health, implicating the healthcare system. Participation: public of citizens both in respect for the autonomy of their individual decisions as well as in the consideration of their expectations as users of the healthcare system. Spanish health system Over the last years, the establishment of health systems providing universal coverage in the most advanced European countries has contributed to a permanent improvement in many health indicators like population health status parameters, health care amenable outcomes, coverage, access and financial equity parameters, health care quality, users’ satisfaction and system legitimated by the population. According to the last OECD (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development) health statistics report, Spanish life expectancy is the highest in Europe (2.7 years above average) (3), clinical results are at the level of the most advanced countries (same cancer survival rates as in Sweden, France or Germany) (4) and its cost is on the average of the 35 OECD economies, in terms of total spending on gross domestic product (GDP), 9%, and below the average if we compare it in terms of per capita spending (5,6). In addition, it is an international benchmark for its universality and level of access compared to many other developed countries. This improvement in all these parameters has been associated to a continued increase in health spending. In all EU countries (including Spain), during most of the second half of the 20th century, health expenditure has been growing faster than national income. The same is happening in all member countries of the OECD, so this situation calls into question whether the economic sustainability of healthcare systems, most of which were created and developed in times of greater prosperity, will be guaranteed in the future (7). In the context of a worldwide economic crisis, the impact of financial difficulties of healthcare systems has become particularly evident in Spain, where unemployment rate is one of the highest in the European Union.

Gobierno en funciones y control parlamentario

This article is about the relationship between the Parliament and the caretaker Government. During two terms — XI and XII —, since the dissolution and call elections on 26th October 2015 to the election by the Congress of Deputies of the President of the Government on 29th October 2016, there have been a large period without precedent in the Spanish Constitutional system, during which the Parliament has been ready to fulfill its role, except for appointing a new Prime Minister according to section 99 of the Spanish Constitution. On the other side the caretaker Government has legal limitations such as to introduce the budget, bills, or other activities, and should remain strictly limited to ensure the maintenance of the administration. In these circumstances the caretaker Government took the line that it would not be necessary to be submitted to the parliamentary control. As a result of that the Lower House has adopted the decision to submit this conflict before the Constitutional Court.

Legislatura fallida e investidura convulsa. Análisis y consecuencias

The fragmented electoral results of December 20, 2015 and June 26, 2016 were, in the first case, a failed legislature and, in the second, an investiture that does not guarantee the stability and effectiveness of government action. The paper aims to reflect on the causes of this crisis and its consequences for the functioning of the Spanish parliamentary regime. In this sense, the virtuality of the mechanism provided in art. 99 of the Spanish Constitution, the possibility of parliamentary control of the outgoing Government which continue in power until the new Government takes office, the need to comply not only with the legal rules, but, above all, with the political rules inherent in the parliamentary form of government and, finally, the connection of that crisis with which it could affect representative democracy. All this is exposed by considerations of a general and non-exhaustive nature, since this more detailed study will be done by the other papers in this Revista Espanola de Derecho Constitucional (REDC), for which the present text is presented as a mere introduction.

Private television accessibility for people with disabilities in Spain. The cases of Antena 3 and Telecinco

The fundamental right to freedom of expression is inextricably linked to the right of all people to equal access to information. This right is enshrined in documents, such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Spanish Constitution itself, which are basic pillars of a democratic society. With regard to television, accessibility is a particularly important issue due to its public service nature and its relevance as a factor of social inclusion. At present, however, the public service remit is the exclusive reserve of state television, while at the private channels economic interests prevail. It is precisely because of this factor that the focus here is placed on private television, with the aim of plotting a path that explains, in a contextualized manner, the origin, evolution, and current situation of accessibility of Spanish private television for people with disabilities. To this end, an analysis has been performed on the introduction of subtitles, audio descriptions, and sign language by the two private channels with the highest audience ratings and the longest track record in Spain, namely, Antena 3 and Telecinco. Thus, this study shows that the Audiovisual Communication Act (7/2010) has marked a turning point in the evolution of accessibility. Following the enactment of this legislation, there has been a genuine increase in accessible content, but the current state of affairs is still far from the universal access demanded by people with disabilities and the basic principles of democracy.