THE COLLAPSE OF SOCIALIST REGIMES in Eastern Europe and Eurasia resulted in the polarisation of politics.' In East Central European and Baltic countries (henceforth, Western post-communist countries2) political parties began to play an important role already in the early stage of transition. In these countries unitary constitutional regimes and free market economies are predominant. In contrast, in the politics of CIS countries informal clan relations are prevalent. It is true that since the end of the 1990s we have seen several examples of successful party building even in the CIS. However, these successful parties, such as Unified Russia and the United Social Democratic Party of Ukraine, have been merely an official facade of clan relations.3 In contrast to the unitary state building in the Western post-communist countries, in CIS countries national-subnational political relations have been extremely deconcentrated, although the constitutions of most of these countries, except for Russia, declare that they have chosen a unitary path of state building. In these countries a patrimonial capitalism, advantageous not only to domestic enterprises but also to the population in general, took shape. The purpose of this article is to examine the Belarusian political regime under President Aleksandr Lukashenka as a populist one, which is uncommon for a CIS country. In order to understand this peculiarity, it is insufficient to compare Belarusian politics with the politics of other CIS countries. It can only be understood in the context of polarisation of post-communist political and economic regimes. Table 1 lists nine criteria distinguishing the two types of post-communist regime. Criterion 1: constitutional definition. While Western post-communist countries adopted either parliamentary or, at best, weak presidential systems, superpresidentialism has become the norm for CIS countries, with the exception of Moldova. These superpresidencies are the successors of the former central committees of communist parties and are functioning as a guarantee for personalised distribution of resources and assets. It is true that most CIS countries adopted semi-presidential, not pure presidential, systems. Under semi-presidential systems the president appoints the