Political Space Research Articles

Photography, Memory and Postmigration:

Contemporary cross-border migration patterns often reflect historical colonial ideologies, with inequalities in freedom of movement closely tied to national identity, race, ethnicity, and gender. Representations of migrant women in news outlets frequently aim to symbolically position them as passive victims and depoliticized subjects dependent on external aid. While various facets of migration have been explored in critical media scholarship, more attention needs to be given to photography's role in depicting women's movement across geographical and cultural borders beyond traditional photojournalistic and humanitarian conventions. Some migrant women photographers, such as Maryam Wahid and Mitra Samavaki, use visual practices to contest the inadequacy and lack of representation of migrant women and subjective migration experiences. These photographers invoke metaphorical visual languages to position women in front of and behind the camera as narrators of their own stories. Considering this context, this paper explores the potential of self-authored visual narratives—created and circulated by migrant women photographers—to offer innovative insights into subjects' agency. I discuss these alternative representations, building on Ariella Azoulay’s new political ontology of photography, T. J. Demos’ approach to aesthetics of migration, and Anne Ring Petersen's postmigrant perspective. This study theorizes the relationship between migration, photography, and first-person perspectives by examining how the political is reinstituted into an aesthetic framework within photographic practices. In conclusion, these artists portray mnemonic and subjective aspects of their migration experiences, engaging in image-making to reflect on a world shaped by and through migration. These self-authored visual narratives transcend the codes of objectivity and humanitarian traditions by creating a political space for transforming, contesting, and negotiating aesthetic complexities associated with memory, self, and womanhood.

Tradition and Political Economy in the Viceroyalty of New Spain (18th century)

The legal traditions of the Spanish Empire, which had certain particularities but were always in line with the imperial Catholic culture, played a major role in the development and expansion of the Hispanic world in the Ancien Régime. The converging interests and goals of the Crown, the Church and various groups of individuals were ment to ensure the institutional stability of an immense geoeconomic and cultural space, in which public policies and their implementation were based on the principle of the common good. Throughout the 18th century, beyond the conflicting corporate interests and the great challenges of the time, tradition and reformism influenced one another shaping a political and socioeconomic space, which contributed to strengthening the power and increasing the administrative efficiency of the Hispanic Monarchy. Meanwhile, the two tendencies’ mutual influence boosted the economy in terms of production, finance, trade, and welfare. At the local level, the Hispano-Indian cities and communities had their own administrative and economic resources, and contributed greatly to meeting the financial needs of the Crown, which was often based on negotiation. The Spanish Empire’s fiscal policy and public expenditure, in turn, sought to meet not only defence needs but also those of the government, in addition to promoting Christian education. On balance, the state, the Church and the civil society contributed to the maintenance and development of the Viceroyalty of New Spain.

Humanitarian aid: problem statement

The article analyzes the issues related to the problems arising in the field of humanitarian assistance to Ukraine by the EU, the USA and other foreign partners of Ukraine. The author emphasizes that, given that Ukraine’s foreign policy plans include integration into the European political, economic, and legal space with a view to gaining membership in the European Union, national legislation should certainly take into account generally accepted international principles, including the basic principles of humanitarian assistance. The author defines the role played by the Ministry of Social Policy of Ukraine in matters related to humanitarian aid as a specially authorized central executive body for ensuring equal rights and opportunities for women and men and providing humanitarian aid. It is noted that scientific research on the selected issues is currently being actively conducted. However, such research is carried out mainly in the field of criminal law, criminal procedure and criminology. There is no comprehensive study of current issues related to the legal regime of humanitarian aid, especially in view of the introduction of martial law. This, in turn, increases the relevance and timeliness of the study. The dynamics of humanitarian assistance to Ukraine by the EU and its member states, the United States, other partner countries of Ukraine, international organizations, including the United Nations, since 2014 and its strengthening since the full-scale invasion of Russia are revealed. The reasons for the current decline in humanitarian aid and possible ways out of this crisis are outlined. The author emphasizes the need to study the following main problems in this area: the issue of existing mechanisms for the implementation and control of humanitarian assistance in terms of identifying internal and external factors of corruption risks in the performance of relevant functions by authorized state bodies in the field of humanitarian assistance; inconsistency of the regulatory framework of Ukraine in the field of humanitarian aid with the principles of humanitarian aid enshrined in international law; lack of sufficient and complete legal mechanisms for implementing state control and monitoring of the procedure for recognizing cargo as humanitarian, its customs clearance, distribution and reporting; identification of fundamental anti-corruption safeguards that should be reflected in the procedure for importing, providing, processing, distributing and monitoring the intended use of goods recognized as humanitarian aid.

Do Protests Change Citizens’ Perceptions of Political Parties? Evidence From the 15-M in Spainz

Using a panel data survey in which the second wave was made just before and after the eruption of the anti-austerity protests in Spain, and identifying those who participated in the events thanks to a question in subsequent waves, I leverage quasi-experimental evidence supporting that political protests can substantially alter the perception of political parties on the left-right dimension. I show that leftist citizens who participated in the anti-austerity protests perceived that the center-left incumbent party moved to the center and that this perception remained stable over time. This situation led to an empty political space that opened a window of opportunity for other parties willing to capitalize on this crisis of representation. Beyond showing that political protests can quickly alter citizens’ perceptions of parties on the left-right dimension, this article suggests that protests can exacerbate representation crisis.

Transferência de política pública e o papel do embaixador de políticas: dos Parques-Biblioteca de Medellín para os Centros Comunitários da Paz no Recife

Objective/context: This article analyzes how public policy (PP) crosses national borders and diffuses into another political space, focusing on the role of paradiplomatic actors in the Northeast Region of Brazil. Specifically, it examines the transfer of the experience of Medellín’s Library Parks in Colombia to the creation of the Peace Community Centers in Recife, Brazil. The main objective was to analyze the transfer process and the role played by the public policy ambassador. Methodology: The methodology used includes literature review, semi-structured interviews, field visits, and document analysis. Conclusions: It is identified that the translation of the policy was emulation; that is, Recife’s PP bears similarity to Medellín’s, with adaptations and adjustments to its reality. The mechanisms through which the process occurred were mainly three: networking, circulation of individuals, and social construction. The research pointed out that the PP ambassador, represented by the former Secretary of Citizen Security of Recife, played a crucial role in the internationalization, adaptation, and implementation of this policy. Originality: The article contributes to the debate on the diffusion of public policies, especially in the context of peripheral subnational regions, and highlights the importance of the role of PP ambassadors in mediating and adapting international experiences to local contexts.

Affect, agency and im/mobilities: skills and secrets at the shelter

Migrant shelters are political spaces illuminating im/mobilities, the complexities of social networks and waiting experiences among temporary migrant workers. Situated within theories of mobilities, agency and affect, this article addresses oft-overlooked emotional labour that exceeds and exists within practices of decision-making and knowledge-production. Based on interviews at a shelter for migrant domestic workers in Singapore, I argue that affective agencies like fear and hope complicate ‘acts’ of mobility like fleeing and seeking employment, and ‘acts’ of resistance such as reporting employers and claims-making. This article describes decision-making as a learned process through shared experiences at the shelter, which homes a collective of migrant domestic workers from different countries, living and working together. Knowledge transpires about and within the terrain of control that is the migration regime, with connections built on shared financial anxieties, homesickness and the domestic life of the shelter. Simultaneously, pride around knowledge-production through tactics, skills and languages learned at the shelter fill understandings of waiting spaces as places of subject-formation and collective agency.

Manufacturing the Entheogenic Underground

Ethnographic research suggests that people across the United States are increasingly gathering to commune with their creators, to interact with their ancestors, to enter the spirit world, to gain supernatural insights, and to engage in what they otherwise describe as religious or spiritual experiences. In this regard, their actions are not particularly revolutionary or novel. What distinguishes these people is not their desire to have religious or spiritual experiences. Instead, it is the means they employ to occasion these experiences that set them apart, as their rituals and ceremonies involve the consumption of illegal drugs, specifically psychedelics and cannabis, substances they frequently term entheogens. The United States government has granted select groups an exemption from drug prohibition, thereby allowing them to legally consume what are otherwise illegal substances. The vast majority of these practitioners, however, operate without this exemption, thereby confining them to what scholars often term the underground, or the sociocultural, political, or economic spaces thought to operate outside the influence or purview of the state.4 This alleged “absence” of the government is the topic of this paper, which argues that the state is both the primary curator of the so-called underground and that the state’s influence pervades these “underground” communities. To demonstrate this, this essay will discuss the legal structures and case law impacting entheogenic churches in the United States, paying particular attention to the attorneys who advise these churches.

Universities unbound: Universities as sites of human rights activism and protection in an era of democratic crisis

This article champions the potential for universities to play an enhanced role supporting human rights activism and protection in the context of democratic crisis. The challenges such an agenda faces are significant. In addition to global trends such as democratic backsliding and shrinking civic and political space, universities themselves exhibit “two faces,” as sites of violence and exclusion as well as of more progressive values, and are caught between the pincer movement of privatization and increasing state interference. However, universities often enjoy more autonomy than civil society groups. Drawing on core values such as academic freedom and social justice, and particular qualities—legitimacy, status, access to knowledge, resources, and local and global networks—universities have both the potential and the responsibility to act. The article identifies four roles universities can play in relation to activism and protection: instigators, incubators (of ideas, values, and organizations), collaborators, and protectors. Three forms of protection—of people, values, and knowledge—are interdependent, with activists more likely to feel protected if their values and knowledge are reflected within universities. Ultimately, if universities do not support others, who will be left to defend them when attacks intensify on universities themselves?

Contestation and Representation Claims

Theory of "the representative claim" opens up the political space of representation beyond the formal realm, and contestation over representation can take place both in the electoral and non-electoral arena. This contestation takes the form of narrative claims to justify and legitimize the representation carried out on the claimed constituents. This research analyzes the contestation between the NGOs who facilitate the Anak Dalam Tribe Indigenous Community (Suku Anak Dalam, or SAD) as a non-electoral representation actor in the alleged conflict between the SAD Indigenous Community and one of the palm oil companies in Jambi Province. Using a qualitative approach to obtain depth of data and analysis, this research shows that in the contestation of claims between companion groups, at least three claims are produced, namely representation claims, misrepresentation claims, and representation claims of interests or values. Contesting claims center on differences in views regarding the best way to improve the welfare of the SAD Indigenous Peoples. This claim itself produces various responses of acceptance and rejection by the constituents – the SAD Community – which the companion group claims to be the group they represent.

Challenges to autonomy: The occupied social centres of Milan and platform capitalism

This article investigates the relationship between occupied social centres in Milan, Italy, and social media platforms. It reviews literature on the political and cultural significance of occupied social centres as spaces enabling of political autonomy since the 1960s. Then through participant observation and interviews conducted in late 2022, the research examines how platform capitalism – online media platforms and the connective ecosystem in which they exist – has impacted on three occupied social centres in the greater Milan area: ZAM, Boccaccio and Piano Terra. Their members interviewed for this study described three broad approaches to dealing with the social media of platform capitalism, starting with the most popular: to engage strategically with social media platforms for outreach while attempting to create a physical prefigurative political space; to ignore and disengage from social media platforms; and to create and use their own platforms. The article discusses the nuances and tensions in and around these approaches that can further understandings about how social media platforms impact capacity to create and sustain occupied social centres and, potentially, other forms of prefigurative space.

Youth organizations in the political space of the Sakha Republic (Yakutia)

Today, more than 22 thousand youth movements and organizations are actively functioning in Russia, which indicates a high level of interest of young people in public affairs and active participation in the life of the country. Youth organizations play an important role in shaping the civic position of young people, but their development and influence on political processes, especially in the regional context, remain insufficiently studied. This creates a need for a deeper understanding of their functions and capabilities. The Sakha Republic (Yakutia) is a unique region with a rich culture and diversity of ethnic groups, which adds complexity to the analysis of youth policy. The main goal of this article is to identify the role of youth organizations in the political life of this region, based on their classification and functioning. The classification of youth organizations can include various types: from cultural and educational to political and social, which allows for a clearer understanding of their impact on society. To achieve these goals, we have identified several tasks. First, it is necessary to study modern youth organizations operating in the Sakha Republic (Yakutia). This includes an analysis of their structure, goals and objectives, as well as methods of work. Secondly, it is important to identify the development prospects of these organizations and their influence on the political life of the region. This may include both participation in elections and influence on the formation of public opinion. In the course of the study, we applied various theoretical methods, such as induction, analysis of the available material on youth policy and synthesis of the obtained data. This allowed us to more deeply understand how youth organizations can become catalysts for change in the political sphere, as well as how they can contribute to the involvement of young people in an active civic position.

Politicised or Political: On Agonism and School as ‘Free Time’

Abstract At the centre of this paper is the distinction between a politicised school, and school as a political space. We take note of Papastephanou’s (2005) warning not to make education the passive receiver of political thought. Based on Masschelein and Simons (2013), we criticise the tendency to conceptualise democratic education, particularly agonistic democratic education, as the implementation of political theory in a school context. We draw on their idea of school as free time, to argue that democratic education should envision the classroom as political in itself, that is, as a place for negotiation and renewal, where the ends are not predetermined. When school becomes a place to implement political theory, when it is politicised, then it is stripped of its own political potency. In scholastic terms, it is tamed. In this paper, a fusion of Mouffean agonism with Masschelein and Simons’ conception of school, works to form an understanding of agonistic democratic education as a time and place for the formation of community and for the negotiation of identity, under protection from the non-accountability (Arendt 1961) that characterises scholastic practice.

The Invisible Majority: Rural Women, Digital Campaigns, and Political Violence

Research on gender-based violence (GBV) has primarily focused on non-political dimensions, while studies specifically on political gender-based violence (PGBV) tend to be reductionist, often centering on elite women candidates running for office. This narrow focus overlooks the experiences of rural women, who represent a vulnerable majority in political spaces and are increasingly affected by political violence including, and increasingly so, within digital environments. Moreover, the study of PGBV in virtual or digital spaces remains limited. This study attempted to address this gap by examining the experiences of rural women with gendered political violence in digital spaces with the aim of offering insights to both academic and policy cycles. Using a sequential exploratory mixed methods design and inspired by Intersectional Feminist framework (Crenshaw, 1991, improved by Hawk, 2015), this study investigates the influence of gender on rural voters’ experiences of PGBV across nine identified digital domains. Data were gathered from self-administered surveys in-depth qualitative interviews and focus groups discussions with rural voters and electoral policymaker and implementers from 2 sub-counties and 4 Wards from Siaya County. The study explored specific grounds for political violence, including social media harassment and intimidation, disinformation campaigns and character assassination, cyberstalking and surveillance, non-consensual sharing of private information (doxing), coercive use of messaging platforms, exclusion from digital campaign engagement, manipulative use of deepfakes and altered media, sexual harassment in virtual campaign spaces, and exploitation via mobile money scams. Findings reveal three key insights with implications for extant literature, policy, and gender mainstreaming initiatives. First, the relationships between gender and Political violence and digital politics are more nuanced than currently understood, underscoring the need to acknowledge and transform elitist ontologies in literature, policy and programming. Second, digital spaces offer challenges that must be addressed to advance meaningful gender mainstreaming for attainment of gender parity in politics. Finally this study provides a foundational list of variables, which though are neither conclusive nor comprehensive, can inform future, non-elite-focused analyses of PGBV. Overall, the study findings contribute to a broader understanding of PGBV in digital spaces, particularly from the perspective of vulnerable rural women (and rural voters generally).

Интеграция исторической памяти национальных меньшинств в Армении: проблема общей исторической травмы

The article addresses the issue of integrating the memory of national minorities in Armenia. It places significant emphasis on analyzing the development of models of relations between titular ethnic groups and national minorities in the South Caucasus. The author explores the complexity of minority status, considering both legal mechanisms and the transformation of collective historical memory. The study shows how the interweaving of historical memories can influence self-identification of ethnic communities and their interaction with the titular nation. Additionally, the study takes into consideration the legal and ethnographic layers of research in national minorities, proposing to consider the problems of the shared collective memory of various ethnic groups existing in a common political and historical space. Thus, the article traces the historical path of development of ethnic communities in Transcaucasia, demonstrating a gradual demarcation between the ethnic majority and minorities. This aspect not only represents a change in the demographic picture but also draws attention to the formation of inter-ethnic contradictions that underpin the ineffectiveness of historical and partly modern models of identity politics in Georgia, Azerbaijan, and Armenia. Modern approaches to the integration of national minorities in the South Caucasus are illustrated through the examples of the Georgian model of civil-political inclusion of national minorities and the Azerbaijani policy of “limited” multi-ethnicity, tied to loyalty to the ruling regime. However, Armenia in this context appears as a unique example of the “spontaneous” formation of a shared historical memory among the Armenian majority and basic national minorities, with a common historical trauma that has become “timeless” in its nature. The integration of the historical national minorities’ memory in Armenia remains an important aspect of the identity politics within the framework of the modern systemic crisis in the republic.

The impact of political campaigning in social media during the campaign period of the Russian presidential election in 2024

Every year, the number of users of social networks is growing, representing not only a growth of communication between users and obtaining the necessary information, but also a political communication space growth. Over the past ten years, political parties have been increasing their presence on social media and broadcasting their political agenda. Currently, it is problematic to assess the effectiveness of communication on users of social networks with a political agenda. It is not clear what place political campaigning occupies on social networks against the background of other types of campaigning, including campaigning in the media. The hypothesis of the study is the statement that political campaigning on social networks influences the decision of the voter in the presidential elections of the Russian Federation. The research methodology includes: the method of content analysis, comparative analysis, as well as the method of comparison and the method of secondary data analysis. The aim of the work is to obtain data on the impact of the social media community of Russian presidential candidates during the election campaign in the 2024 elections. The objectives of the research are to study the political communication in the social networks of presidential candidates and the impact on the decision-making of the voter for whom to cast their vote on election day. The study is conducted during the campaign period from February 17 to March 15, 2024. The novelty of the work is to obtain specific data, on the basis of which a conclusion was drawn about the effectiveness of political campaigning on social networks in federal elections in Russia, as a result of which the hypothesis about the impact of political communication on social networks during the campaigning period was not confirmed.

Liberating Justice: Interpreting Luke’s Parable of the Widow and the Judge in Light of Norm Theory and the Experience of Modern Women in Politics

This article analyzes sociological underpinnings and implications of Luke’s parable of the widow and judge (Lk. 18.2-5) by reading it through the lens of norm theory. It uses the predicament of modern women politicians as norm violators within masculinized political spaces to shed light on the interaction between the widow and the judge. The judge, like male politicians interested in maintaining their privilege within normative structures, responds negatively to the widow’s display of agency. The widow, like today’s female politicians, is a “trendsetter,” a person who defies convention to spearhead new behavior. Her resistance to social sanctions models successful deviance and serves as an example to the parable’s audience of how to actively resist maladaptive social norms in order to shift society toward greater justice.

고려 전기 본궐(本闕) 정비와 국왕의 공간

Manwoldae refers to the site of the Goryeo Dynasty's palace, which remains in Gaeseong. In pre-modern times, the royal palace was the political center of the country, and Manwoldae, except for the periods when it was destroyed during the wars and the capital relocation to Ganghwa, served as the main governmental space for most of the 470 years of the Goryeo Dynasty. After the large-scale invasion by the Hong Geonjeok (Red Turbans) during King Gongmin's reign, most of the palace was destroyed, and only traces remained under the Joseon Dynasty. Although surveys and excavations were conducted in North Korea after the liberation, they did not significantly impact academic discussions due to the division of the Korean Peninsula. However, the situation improved in 2007 when joint North-South excavation projects began. Over eight rounds of excavations between 2007 and 2015, substantial research outcomes were gathered, leading to a greater understanding of Manwoldae. While much remains to be done, such as matching the names of buildings recorded in historical texts with the physical remnants of the palace, the current task is to deepen the understanding of the space of Manwoldae. This paper aims to explore the process of constructing the palace in early Goryeo and how the kings existed within that space. Chapter 2 will outline the process of palace construction during the early Goryeo period, focusing on the period from King Taejo's establishment of the capital in Gaeseong to the destruction of the palace during the rebellion of Lee Ja-gyeom in 1126. The reign of King Injong marked the repeated restoration and damage of the palace, and kings in the late Goryeo period began using auxiliary palaces, staying in the main palace less frequently. Therefore, this paper will focus on the peak period of the palace's operation during King Hyeonjong's reign. Chapter 3 will classify the palace space into two main areas: the outer and inner palace. It will analyze how the king existed in these spaces. The palace functioned both as a political space for the king’s governance and as a private living space. The distinction between the king’s public and private life is often not ea sily sepa ra ted, but this pa per will a ttempt to ca tegorize the king’s activities based on the spaces in which they took place. Understanding the people who lived in these spaces is crucial to recreating the life of the palace. It is hoped that this work will contribute to the ongoing archaeological efforts to restore the ma teria l rea lity of Ma nwolda e a nd stimula te further schola rly discussion.

METHODOLOGICAL PRINCIPLES OF ANALYZING THE TRANSFORMATIONS OF THE CIVILIZATIONAL AND POLITICAL SPACE OF RUSSIA IN THE XXI CENTURY

Based on the nature of political science, which focuses on the study of power as the foundation of all social relations, the author reveals their understanding of the methodological principles for analyzing changes in the civilizational and political space of Russia in the 21st century. The aim of the research is to identify the specifics of the methodological principles that will help uncover the further path of transformation in Russia’s civilizational and political space. Research Methods. Achieving this goal requires the application of several specialized methods: political, conflictology, cultural-formational, and civilizational. Due to their significance, they are classified as research approaches that combine with value-comparative and systemic methods. The results of the research indicate that a deeper understanding of the ongoing transformation of Russia’s civilizational and political space can be achieved through the comprehensive use of four methodological principles of scientific analysis. These principles are the principles of socio-political facts, socio-political definitions, socio-political behavior, and socio-historical determinism. Their application allows for the assertion that Russia’s transformation in the 21st century can only proceed along a path that corresponds to the liberal political system imposed on us in the late 20th century. This path aligns with the North Atlantic civilization and has the potential to turn Russia into a major center of intercivilizational conflicts, leading it into complete decline. The way out of the current situation is seen only in restructuring the country’s political system in accordance with traditional values.

FEATURES OF THE TRANSFORMATION OF POLITICAL AND INSTITUTIONAL COMMUNICATION RELATIONS WITH THE INTERNAL AND EXTERNAL ENVIRONMENT UNDER THE INFLUENCE OF THE DIGITALIZATION PROCESS

The rapid development of digital technologies has fundamentally changed political-institutional communication relations, changing the dynamics between internal and external environments. As part of the research, based on classical methodology, a theoretical analysis of the transformation of political-institutional communication relations with the internal and external environment under the influence of the digitalization process is carried out. The study examines the specifics of such transformations in the context of digitalization, emphasizing the institutional challenges for political institutions, internal and external environments, namely, primarily environmental engagement and institutional accountability. As part of the study, the basic characteristics of digital communication were defined, including increased accessibility, real-time interaction and the spread of various information channels. It also highlights issues related to misinformation, polarization and the digital divide that can complicate the relationship between institutions and their constituents. The conclusions state that digitalization is a transformative force in the modern political space, it transforms how political institutions interact with the internal and external environment, as well as how political institutions develop and implement political innovations. While the digitalization process offers significant transformative, innovative opportunities to enhance democratic engagement, digitalization also poses institutional challenges that need to be addressed to ensure that the benefits of digitalization are realized without compromising democratic values. The obtained results emphasize the need for adaptive strategies that use digitalization to strengthen democratic processes while mitigating their negative consequences. This research contributes to understanding the interaction between technology and political communication, offering insights for policymakers and scholars interested in navigating the complexities of the digital age.

Overcoming Revolutions: Property, Independence, and Relation in Mary Wollstonecraft

The article examines Mary Wollstonecraft’s interpretation of revolutionary movements, particularly through her analysis of the French Revolution. Wollstonecraft examines the oppression of women as a form of slavery, but also uses it as a lens through which to denounce socio-economic injustices and propose radical change. Her critique of mercantile society and property contrasts with her rethinking of the domestic sphere as an alternative political space. The article shows how these reflections lead to a rethinking of femininity and the construction of a new female subjectivity based on collective independence, proposing a relational autonomy beyond the disillusionment of revolutionary hopes.