Soviet-American Relations Research Articles

Визиты американских парламентских делегаций в СССР летом – осенью 1945 года

Introduction. The summer of 1945 became a period of exceptional activity for US parliamentary delegations in the field of studying the consequences of the war in Europe for this region, the USSR, and the countries of the Middle East. Methods and materials. The study of the documents deposited in the Archive of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation, the memoirs of the members of the delegations, and those involved in organizing the visits of American congressmen allows us to determine the goals of their visit to the USSR, along with the successes and failures of these missions, and to analyze their significance for the development of SovietAmerican relations in the fall of 1945. Analysis. In just a month, from August 15 to September 15, 1945, four US parliamentary delegations and separately Senator C. Pepper, who also acted as a journalist, visited the Soviet Union. All these delegations belonged to different committees of the Congress, had different programs and purposes for the visit, and were received in the USSR at different levels. It should be noted that among the Soviet functionaries responsible for receiving foreigners, there was no consensus on the advisability of the congressmen’s visit to the USSR, but the “liberals” won, assuming that their visits would serve to strengthen relations between Moscow and Washington. It is noteworthy that a considerable number of the congressmen approved by the People’s Commissariat of State Security were known for their negative attitude towards the communist system in general and towards the Soviet Union in particular. Apparently, in the People’s Commissariat of Foreign Affairs, it was believed that their visit to the USSR would help change this position to be more favorable for the Kremlin. Results. The visits of American parliamentary delegations to the USSR resulted in several loud statements about the importance of maintaining and strengthening Soviet-American relations and about J. Stalin’s personal contribution to the victory over fascism, as well as a report by W. Colmer, which suggested rather harsh conditions for economic cooperation between Washington and Moscow. However, these visits did not bring any real benefit to the development of the Soviet-American dialogue.

The Problem of Revising of US Trade and Credit Legislation and Issues of Technology Transfer in Soviet-American Relations in the Second Half of 1970s

The Problem of Revising of US Trade and Credit Legislation and Issues of Technology Transfer in Soviet-American Relations in the Second Half of 1970s

"ИМАГОЛОГИЧЕСКАЯ ПЕРЕСТРОЙКА": СПЕЦИФИКА КУЛЬТУРНОЙ ПОЛИТИКИ СССР СЕРЕДИНЫ 1980 - НАЧАЛА 1990-Х ГГ.

The article examines the phenomenon of “imagological restructuring”. The main sources were journalistic and audiovisual materials – books, brochures, periodicals and other popular science publications, as well as films. The novelty of the research lies in the qualitative rethinking and conceptualization of this source base through the imagological approach, the results of the latest research in the field of symbolic politics and the politics of memory. It is shown that the systemic factors of that process were: the internal political course of the USSR initiated by M.S. Gorbachev and being moved towards the loosening of the political control over culture and de-ideologization; negotiation process at the international level; transition to the “cool world”. The author has set the frames of a conditional periodization. At the first stage (1985–1987/88), journalism and cinematography retained the inertia of the “old” discourse; the media “Cold War” and the exposure of the “American imperialism” continued. At the second stage (1987/88–1991), there was a progressive change in the optics of perceptions and representations: the transformation of the image of the United States from an enemy to a partner, including through the transfer of the image of an ally from the countries of Eastern Europe to the United States – rehumanization and rehabilitation of the “former ours”/“strangers”. Conclusions are drawn that perestroika contributed to the improvement of the Soviet-American relations, the constructive renewal of a collective memory, the neutralization of stereotypes, and the end of the “Cold War”. Moreover, all that became a political and imagological defeat of the USSR, expressed in the delegitimation of socialism and the Soviet national-state identity.

Debate around U.S. Foreign Trade Legislation as an Element of Détente in Soviet-American Relations (1969–1979)

Détente in Soviet-American relations throughout the 1970s was a complex and multifaceted process. The interaction of the two states as regards foreign trade, technology transfer and scientific exchanges was an important part of it. On the one hand, according to some détente ideologists, a critical mass of commercial ties along with scientific and technological projects established in accordance with the tenets of equality and mutual benefit could have created conditions for overcoming the Cold War and maintaining peaceful coexistence in the foreseeable future. At the same time, it was in the sphere of foreign trade that sharp disagreements first manifested themselves, indicating a clear-cut rift between the external political goals of the superpowers and the ability of their internal legislative systems to address these challenges. This article is devoted to reviewing the processes of transforming US foreign trade legislation during the détente period. It aims to insert this track into the pattern of forming Washington's course towards the Soviet state from the late 1960s to 1979. The research draws on the documents of both chambers of Congress, revealing the content of the debate on the adoption of export regulation laws and reflecting the views on this issue that existed at that time. The digital documents of the US State Department and Presidents R. Nixon and J. Carter are used to reflect their attitude vis-à-vis trade matters. It is shown how the executive and legislative branches interacted when updating the regulatory framework of foreign trade. The conclusion holds that while maintaining the general liberal vector in drafting foreign trade laws, they have always contained control standards for high-tech products export to socialist countries aimed at curbing scientific and technological progress in the USSR. As a result, the economic, scientific and technical foundation of détente in Soviet-American relations remained feeble and proved inadequate for preventing the confrontational recession in the early 1980s.

Debunking the Falsehoods of Historical Interpretations: Arnold Spekke on George Kennan’s “Soviet-American Relations, 1917–1920. The Decision to Intervene”

In the spring of 1958, Arnold Spekke, Charge d’Affaires in Washington D.C., having read George Kennan’s book “Soviet-American Relations, 1917–1920. The Decision to Intervene” decided to write a comment on certain facts expressed in the book. He concentrated on the description of the execution of Czar Nicholas II and his family, as well as the fact that the book did not mention the Latvian units that fought under Allied leadership, namely, the Troitsk battalion as part of the 3rd Czechoslovak Division. Spekke also submitted a letter written in 1928 by Nikolai Sokolov’s assistant, Captain Pavel Bulygin, in which it was confirmed that there were no Latvians among the shooters. Kennan in his response assured that his goal had only been to emphasize the cruelty with which the murder was committed. The preparation of comments contributed to the efforts of Latvians in exile to focus on writing down memories and studying Latvian history.

Political Socialization of Soviet Schoolchildren as Part of Children's Public Diplomacy: International Visits

The article describes the concept of political socialization of Soviet schoolchildren based on children's public diplomacy in 1982–1986. The authors concentrated on the international visits made by Samantha Smith and Yekaterina Lychyova. The research did not involve other factors of political socialization, e.g., weekly political information, fundraising events for the starving children of Africa and Nicaragua, foreign pen-palls, etc. These international visits provided valuable practical experience of interaction between Soviet and foreign children. Children's diplomacy is a relatively new phenomenon for Russian historiography, and the authors attempted to define its theoretical and symbolic meaning. The ideology-affected political socialization transformed children's everyday life, depriving it of the freedom of choice and opportunities. The analysis of children's diplomacy with its potential opportunities and shortcomings made it possible to determine the bottlenecks of political socialization. It revealed the tension between the public and private dimensions of international politics and actualized the factor of transnational activity in the development of bilateral Soviet-American relations. The research relied on the personal experience of those children, their memories, memoirs of their contemporaries, media publications, etc. The project of children's diplomacy failed because it deviated from its original scenario. Every time the process was out of direct control of political elites, children’s psychology and behavior interfered with the plan.

Imperfect bipolarity: The ‘third power’ factor in Soviet-American relations in the nuclear field (1958–1968)

30 years after the end of the Cold War, bipolar structure still dominates in the nuclear sphere, although certain nuclear powers are closing the gap with Russia and the United States in terms of strategic arsenals and the system of world politics in general is moving towards polycentrism. At the same time, as US-Russian relations continue to deteriorate against the backdrop of the ‘Ukrainian crisis’, the prospects for strategic dialogue after the expiration of the Treaty on Measures for the Further Reduction and Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms (New START) are becoming increasingly vague. The absence of a new agreement in this field threatens to throw international relations back to the beginning of the Cold War, with all the ensuing consequences. To avoid such a scenario, not only the leaders of Russia and the United States should demonstrate political will, but other nuclear powers should also be included in the negotiation process, particularly China. In this regard, the history of the Cold War can provide valuable lessons. The author argues that bipolarity (even at its apex in the late 1950s — early 1970s) had never been an exclusive characteristic of international relations. On the basis of a number of historical cases, the paper demonstrates that during this period the superpowers constantly had to reckon with the ‘third power’ factor. The latter did not only influence the logic and dynamics of Soviet-American relations, but also to a large extent predetermined the direction and nature of their military development and planning. Indeed, it was the ‘third power’ factor, namely China, along with the achievement of strategic parity between the superpowers that became one of the main impulses to the establishment of the non-proliferation regime. In conclusion, the author focuses on yet another important lesson from the Cold War: the experience of arms control negotiations during that period suggests that the meetings of politicians should be preceded by joint brainstorming sessions with scholars from interested countries. In the current situation, representatives of the academic community should take the lead so that by the time the political climate eventually changes, there would already be coherent and viable options for nuclear arms control adapted to new realities.

Trial Risks, Scientific Competition and Politicization: The Thorny Way of Live Vaccine Against Poliomyelitis in the USSR in 1950–1960s

Introduction. The article is devoted to the problems of testing the live poliomyelitis vaccine that took place in the 1950s in the USSR. The problems of the trials have again become topical because of the pandemic of the novel coronavirus. Methods and materials. Using narrative and historical-comparative methods to analyze materials from the archives of the USSR Ministry of Health Care and the digitized archive of the American virologist A. Sabin, the author of the article looked into some problems related to the trials of the live polio vaccine. Analysis. As a result of the analysis of historical sources, the following problems of trials were found out: high risks of mass use of the live vaccine; lack of agreement between scientists and medical officials on the possibility and necessity of testing; difficulties in relations between an organizer of the tests (M. Chumakov) and some officials from the Ministry of Health Care of the RSFSR; the problems in Soviet-American relations which affected the scientific cooperation; difficult relations between the Soviet organizers of the tests (M. Chumakov and A. Smorodintsev); troubles that arose in relations between A. Sabin and A. Smorodintsev in connection with the politicization of the vaccination issue; ethical challenges of human trials. Results. The USSR took huge risks during the mass trials of the live polio vaccine, which was Soviet science and population significant contribution to the world fight against poliomyelitis. Mass trials took place in the USSR during the Cold War, which, however, did not become an obstacle to scientific cooperation between the USSR and the USA in this sphere. The success of the polio vaccine trials was used by the Soviet state to increase its prestige. At some points, representatives of the Soviet state and media even “forgot” that the vaccine was developed in American virology laboratories, calling Soviet organizers of vaccine trials its developers. Ethical norms of experiments on humans in the 1950–1960s were just being formed, so some of them could be called violations by modern standards. However, the success of the tests closed the question of those violations.

Ballet in the Cold War: A Soviet-American Exchange, by Anne Searcy

Over the past two decades, one of the most vibrant subfields in the history of US foreign relations, as well as international history more broadly, has been the study of ‘cultural diplomacy’—that is, efforts by nation states to deploy cultural artefacts to serve diplomatic ends. We now have excellent studies of the way that various nations (though particularly the United States and the Soviet Union during the Cold War) used art, music, dance and film to advance their geopolitical objectives. Anne Searcy builds on much of this literature to offer a new history of the role that ballet played in Soviet–American relations during the critical Cold War window of the late 1950s and early 1960s. In four chapters, plus an introduction and epilogue, Searcy tells the story of four ballet tours—two Russian and two American—that took place against the backdrop of the extraordinary tensions of the late Eisenhower and Kennedy years. Prominent Cold War crises during this period included the Sputnik launch of 1957, the communist revolution in Cuba in 1958, the American U-2 plane shot down in Soviet airspace in 1960, the Bay of Pigs and the building of the Berlin Wall in 1961, and, of course, the Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962—the most dangerous moment in the roughly 45-year history of the Soviet–American stare-down. Amazingly, there were Russian dancers touring the United States and American dancers touring the Soviet Union during the Cuban Missile Crisis in October 1962. The book includes a chapter on each of these tours, as well as a chapter on the earlier tour of the United States by the Bolshoi Ballet in 1959 and the little-known tour of the Soviet Union by the American Ballet Theater in 1960, the first such visit by an American ballet company to the USSR.

Overview of the evolution process of the Soviet and American ASAT weapons in the second half of the XX century

Russia and the United States have a long history of military-technical rivalry that began after World War II in Soviet-American relations and continues up to this day. This rivalry has been a momentum for the development of many types of military equipment and weapons, including, since the beginning of the space age, anti-satellite weapons. The article provides a detailed analysis of the emergence and development of anti-satellite warfare, their categories and variety of types, as well as technologies applicable in the creation of anti-satellite weapons. In addition, the article traces the relationship between the technologies for creating anti-missile defense and anti-satellite weapons, and also shows the influence on its implementation of both the domestic political course of each of the superpowers and the Soviet-American negotiations on arms control.

АМЕРИКАНСКИЕ ПИСАТЕЛИ С ВИЗИТОМ В СССР: "ПРОСТРАНСТВО" И "ВРЕМЯ" КАК КОНСТРУИРУЮЩИЕ КАТЕГОРИИ В АМЕРИКАНСКОЙ ТРЭВЕЛ-ЛИТЕРАТУРЕ 1920-1940-Х ГГ.

In the academic field, Soviet-American relations are more often studied in the context of the Cold War, while bilateral contacts in the first half of the 20th century are much less represented. Research focuses more on formal cultural diplomacy, implemented through the organization of cultural exhibitions, film festivals and creative initiatives, rather than on visits by foreign intellectuals motivated to see the Soviet country from the inside. The article examines the plot-forming categories of “space” and “time” in the travelogue works of American writers who personally visited the USSR in the 1920–1940s. The focus of the study is the travel diaries of Theodore Dreiser, Langston Hughes and John Steinbeck. Each travel journal operates within its own spatial boundaries and time period within the geography of the USSR and a given chronological period of the 20th century. The key aspect of this work is the analysis of the chronotope (according to M.M. Bakhtin), which represents the interconnection of temporal and spatial relations in the narrative. Being constructed by the writer, the chronotope consists of premises, signs, symbols and ideas that bear the imprint of the time of a given period and are inextricably linked with the figure of the author of each travel diary under consideration. This approach to the analysis of the diary text makes it possible to reveal the writer’s understanding of the reality around him, which he attributes with meaning in the context of the historical and political realities of the given epoch.

The japanese-american military-political alliance: secrets of longevity

The article analyzes an evolution of the Japanese-American military-political alliance in the end of XX - in the beginning of XXI centuries under influence of the increased of political, economical and military potential of Japan and also radical reorganization of international relations in the period of detente in Soviet-American relations, in the end of cold war, disintegration of the Soviet Union, the rise of China, aggravation of international situation after the start of the limited special operation of Russia in Ukraine. Military potential of the Japanese was evaluated, as well as the possibility of Japanese self-defense forces to repel limited attack on Japanese territory and plans of the government of Japan for improvement of the defense potential of the state. With it all, there are noted a serious shortcomings of Japanese potential of deterrence of possible threats for security and preservation of relay on the U.S. «nuclear umbrella», as well as assistance of American armed forces in repel of aggression. In this connection, there is a prognosis, especially in view of radically changes global international situation and relations in the Asia-Pacific region, that the Japanese-American military-political alliance will be preserved in all probability.

ФИНЛЯНДИЗАЦИЯ КАК КОНЦЕПЦИЯ НАУЧНОГО ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ВНЕШНЕЙ ПОЛИТИКИ И МЕЖДУНАРОДНЫХ ОТНОШЕНИЙ

The article is aimed at studying the main stages in the formation of the scientific concept of finlandization on the example of German studies of Anglo-American historiography, at determining its essential characteristics and the possibilities of using it in the modern research of foreign policy and international relations. The choice of the German case seems logical. The special role of the German issue in the system of Great Powers relations, its obvious dependence on the microclimate of the Soviet-American relations, the close proximity of West Germany to the borders of the socialist bloc, the painful problem of the German nation division – all this has significantly increased the risks of Soviet influence and theoretically turned the FRG into the most likely candidate for finlandization. Given the key importance of West Germany in the system of Euro-Atlantic security and economy, this prospect was perceived very painfully, the possible reorientation of the FRG was actively discussed in the academic circles in the USA and Great Britain. The formation of finlandization as a concept for the scientific study of foreign policy and international relations had basically been completed by the beginning of the 1990s. Today, it finds many followers and critics among scientists from different countries, which indicates its modern relevance.

Пять историй о приключениях американцев в сталинской Москве (Лапина Г.В. Американцы в Москве, 1930–1940. М: Литфакт, 2023)

The monograph by Russian-American researcher, translator and critic Galina Lapina Americans in Moscow: 1930–1940 is dedicated to pre-war Soviet-American theatrical, educational, cinematic, diplomatic, literary contacts. Among the heroes of the book are American Ambassador Joseph E. Davis and his chauffeur Charles Ciliberti, writers Langston Hughes and Dorothy West, playwright Sophie Treadwell, actress Blanche Yurka and other writers, artists, diplomats, journalists who came to the USSR in the 1930s and early 1940s. The book consists of five chapters; each of them is devoted to a certain episode of Soviet-American connections: the failed film project Black and White; The Promised Land, Sophie Treadwell's play about Soviet life; Moscow theater festivals of 1933–1937; history of the Anglo-American Institute (1933–1935), Moscow summer school for American students; a comparison of two books about the USSR — Joseph E. Davis’ Mission to Moscow (1943) and Charles Siliberti’s Backstage Mission to Moscow (1946), that show Soviet reality from the opposing points of view. The book that is, in fact, a collection of articles, is however marked by unity and integrity; it reconstructs the general context of the period in question on the basis of the extensive material. Memoirs, correspondence, archival documents, Soviet and American press form a vivid picture of Soviet-American relations in the pre-war decade. Many sources revealing American attitudes towards the USSR used by the author, have not yet been translated or published in Russia. Galina Lapina’s book encourages further research and publishing projects.

Soviet Aggression in Afghanistan (1979–1989) and American – Pakistan Relanions

The impact of the Soviet aggression in Afghanistan in 1979–1989 on US–Pakistan relations on the basis of predominantly American-Pakistani documents and memoirs has been examined in the article. Soviet intervention in Afghanistan led to the deterioration of Soviet-American relations, the curtailment of “détente” and the escalation of the Cold War. One manifestation of this was the United States’ full support for the Afghan opposition. The USA needed Pakistan as allies in this policy but it was sandwiched between Soviet-occupied Afghanistan and unfriendly India, so it needed reliable allies. In addition, the Afghan opposition parties’ headquarters, Mujahedeen training camps were located in Pakistan with almost 3 million settled refugees. The USA and Pakistan were mutually interested in close cooperation.
 The conditionality of changing the format of US-Pakistani relations by the civil war in Afghanistan and the involvement of the USSR on the side of the ruling People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan have been proved. The relations between the USA and Pakistan in the 1980s developed in two directions: official and covert but under the Afghan crisis influence the United States gave in to its principles. Despite the dictatorial regime, violation of the conditions of nuclear non-proliferation the USA has significantly expanded its military-technical and economic assistance to Pakistan. This significantly strengthened the country's defense capabilities and position of M. Ziyaul-Haq’s regime and Pakistan has become in general one of the main allies of the USA in their support of the Afghan crisis opposition. The secret cooperation between the CIA and the Pakistani Interagency Intelligence in financing and supplying military property to the Afghan Mujahedeen, providing them with intelligence, assisting in the production and dissemination of propaganda materials was important. This had a marked effect on the Afghan war outbreak, greatly strengthened the Mujahedeen’s ability to resist Soviet troops, and significantly increased the disastrous consequences of the Afghan adventure for the USSR. After the Soviet troops’ withdrawal from Afghanistan, Pakistan lost strategic importance to the USA, and most programs of US-Pakistani cooperation were curtailed.

The Limits of Détente: The United States, the Soviet Union, and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1969–1973

The Limits of Détente: The United States, the Soviet Union, and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1969–1973

Санта Рама Рау: примечание к истории?

This article analyzes Santha Rama Rau’s 1959 travelogue, My Russian Journey, and places it in the context of Soviet-American relations in the early decades of the Cold War. Rau, an eminent Indian American novelist, was commissioned by the literary travel magazine, Holiday, to write articles on the Soviet Union in the late 1950s. She was recruited for her literary ability, but her personal relations with important personalities in the United States and India gave her an unusual degree of access to members of the Soviet cultural elite. Rau’s leisurely travels through different parts of the Soviet Union resulted in a new kind of travel account of everyday life in the Soviet Union. I analyze three major themes in My Russian Journey: the problem of Soviet censorship, descriptions of elite lifestyles in the Soviet Union, and a comparison of Soviet and Indian national identity. I argue that the publication of Rau’s My Russian Journey marked an important milestone in Soviet American relations that was mediated through India.

The Moscow Embassy of George Kennan and American Diplomacy in the Cold War

This paper studies the operations of the Embassy of the United States of America in Moscow headed by G. F. Kennan (May — September 1952) in the context of Cold War diplomatic history. Based on an analysis of documents located in the Archive of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation, this study focuses on such key international issues as peaceful settlement of the Korean war, resolution of the German issue, and the signing of a treaty protecting fur seals in the Pacific basin. This article highlights the role of the American Embassy in Moscow, and of Ambassador Kennan in particular, in the discussion of these issues, and the nature of the embassy staff members’ interactions with Soviet authorities. The archival materials concerning the Soviet-American relations in 1952 provide clear evidence that the diplomatic corps faced severe difficulties under the conditions of military and political confrontation of the Cold War. The paper also elucidates the reasons for declaring Kennan persona non grata. Finally, the author considers the influence of the Moscow ambassadorship on Kennan’s perception of communism and the Soviet social system. He became convinced not only of the Soviet political system’s bureaucratic inertia and clumsiness, its excessive centralization, and its total focus on Stalin’s personality, but also of the extreme straightforwardness and uncompromising nature of American foreign policy towards the Soviet Union.

The Conflict between the CPSU and the Communist Party of Spain in the Lens of American and Soviet Diplomacy, the 1970s

The article analyzes the conflict between the CPSU and the Communist Party of Spain (Partido Comunista de España, PCE) in the 1970s through the prism of Soviet-American relations during the era of Detente. Since the late 1960s, the Communist Party of Spain, headed by General Secretary S. Carrillo, began to distance itself from the CPSU, the leader of the International Communist Movement (ICM). In the conditions of the ongoing Cold War, the growing conflict between the parties meant the threat of a split within the ICM, which could not but attract the attention of the United States. The purpose of the article is to determine how the conflict between the CPSU and the Communist Party of Spain was perceived by American and Soviet state leaders, diplomats and the expert community during the 1970s, in order to establish how the assessments of this conflict in the United States and the USSR influenced the adjustment of the foreign policy strategies of these powers. The article examines the key stages of the development of relations between the leadership of the Soviet and Spanish Communist parties – "shadow" and public – as well as the perception of this conflict by Soviet and American diplomats, their assessments and reactions. The research is based on the sources of the Russian State Archive of Contemporary History (RGANI), available documents of the US State Department and the CIA.

The Soviet Factor in the US-China Military-Technical Cooperation during the Cold War

The development of the PRC’s armed forces included three phases when their modernization was carried out through an active introduction of foreign weapons and technologies. The first and the last of these phases (from 1949 to 1961, and from 1992 till present) received wide attention in both Chinese and Western academic literature, whereas the second one — from 1978 to 1989 —when the PRC actively purchased weapons and technologies from the Western countries remains somewhat understudied. This paper is intended to partially fill this gap. The author examines the logic of the military-technical cooperation between the PRC and the United States in the context of complex interactions within the United States — the USSR — China strategic triangle in the last years of the Cold War. The first section covers early contacts between the PRC and the United States in the security field — from the visit of R. Nixon to China till the inauguration of R. Reagan. The author shows that during this period Washington clearly subordinated the US-Chinese cooperation to the development of the US-Soviet relations out of fear to damage the fragile process of detente. The second section focuses on the evolution of the R. Reagan administration’s approaches regarding arms sales to China in the context of a new round of the Cold War. The Soviet factor significantly influenced the development of the US-Chinese military-technical cooperation during that period, which for both parties acquired not only practical, but, most importantly, political importance. It was their mutual desire to undermine strategic positions of the USSR that allowed these two countries to overcome successfully tensions over the US arms sales to Taiwan. However, this dependence of the US-China military-technical cooperation on the Soviet factor had its downside. As the third section shows, with the Soviet threat fading away, the main incentives for the military-technical cooperation between the PRC and the United States also disappeared. As a result, after the Tiananmen Square protests, this cooperation completely ceased. Thus, the author concludes that the US arms sales to China from the very beginning were conditioned by the dynamics of the Soviet-American relations and Beijing’s willingness to play an active role in the policy of containment. In that regard, the very fact of the US arms sales to China was more important than its practical effect, i.e. this cooperation was of political nature, rather than military one.