Soviet Side Research Articles

Образ общего врага СССР и НАТО в англоязычном кинематографе периода холодной войны

The author extensively examines the plots of films from the Cold War period in English-language cinema, focusing on the representation of the “common enemy” and the Soviet side. The research aim is to identify how this theme evolved during periods of détente and escalation of the Cold War in the 1980s, exploring the images and plots used in films. The study analyzes a range of films and TV series as sources of this theme, including James Bond films, the series “The Man from U.N.C.L.E.” and “The A-Team”, as well as works by directors such as Stanley Kubrick, Don Siegel, and John Mackenzie. The scientific novelty lies in analyzing plots and characters that have received little attention in Russian cultural studies. New sources have been introduced into the academic discourse, and the theme of the article is novel, shedding new light on the topic of cultural confrontation between the USSR and the Western bloc, revealing plots that reshape perceptions of the representation of the Soviet side in Anglo-American cinema. The author concludes that British and American directors did not consider the USSR as absolute evil, leading to the creation of a narrative trope of a common enemy hostile to both NATO and the Soviet Union.

Prioritization of Soviet-Finnish negotiations of 1938-1939.

This article examines the complex of Soviet-Finnish negotiations through the lens of the issue of priority of Soviet demands in the period of the autumn negotiations of 1939. The negotiation process between the USSR and Finland, concerning the relations between the two states against the background of Germany's aggressive policy, began not in the fall of 1939, but a year and a half earlier - in the spring of 1938. The points of the Soviet demands voiced by the Soviet side during the negotiation process were changed and adjusted. Moreover, in comparison with the Soviet proposals of 1938, there were new points that had not appeared before. The study of the reasons for the changing rhetoric in the negotiation process between the USSR and Finland will help to understand the nature of the breakdown of the negotiations in the fall of 1939. The problem of the article is the question of the correctness or incorrectness of the thesis about the priority of the goal of moving the land border on the Karelian Isthmus away from Leningrad during the negotiations between the Soviet Union and Finland in 1938-1939. This thesis has not been questioned in domestic historiography, apparently because only the Soviet demands of 1939 were taken as a basis and less importance was attached to the proposals put forward by the Soviet side during the negotiations of 1938 and the spring of 1939. The confirmation or refutation of the thesis about the priority of the clause in the text of the memorandum on the movement of the land frontier on the Karelian Isthmus should be the outcome of this study.

ACTIVITIES OF TRADING FIRMS OF VOLYN VOIVODSHIP ON THE POLISH-SOVIET BORDER IN THE 1920s

Abstract
 The purpose of the article is to analyze the activities of Polish trading firms of the Volyn Voivodeship on the eastern border of the Second Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the 1920s.
 The scientific novelty consists in the introduction into circulation of a significant number of hitherto unknown scientific sources regarding the activities of trading firms on the Polish-Soviet border in the specified period.
 Methodology. When writing the article, the basic principles of historical knowledge were used: historicism, scientificity, objectivity. Specific search tasks of the research were solved by problem-chronological means (optimal involvement of the thematic literature and source base); historical-comparative (analysis of various sources and formation of relevant research provisions and conclusions); critical analysis (critical attitude to various sources) methods.
 Conclusions. The first half of the 1920s was a time of intensification of contraband trade on the Volyn section of the Polish-Soviet border, which in turn led to the emergence of a number of trading firms focused on foreign buyers. Their activities were constantly in the field of view of representatives of the Polish state authorities, police bodies, and border guard units. During the first half of the 1920s, the Polish state was looking for an optimal model of organizing the protection of the eastern border of the state. With the transfer of functions for the protection of the Polish-Soviet border to units of the Border Guard Corps, the strengthening of border protection on the Soviet side, the collapse of the NEP led to the gradual collapse of the activities of companies and smugglers. In the early 1930s, most of the firms ceased their activities, and their owners reoriented themselves to trade on the western border of the Second Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.

Allied Aviation on the Eastern Front as Part of Operation Velvet: A View from the Soviet Side

Abstract The article delves into the efforts made by the Allies to deploy British and US air forces on the southern flank of the Soviet-German front during the Second World War. Its main focus is on internal Soviet military reports and diplomatic documents from the negotiations that took place in 1942, preceding Operation Velvet. The research presented examines the preparations made by the Allied aviation forces to carry out the combat missions assigned by the Soviet Air Force staff. In addition, the author analyses the simultaneous activities of the diplomatic bodies of the three countries involved in reaching an agreement on the Operation Velvet project. By drawing from various sources, the author uncovers the objectives of each side in the proposed operation and investigates the reasons behind the ultimate lack of results despite the extensive period of preparation for joint actions.

Ossolineum as a common historical heritage of Ukrainians and Poles

Historically, it happened that Ukrainians and Poles, during long historical periods, lived within the same states, such as theAustro-Hungarian or Russian empires, the First and Second Years of Partition, and therefore, in fact, both peoples are involved in the formation of cultural heritage such as, for example, the Osolinski library. Being a gift to the city of Lviv at the beginning of the 19th century, the library grew over the following years, and by the beginning of the 20th century it became one of the richest in Central Europe. Due to the change of borders and the state affiliation of Lviv, as a result of two world wars and the criminal negligence of the Soviet authorities regarding the Ukrainian cultural heritage, a significant part of the Ossolineum's funds ended up on the territory of the Republic of Poland. The transfer of Ossolineum funds by the Soviet side of Poland was carried out in several stages between 1945 and 1987. At the beginning of the 90s of the 20th century, the negotiation process began between Ukraine and the Republic of Poland on the return of Ossolineum to its country of origin. In fact, throughout the 1990s and two decades of the 21st century, discussions between Ukraine and Poland about the ownership of Ossolineum and its restitution to Ukraine continued. Unfortunately, all these negotiations, as of today, have not yielded any results.

O nienaruszalność granic. Polsko-sowiecki spór polityczny o kształt wschodniej granicy Rzeczypospolitej po II wojnie światowej

The Polish-Soviet conflict during World War II is one of the most complicated issues in legal terms. The war, which, although not declared, but visible in the form of military aggression, never took place in the eyes of the Soviet side. The course of the border and other international agreements, although signed without coercion in the international period, suddenly turned out to be worthless pieces of paper. The provisions of the Atlantic Charter, signed during the war and guaranteeing, inter alia, the inviolability of the borders, turned out not to apply to Poland. The aim of the article is to show what, in such a complicated situation, from the point of view of international law, the Polish-Soviet diplomatic dispute about the future of the Polish eastern border, which is also the border between the Republic of Poland and the Soviet Union, looked like. The source of the work are archival materials stored in British archives and scientific studies.

The impact of 10 July 1940 constitutional coup in France on the Soviet-French relations

The article is devoted to the changes in Soviet-French relations after the constitutional coup in France on July 10, 1940. This coup, which took place under the influence of the defeat of the French Republic in the war with Nazi Germany, led to the formation in non-occupied France of an authoritarian puppet state with its capital in Vichy and a sharp turn in her foreign policy. At the same time, the withdrawal of the French state from the anti-Hitler alliance and the declaration of neutrality in World War II created the conditions for a certain improvement in the country's relations with the Soviet Union, which at the initial stage of the war also adhered to a neutral position. Based on published and archival materials, the article examines the dynamics of relations between Vichy and Moscow after July 1940, analyzes the factors influencing it, shows the evolution of the foreign policy of the French state, characterizes the perception of the Vichy regime and its international policy by the Soviet side. Describing the spheres and specific features of the Soviet-French interaction, the author shows the limited opportunities for its development in the international context of 1940-1941. Ultimately, relations between the Vichy regime, whose pro-German orientation was becoming increasingly pronounced, and Moscow were severed after the attack of Nazi Germany on the USSR in June 1941.

Проблемы послевоенного противостояния держав-победительниц в работах советских авторов в журнале Foreign Affairs на заре Холодной войны

The article analyzes from an imagological point of view the articles of Soviet authors published in the Foreign Affairs magazine in 1945-1947. The aim of the work is to study the attempts of the Soviet leadership to use the temporarily available channel of communication with the United States of America and highlight the characteristic features of the image of the enemy created by Soviet authors who wrote to a foreign audience. Based on the analysis of articles by Soviet authors published in the journal Foreign Affairs, the author comes to the conclusion that Soviet propaganda from the outside was slightly different from the one that was directed inside the country and turned to its standard images, depending on the foreign policy situation. The novelty of the work lies in addressing a relatively little-studied aspect of the early Cold War, namely, the attempts of the Soviet side to present its point of view on what is happening in the world directly through Western publications, including the most prestigious. The relevance of the work is to demonstrate how gradually in Soviet propaganda rhetoric, directed not only inside, but also outside the country, there was a transition from the old trends of the times of military alliance with Western powers to a new orthodoxy, criticizing former allies not only from communist, but also from general democratic and left-patriotic positions. It can also be noted that this process was neither rapid nor abrupt, hostility and negative stereotypes about the United States and Britain were created gradually. This is especially relevant in the context of the historical process that is now called the “Second Cold War”.

Чехословацкие воинские части в СССР в годы Великой Отечественной войны: политические и правовые проблемы формирования и боевого применения

Introduction. The article is devoted to the identification and analysis of political and legal problems that arose during the formation on the territory of the USSR and the combat use of Czechoslovak military units in the Great Patriotic War. Methods and materials. The methodological basis of the research presented in the article is the principles of scientific objectivity and historicism, as well as general and special methods typical of historical studies. The source base of the research includes both published and unpublished documents found by the author in the State Archive of the Russian Federation, the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History and the Central Archive of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation. Analysis. The Czechoslovak formations were part of the Czechoslovak armed forces and were subordinate to the emigrant government, and in operational and military-technical matters were under the Soviet supreme command. However, the presence of several actors (the Czechoslovak government in exile, the leadership of the USSR, the command of Czechoslovak units and the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia) led to a number of political and legal conflicts in this process. Firstly, the intention of the emigrant government to save military forces (in fact, supported in some way by the leadership of the USSR) was in conflict with the plans of the KSČ leadership and the commander of the Czechoslovak units, Svoboda L., who advocated maximum possible participation of Czechoslovaks in combat operations on the territory of the Soviet Union. Secondly, the Soviet side sought to put the Czechoslovak formations under its control. The third manifestation of the contradictions was “the case of the Army of A. Hasal” (autumn 1944), with which the problem of belonging to Transcarpathia was closely intertwined. Results. Despite the existence of a number of political and legal conflicts, they did not become an obstacle to the creation and combat use of Czechoslovak military formations on the Soviet-German front. In addition, the Soviet-Czechoslovak relations themselves developed quite constructively during the Great Patriotic War.

"...НАУЧНЫЕ УЧРЕЖДЕНИЯ СЕЙЧАС ВОЗОБНОВЛЯЮТ СВОИ ОТНОШЕНИЯ С УЧРЕЖДЕНИЯМИ ДРУГИХ СТРАН": ДОКУМЕНТЫ ВСЕСОЮЗНОГО ОБЩЕСТВА КУЛЬТУРНОЙ СВЯЗИ С ЗАГРАНИЦЕЙ О КНИГООБМЕНЕ СОВЕТСКИХ ЕГИПТОЛОГОВ С КОЛЛЕГАМИ ИЗ ЕГИПТА (1940-Е ГГ.)

On the basis of the archival materials from the Foundation of the All-Union Society for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries of the State Archives of the Russian Federation, the author considers the process of the book exchange in 1944–1946 between Soviet Orientalists and their Egyptian colleagues. That exchange played an important part in the Soviet-Egyptian relations, the genesis of which was interrupted with the beginning of the “Cold War”. The book transaction was carried out largely due to the activities of the Soviet Egyptologist, TASS correspondent M.A. Korostovtsev, who was sent to Egypt at the very beginning of the establishment of the diplomatic relations between the USSR and Egypt. The documents of the above Foundation cover the contacts between the Orientalists within the framework of the major institutions: the French Institute of Oriental Archeology in Cairo and the Permanent Archaeological Mission of France in Lebanon, on the one hand, and the USSR Academy of Sciences and the Institute of Oriental Studies of the USSR Academy of Sciences, on the other. As part of the shipment, the Soviet side sent the works on Iranian studies by V.V. Bartold, Arabic studies by I.Yu. Krachkovsky, the textbooks on the History of the Ancient East by B.A. Turaev and V.V. Struve, the works of the Institute of Oriental Studies of the USSR Academy of Sciences, the copies of the Journal of Ancient History for 1937–1941, as well as the five-volume edition of works by N.Ya. Marr. The article is based on the archival documents that are introduced into scientific circulation for the first time.

Argentina in the foreign policy of the USSR in the context of the left movement (1945–1991)

At the beginning of the XXI century Argentina remains one of Moscow's main partners in Latin America. At the same time, the tools, problems, and context of modern bilateral cooperation were formed during the post-war period. This article examines the place and role of Argentina in the foreign policy of the USSR in the era of the Cold War. Based on state documents, the press, foreign policy documents, the article shows how the links between the left movement of Argentina and the USSR influenced the development of bilateral relations. Considering the history of relations, the author shows the factors that influenced their formation. The article shows the features of Argentina in the context of the Latin American vector of the foreign policy of the USSR in the second half of the 20th century, with special attention paid to the relationship between economic and political contacts between the two countries. The study shows that the peculiarities of the political regime in Argentina and the assessments of the Argentine policy made by the Soviet side did not have a direct impact on the volume of trade between the countries; the political, economic and ideological contacts between the USSR and Argentina developed in parallel directions and did not have a direct connection with each other.

СССР и экономический аспект "новой восточной политики" Вилли Брандта: концептуальные основы экономического сближения

After Willy Brandt's government came to power, for the first time in the post-war period, the political situation turned from a deterrent into a stimulating factor for the development of economic relations between the FRG and the USSR. The concept of Brandt's “New Eastern Policy” was formed on the basis of a long evolution of his image of the USSR. In the field of economics, he stated the successes of Soviet construction and the need for assistance in this construction from the West. As burgomaster, the key to the birth of Brandt's concept was the construction of the Berlin Wall, after which the formula of “change through rapprochement” was born, where the economy played a constructive role as one of the areas free from irreconcilable contradictions. With the coming to power of Brandt, the interest in the development of eastern trade between business and government coincided. One of the main achievements of Brandt's eastern policy - the conclusion of the Moscow Treaty of 1970 - became a landmark event for the development of economic ties, creating a favorable business climate for the first time in the post-war period. For the Soviet side, the course towards economic rapprochement with the FRG was also determined by a complex of political and economic reasons. Germany, as a manufacturer of high-tech products, was of interest due to the need to modernize the Soviet economy, purchase machinery and equipment to increase labor productivity. The political factor was the desire to reduce the tension of the Cold War through mutually beneficial trade, while consolidating its own sphere of influence in Europe, and enlisting the support of influential commercial and industrial circles. General Secretary Brezhnev, KGB Chairman Andropov, as well as the Ministries of Foreign Affairs and Foreign Trade played an important role in the development and implementation of the course.

The House of Soviet Science and Culture in Prague and Soviet Public Diplomacy after the Prague Spring

The article deals with the problem of constructing scientific and cultural communication channels of the USSR and Czechoslovakia after the “Prague Spring” of 1968 on the example of the opening of the House of Soviet Science and Culture in Prague (HSSC). The initiator of this process was the Union of Soviet Friendship Societies. It was his offices that became one of the few surviving links of public diplomacy of the USSR after 1968. Based on archival documents the author shows that the SSOD was integrated into the Soviet political system, and its projects in Czechoslovakia were carried out under the control of party and state structures. The idea of opening a House of Soviet Science and Culture in Prague, which arose in 1969, completely belonged to the Soviet side and in practice met with considerable difficulties in its implementation. HSSC was opened in 1971 in the presence of the first leaders of the USSR and Czechoslovakia. The images of the achievements of socialist science and culture presented in it symbolized the transition to “normalization” in the socio-cultural sphere of the two countries. The Soviet leadership recognized this experience as successful and authorized the strengthening of the work of Soviet cultural centers around the world as an instrument of Soviet propaganda. However, the resources of the USSR were limited and inferiored to its more successful “competitors” from capitalist countries. At the same time HSSC opened up new opportunities for travel and informal intercultural exchange between scientists, cultural figures and Czechoslovak philistines. Therefore, his activity can be characterized as a local experience of Soviet public diplomacy, carried out in the spirit of Brezhnev’s “little deal” with Czechoslovakia.

An Uneliminated Enemy: the Social Democratic Party of Finland from 1944 to 1949

The Armistice Agreement signed in September 1944 did not entail any serious changes in the political structure of Finland. However, the access of the banned Communist Party to public life in the country and the liquidation of a number of structures and organizations created the preconditions to develop the internal political situation in the country in a direction favorable to the Soviet Union. This was the reason for the fairly quiet attitude of the Soviet delegation to the Allied Control Commission in 1944—1945 towards the activities of the Social Democratic Party. This attitude was maintained in spite of the fact that this party was seen as the main political enemy, creating a split in the labour movement and preventing the strengthening of the positions of the Communists and the Democratic Union of the People of Finland. The retention of the dominant positions in the SDP leadership by V. Tanner’s supporters and nominees (U. Varjonen, V. Leskinen and others) came as a surprise to the Soviet side. All the more unexpected was the well-organized struggle of the new Party leadership against the Communists. The success accompanying this anti-communist campaign was largely due to the attitude of President J. K. Paasikivi. The formation of a Social-Democratic government, headed by K. -A. Fagerholm, must indirectly have been an indication that the dangerous years had passed, as far as Finland’s political elite was concerned. Paasikivi and the Fagerholm government made it clear that in relations with the Soviet Union the Communists as intermediaries were an unnecessary link. For the Soviets, the Social Democratic Party was a key ideological opponent, and its participation in the Government was to be prevented or at least minimized. This task was not possible.

‘Passions’ Around the Second Fryderyk Chopin Piano Competition in Warsaw (1932)

The article is devoted to Polish-Soviet cultural contacts in the interwar period. Author examines the preparation and holding of the II Frederic Chopin Piano Competition in the context of the development of Soviet cultural diplomacy. The article touches upon such issues as the role of VOKS in establishing cultural ties, the importance of the competition for the foreign policy of the USSR. The author pays great attention to the participation of Soviet representatives in the organization of the competition and their attitude to this event. The article is based on archival documents, the main sources were the reports of Soviet representatives and their correspondence. The author comes to the conclusion that the political aspect of the second Chopin competition was one of the most important for the Soviet side. The Soviet leadership, as the author of the article shows, gradually realized the importance of soft power to create a positive image of the USSR in the international arena.

In search of a common enemy: Russo-Turkish cooperation and its discontents (1908–1923)

The uneasy Putin-Erdogan partnership reminds of the early twentieth-century trends in the Russo-Turkish relations – taking advantage of each other’s dissidents vs cooperating against Western imperialism. Imperial Russia tended to indulge in the former which undermined the latter tendency in its policies in regards to the Young Turk regime who were similarly making irredentist overtures to Russian Muslim minorities. Both sides were also tempted or constrained by their existing or potential Great Power allies. In contrast, the partnership between the Soviets and Mustafa Kemal Ataturk would be more consistent as they minimized meddling in each other’s internal affairs to jointly oppose European encroachments. This article also shines a new archival light on the motivations of the Soviet side while highlighting the less well-known opposition to close cooperation between traditional rival empires on all levels of Soviet leadership. There is no scholarly work focusing on the 1908–1923 period in a single monograph or article (from the Young Turk revolution to the Lausanne negotiations). Looking at both sides of the 1917 divide reveals surprising continuity between the imperial and the Soviet policies despite the earthshattering effects of the First World War.

The Efforts of the KGB to Use the Emigree Organisation Santara– Šviesa to Maintain Contact with Occupied Lithuania

Legitimacy at the international level was important for the Soviet occupation regime in Lithuania and they also wanted to achieve it with the help of the emigrants. Cultural relations were dilemma question for soviets and emigration. Culture had to attract emigrants to their side, to distract from resistance activities, to set emigrants against each other and thus to undermine all Lithuanian liberation activities. However, emigrants were seen as a danger due to the possible influence on the locals, but at the same time they were considered an opportunity to achieve political and propaganda goals. Also it influenced negatively relationship with other emigree organizations, but KGB could not make damage to their relationship remarkably. This publication reveals how and by what means Soviet security sought to use the plans of the liberal emigrants to establish personal and cultural relations with Soviet Lithuania for propaganda, agency, and political purposes of the Soviet regime. It is also important to evaluate whether the KGB has achieved its goals. Official cultural contacts were under full control of the soviet side. They were a cover for the KGB agency and propaganda activities. Despite huge efforts soviet security only partially managed to take advantage of closer contacts between emigrants and Lithuania. It can be said that emigrants only partially knew and evaluated the capabilities and methods of the KGB. They did not know how widely the KGB sought to use these connections to harm emigrants. It is believed that personal contacts were safer for emigrants’ organizations. Perhaps the KGB was most fortunate to use these contacts while performing discreditation and promoting the achievements of the soviet regime.

Геннадий Матвеев, Карина Колихова, Введение советско-польского перемирия в действие (октябрь-ноябрь 1920 г.)/The Implementation of the Polish-Soviet Peace Preliminaries (October–November 1920)

The article clarifies the actual date of the entry into force of the Soviet-Polish treaty on the preliminary conditions of peace and armistice of October 12, 1920. The preliminary treaty stipulated that the enactment should happen no later than November 2, and after that date, the withdrawal of Polish troops to the state border line was to begin. The parties pledged not to interfere in each other’s internal affairs and not to support organizations aimed at overthrowing the state and social system of the other party from the moment the truce was ratified under article II of the treaty. Realizing the importance of the armistice, the Ukrainian SSR, Poland and the RSFSR ratified the treaty within the agreed time frame, and it seemed that nothing prevented them from immediately starting work on the final text of the peace treaty in accordance with the agreements. However, the Soviet peace delegation that had arrived in Riga on November 3 did not find the Polish delegation there. It turned out, moreover, that the Polish army was in no hurry to leave the regions of the Ukrainian SSR and the Belorussian SSR occupied by it, and thus covered the flanks of the anti-Soviet armies of Symon Petliura, Boris Piermikin, and Stanisław Bułak-Bałachowicz which invaded Soviet territory. The protests expressed by the Soviet side yielded results only aer the Red Army had broken through the defense of the Crimea on November 9-10. On November 13, a Polish delegation finally arrived in Riga and a meeting of the heads of the Soviet and Polish delegations, Adolph Joffe and Jan Dąbski, took place, following which Poland undertook to begin the withdrawal of its troops from November 19, 1920. Its yesterday’s eastern allies retreated to Poland and were interned. The analysis of the problem shows that the armistice agreement was actually put into effect not on November 2, but on November 19, 1920, and Józef Piłsudski and the Polish military command are primarily to blame for this.

BASMACI İSYANI VE AFGANİSTAN (1918-1933)

Başlangıç ve bitiş tarihleri hakkında görüş farklılıkları olsa da Basmacı İsyanı adı ile bilinen 20. yüzyılın başındaki Orta Asya’daki bağımsızlık hareketi 1918-1933 yılları arasında Orta Asya tarihini şekillendiren önemli faktörlerden birisi olmuştur. Bu isyanın temel amacı bölgedeki Sovyet yönetimini sonlandırmak ve bağımsız bir Türkistan Devleti kurmaktır. Kendilerini isyana teşvik eden de Hokand Muhtar Cumhuriyeti’nin Sovyetler tarafından yıkılması olmuştur. Orta Aya’nın o dönemdeki siyasi, iktisadi ortamı Ruslara karşı duyulan husumetle de birleşince hareketin gelişmesi için gereken zemin ortaya çıkmıştır. Basmacı Hareketi Enver Paşa’nın 1922 yılında şehadetinden sonra yön değiştirmiş, Rus İç Savaşı’nın bitmesi ile de üstünlük Sovyetler’in eline geçmiştir. Bunun üzerine Basmacılar, Buhara Hanlığı’nın ilhakı sırasında Sovyet hâkimiyeti altında yaşamak istemeyen nüfusun yaptığı gibi, Afganistan’a gitmiş ve mücadelelerine buradan devam etmiştir. Afganistan’da Basmacılar Afgan Devleti ve Orta Asyalı göçmenlerden aldıkları destekle isyanı sürdürmeye çalışmışlardır. Bunda başarılı da olmuşlardır. Bu duruma en güzel örnek ise İbrahim Bek ve Fuzayl Mahsum’un Garm harekâtı gösterilebilir. Ancak başlarda iyi giden bu harekât başarısızlıkla sonuçlanmıştır. Bunda Sovyetlerin askeri disiplin, teknoloji alanında üstünlüklerinin yanında Basmacılar arasındaki ayrılıkları oldukça iyi kullanmalarının da etkisi vardır. Basmacı İsyanı zaman zaman cereyan eden baskınlarla 1935 yılına kadar sürse de bu tarihte kesin olarak bitmiştir. Bu durumda Afganistan’daki desteklerinin de kesilmesinin etkisi vardır.

Cold War Anthropology From Both Sides of the Iron Curtain

This paper seeks to widen the understanding of Cold War anthropology by considering the history of contacts and dialogue between Soviet and American anthropologists from 1945 to 1964. Focusing mainly on the Soviet side, it argues that the isolation of Soviet ethnography was never complete, although it reached a highpoint during late Stalinism. The paper considers the resuming of contacts between US and USSR scholars in the second half of the 1950s; Soviet participation in international anthropological congresses and its effects on theoretical developments in Soviet anthropology; and the preparation, proceedings and consequences of the 7th International Congress of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences (ICAES) and the Expert Meeting on the Biological Aspects of Race, held in Moscow in 1964. The paper argues that these events were instrumental in widening the confines of Soviet Marxism and introducing new research areas (such as psychological anthropology) into Soviet academia. This enabled ethnography in the USSR to present itself as an alternative centre of consolidation for both Western left-leaning anthropologists and scholars from postcolonial countries.