Struggle For Sovereignty Research Articles

Making a Difference: My Fight for Native Rights and Social Justice by Ada Deer

Reviewed by: Making a Difference: My Fight for Native Rights and Social Justice by Ada Deer Allyson Stevenson Making a Difference: My Fight for Native Rights and Social Justice. By Ada Deer, with Theda Perdue. Foreword by Charles Wilkinson. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2019. ix + 189 pp. Illustrations, index. $26.95 cloth. Scholars interested in the twentieth-century history of Native American political activism will find the autobiography of Ada Deer essential reading. Making a Difference covers a critical period in the modern struggle for tribal sovereignty. Ada Deer, a Menominee woman, played a valuable role in restoring her community's lands and tribal sovereignty after termination, as well as in protecting tribal interests at the national level. As she narrates her life, reflects on her familial and tribal influences while evaluating her legacy, Deer presents readers with the opportunity to witness the exceptional contribution of a highly educated and dynamic Menominee activist. I happened to read Making a Difference immediately after completing Brenda Child's Holding Our World Together: Ojibwe Women and the Survival of Community (2013). Despite the differences in approach, and tribal affiliation, both books contribute to a growing field that increasingly centers Indigenous women's unacknowledged roles in preserving communities, culture, and families. Whether as exceptional individuals as in the case of Deer, or as mothers, grandmothers, and cultural knowledge holders, Native American women have sustained and continue to sustain connections to lands, languages, and bodies of knowledge that have undergone continued assault from colonial times onward. Growing up in poverty on the beautiful Menominee reservation, but nevertheless provided a deep sense of social justice from her non-Native American mother, Ada Deer's pursuit of Native rights stems from her commitment to Native American sovereignty promised in the treaties with the United States government. Assisted by historian Theda Perdue, Ada Deer's autobiography spans the period from her birth in 1935 and early years on the Menominee reservation in Wisconsin, through her successful role in advocating for restoration of the Menominee's lands and tribal status, and concludes with her time in Washington, DC, as assistant secretary of the Interior for Indian Affairs during the Clinton administration. Throughout the book, we are privy to Ada's reflections and we witness her driving ambition to see Native American tribes, systems of governance, and economies be restored through a relationship to the government based on recognition of Native American sovereignty and self-determination. For readers, it would be helpful to have appendices that include the treaty documents that enshrine the Menominee rights. In addition, as much of her politization stems from the Menominee termination, the book would also benefit from having both the termination acts and restoration acts likewise included for those [End Page 265] interested. Finally, in situating the Menominee people in their tribal homelands, maps to accompany this work would provide the reader with the geographical context that provides much of the specificity of the Menominee tribe's homeland. Allyson Stevenson Department of Indigenous Studies University of Saskatchewan, Saskatoon Copyright © 2023 Center for Great Plains Studies, University of Nebraska–Lincoln

Saysay Himig: A Sourcebook on Philippine Music History, 1880–1921 ed. by Arwin Q. Tan, and: Saysay Himig: An Anthology of Transcultural Filipino Music (1880–1941) ed. by Arwin Q. Tan

Reviewed by: Saysay Himig: A Sourcebook on Philippine Music History, 1880–1921 ed. by Arwin Q. Tan, and: Saysay Himig: An Anthology of Transcultural Filipino Music (1880–1941) ed. by Arwin Q. Tan Frederick J. Schenker (bio) Saysay Himig: A Sourcebook on Philippine Music History, 1880–1921. Edited by Arwin Q. Tan. Music and Culture Book Series. Quezon City: The University of the Philippines Press, 2018. xxiv + 396 pp., illustrations, index. ISBN:928-971-542-858-3 (paperback), ₱ 850.00 ($16.60). Saysay Himig: An Anthology of Transcultural Filipino Music (1880–1941). Produced, supervised, and edited by Arwin Q. Tan. Quezon City: University of the Philippines College of Music, 2017. Three CDs (71, 51, and 77 minutes). 12 pages of notes. ₱ 1,000.00 ($19.50). What is the place of music and expressive culture amid a struggle for sovereignty and independence from colonial rule? What are the sounds of this struggle? The edited collection Saysay Himig: A Sourcebook on Philippine Music History, 1880–1941, and the three- CD set Saysay Himig: An Anthology of Transcultural Filipino Music, 1880–1941, explore these questions during a tumultuous period in the history of the Philippines when the archipelago was emerging from Spanish governance only to be confronted with a rapidly expanding US imperial state. The stated purpose of these publications is to provide an accessible entry point into the understudied history of the intersections of musical practices and developing nationalist expression in the Philippines between 1880 and 1941. They examine a period when Filipinos attempted to imagine and express themselves as a nation through various media, including musical performance. The Sourcebook and Anthology (as well as a third publication edited by José S. Buenconsejo titled Philippine Modernities: Music, Performing Arts, and Language, 1880 to 1941) came on the heels of the 2016 centennial of the University of the Philippines College of Music. Festivities marking this important date included concerts and research symposia that, among other things, celebrated the significance of music in the making of a Philippine nation. The items reviewed here continue this celebratory project by exploring how Filipino composers engaged with and helped shape the emerging possibilities of Philippine nationalism. They show how composers were able to craft their own aesthetic and national expression despite the oppression of imperialism [End Page 139] and the prevailing and often inescapable sounds of European classical and American popular music. Saysay Himig: A Sourcebook1 introduces a wide range of topics and ideas about music in the Philippines around the turn of the twentieth century. As editor Arwin Tan writes in his preface, the “book is intended to be used in the teaching of Philippine music history” and is meant to “cater to the general public’s interest” (xvi). The result is a volume of 50 chapters averaging six to nine pages from a group of 29 scholars, most of whom have connections of some sort to the University of the Philippines. Authors include faculty members of the University of the Philippines College of Music, esteemed figures in Philippine art and academia such as Ramón Santos and Resil Mojares, recently minted PhDs, and a small number of doctoral students and musician- scholars. The chapters are organized around six general themes. These include (1) transmission of music, (2) musical heritage, (3) politics and music, (4) music economy, (5) popular culture, and (6) music communities. Individual topics include but are not limited to audience reception of and writing about music in Manila in various decades; overviews of particular genres or styles— including folk music traditions, rondalla, zarzuela (sarsuwela), bodabil, and opera—in the Philippines; music pedagogy in the Philippines; systems for printing, publishing, selling, and copyrighting music in Manila; and the intersections of US imperialism with music education and performance. The chapters can broadly be grouped into two general approaches. First, many authors offer an encyclopedic- type entry about a particular topic. For example, Isi Miranda outlines a brief history of the musical- theater form zarzuela, Raul Casantusan Navarro provides a history of the Philippines national anthem, José Buenconsejo (who wrote three chapters) analyzes a medley of Tagalog songs from the 1880s, and Arwin Tan (six chapters) covers topics such as the first Tagalog music...

Fighting an Empire for the Good of the Empire?

Abstract This article traces Irish responses to the crisis of the Hispanic monarchy (1808–25) and the struggle for sovereignty in Spanish America, comparing reactions in Ireland to those of the Irish diasporic community in the United States. It argues that although the Irish were overwhelmingly sympathetic to the cause of the insurgents in Spanish America, their support took different forms and meanings. Whereas contemporaries in Ireland saw the benefits of Spanish American independence for the prosperity and security of the British Empire, Irish radical exiles in New York or Philadelphia viewed the struggle as an opportunity to emphasize the validity of revolutionary and republican principles across the New World. In stressing the relevance of the geopolitical context and of transnational interactions to the development of contradicting imperial and anticolonial views, the article moves beyond prevailing narratives of military involvement and highlights the richness of the Irish experience of the Age of Revolutions.

The league against imperialism, national liberation, and the economic question

AbstractThe League Against Imperialism (LAI) was an international organization active from 1927 to 1937 that brought together communists, socialists, nationalists, trade unionists, and pacifists in order to coordinate their myriad ‘assaults against empire’. Founded with the support of the Communist International, the LAI at its peak had a membership of several hundred people, from every inhabited continent, among them prominent interwar activists and future heads of state. The organization aspired both to become an international movement and to coordinate specific instances of mass struggle. Exploring both aspects shows how the LAI interwove the global and the local in interwar anti-imperialist movements. This article draws from recent work on interwar anti-imperialism and internationalism as well as work on struggles for economic sovereignty in the 1960s–70s to argue that a critical aspect of the LAI’s anti-imperial politics concerned the relationship between political independence and the world economy. Through an examination of LAI members’ writings and public addresses, we can observe this relationship through the staging of their own claims for self-rule and control over land, labour, and resources.

An Unequal Ethiopia in an Unequal World: Global and Domestic Hierarchies in Afäwärḳ Gäbrä-Iyyäsus’s and Käbbädä Mikael’s Political Thought (1908 and 1949)

ABSTRACT The Ethiopian empire retained its political independence through the European Scramble for Africa. The imperial elites oversaw the transformation of the empire into a territorially-bounded state, part of an international system of states regulated by international law and by international institutions such as the League of Nations, and later the UN. Ethiopian intellectuals were keenly aware that Ethiopia had joined this international system from a subordinated position and that its sovereignty remained at risk. The struggle for sovereignty was fought not only at a diplomatic level, but also at a narrative level. Afäwärḳ Gäbrä-Iyyäsus’s 1908 Traveller’s Guide to Abyssinia and Käbbädä Mikael’s 1949 Ethiopia and Western Civilisation pushed back against the European depiction of Ethiopia as intrinsically inferior and intrinsically unable to develop. Both Afäwärḳ and Käbbädä rejected the rigid determinism of stagist models of development, and argued that Ethiopia and Europe were natural allies by virtue of their shared Christian heritage. Global power hierarchies rigidified Ethiopia’s domestic power hierarchies. The article shows how the way in which Afäwärḳ and Käbbädä defended Ethiopia’s place in an unequal world had important consequences on their vision of domestic nation building, resulting in hierarchical assimilationist policies that marginalised Ethiopia’s non-Christian citizens.

Political Thought and the Struggle for Sovereignty in Ethiopian-Japanese Relations (1927–1936)

Ethiopia and Japan tightened their diplomatic and economic relationships between 1927 and 1931. Haile Selassie and the “progressive” intellectuals around him were striving to strengthen Ethiopia’s claim to sovereignty. Japan as an example of non-white success added ammunition to their claim that Ethiopia had a right to sit at the table of the "great nations". The Japanese government sought to expand its trade, and probably understood its economic penetration in Ethiopia as a tentative imperial foothold in the African continent. The two governments never envisioned the alliance as a substitute for their respective pro-Western foreign policy, but sectors of their societies thought otherwise. Both the Young Ethiopians and the Japanese Pan-Asianists were critical of their respective governments’ capitalist internationalism and thought that the racism that shaped Western attitudes towards non-Europeans should be antagonised, not appeased. The analysis of the international context with which Ethiopian elites had to contend allows us to recontextualise and reframe the “alienation debate” in Ethiopian intellectual history. The “turn to Japan” should not be understood as an xenophilic infatuation with a fashionable foreign model, but on the contrary as a sophisticated and calculated response to the international relations of the time.

Two‐eyed‐seeing/Etuaptmumkin the colonial archive: Reflections on participatory archival research

AbstractDue to their origins and purpose, institutional archives present us with a set of limits when we seek to use them in struggles against colonialism. Here we explore to what extent we can negotiate those limits and practice participatory historical research. In particular, we explore how our project's direction by Indigenous methodology, a Two‐Eyed Seeing approach, influenced our relationship with the colonial archive. The research reported on in this paper involved establishing a historical narrative from Canadian federal and provincial colonial archives. This narrative was used in conjunction with oral histories from and interviews with Elders and Knowledge‐holders of the Mi'kmaq Nation to document the emergence of social assistance policy as a central aspect of colonial processes. Our historical research was, thus, explicitly tied to understanding the Mi'kmaw struggle for sovereignty in the colonial present. Here we sketch out aspects of our attempt to navigate between the colonial past and colonial present using a participatory approach to the historical geographies of Indigenous–settler relations.

Wahi Pana Aloha ʻĀina: Storied Places of Resistance as Political Intervention

Wahi pana aloha ʻāina, storied places of resistance, is a historical and political research device that perpetuates contemporary Hawaiian sovereignty history, and can serve as a political intervention between Kanaka (Hawaiian people) and the State of Hawaiʻi. Wahi pana aloha ʻāina are places where movements and resistance in the name of aloha ʻāina occur. Aloha ʻāina is a founding quintessential concept to a Hawaiian worldview and epistemology. The genealogy of aloha ʻāina traditions, equipped generations of Kanaka with environmental keenness through a deep love for and connection to the land. During the illegal overthrow of the Kingdom of Hawaiʻi in the 1890s, aloha ʻāina became the political identity of Kanaka in the struggle for sovereignty of Hawaiʻi during the illegal encroachment by the United States. In the 1970’s during the Hawaiian renaissance (cultural re-awakening), leaders of the Protect Kahoʻolawe ʻOhana (the group who organized the first contemporary resistance by Kanaka against the U.S.) re-discovered and reclaimed aloha ʻāina to re-awaken the Hawaiian consciousness after decades of imposed American indoctrination. The Hawaiian renaissance led to a series of land movements that arose in opposition to America’s control of Hawaiian lands and became the basis for the Hawaiian Sovereignty Movement, or, the current Hawaiian political movement for better self-determination and the return of Hawaiʻi’s sovereignty to Kanaka. This legacy of storied places of resistance has been effectively written over by colonial historiography and the State of Hawaii’s legacy of American expansionism. This has manifested into a legacy of prejudice in the State of Hawaiʻi judicial system that favors non-Kanaka entities, initiatives and agendas, while disapproving and discrediting Kanaka self-determination initiatives and sovereignty agendas. Due to this, there is no concern from the State of Hawaiʻi in remedying the political conflicts that arise between Kanaka and the State. I argue that the normalization of wahi pana aloha ʻāina, can assist Kanaka in overcoming the negative impact of the colonial footprint of the State of Hawaiʻi over Kanaka ancestral legacies and land histories, and be used to reclaim Kanaka land rights. In this paper, I lay out the research behind the theory of wahi pana aloha ʻāina, and how it functions as a research tool in the field of Kanaka land struggles, with a specific focus on historical colonial resistance. Second, I exemplify the use of wahi pana aloha ʻāina through telling the story of the wahi pana aloha ʻāina of my own moʻokūʻauhau (genealogy) in Keaukaha on the Big Island of Hawaiʻi, and how my family and community maintain our moʻokūʻauhau and kuleana (rights/privilege/responsibility) through the practice of perpetuating wahi pana aloha ʻāina.

The Cold War: A World History

The Cold War: A World History

КООРДИНАЦІЯ ДІЙ США ТА ЄВРОПИ ЩОДО ПІДТРИМКИ УКРАЇНИ, ОНОВЛЕННЯ АЛЬЯНСУ ТА ЗАХИСТУ ЄВРОПЕЙСЬКИХ ЦІННОСТЕЙ

The purpose of the article is to research a new stage of improving the coordination of efforts and deepening U.S.-European cooperation aimed at further strengthening transatlantic security and supporting Ukraine in the struggle for its sovereignty. The current study considers the grounds and escalation of the current Russian aggression against Ukraine; the impact of the undeclared war against Ukraine on the United States and the European community; American and European support to Ukraine, including military assistance; reasons and steps to renew the transatlantic alliance; the struggle of Ukraine for its independence and sovereignty as well as the protection of Europe and its democratic values. The methodological basis of the study is a set of general and special research methods. The system method made it possible to consider the renewal of the transatlantic alliance and the strengthening of coordination between the United States and European countries as a systemic process. In particular, the strengthening of American-European cooperation is considered as a response to the Russian-Ukrainian policy since 2014 and the escalation of armed aggression against Ukraine that is a unique state of the European geopolitical space and a powerful champion of European and universal values. Also, improving coordination between transatlantic partners is studied through the prism of comprehensive assistance to Ukraine in its struggle for sovereignty. Moreover, the prospects of strengthening mutual coordination in the transatlantic space are considered in the institutional and legal planes. The comparative method helped to analyze the volume and effectiveness of aid to Ukraine from the United States and European countries and to consider the dynamics of the renewal of the transatlantic partnership. The objective research was based on statistical methods and event data analysis, which made it possible to consider how current events in Ukraine affected the international political situation. Finally, the historical method was applied to investigate the cause-and-effect relationships of events, as well as to determine the role of Ukraine in European civilizational processes. With the help of the historical method, it has been proved that during centuries Ukraine was, is, and remains the most important structural link of European civilization. The scientific novelty consists in an attempt to comprehensively study the ongoing cooperation between the United States and European countries under the influence of the escalation of Russia’s armed aggression against Ukraine. This issue is considered through the prospect of Ukraine’s unique historical role in the defense of European civilization and general democratic values. The authors conclude that it was the armed aggression against Ukraine that contributed to the renewal of the transatlantic partnership. Currently, the United States and European partners have coordinated their efforts around assisting Ukraine and finding effective ways to restructure the transatlantic security system. It becomes obvious that Ukraine is a historically unique state on the territory of Europe, and its victory in the struggle for its sovereignty is a guarantee of a peaceful and safe future of the entire transatlantic space.

YOUTH ORGANIZATIONS OF THE OUN OF THE KAMIANETS-PODIL REGION IN THE STRATEGY OF THE UKRAINIAN MOVEMENT OF RESISTANCE TO THE SOVIET REGIME

Annotation. The purpose of the study is to characterize the place of youth in the development of ideological practices of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists. Highlight the tasks of youth organizations, in particular youth groups in the territory of Kamianets-Podilskyi region. To evaluate youth organizations as one of the key elements of Ukrainian resistance in the coordinate system of the Ukrainian movement of resistance to the totalitarian regime. The research methodology is based on the principles of historicism, objectivity, comprehensiveness, integrity, systematicity, and methods of analysis and synthesis, historical-genetic, historical-comparative, historical-typological, problem-chronological. The scientific novelty lies in the fact that the author shows the connection between the activities of youth organizations and the implementation of the tasks of spreading and establishing centers of the national liberation movement by the Main Branch of the OUN. A number of archival sources and scientific intelligence testify to the active participation of young people in the struggle for independence and sovereignty of Ukraine. This can be clearly observed in the history of Ukraine starting from the Battle of Kruty and in the modern Russian-Ukrainian war. The article proves the importance of the functioning of youth organizations and the specifics of their activities and tasks. From the above, we can conclude that the youth played an important role in the struggle, development and functioning of the OUN, and at the same time strengthened the Ukrainian spirit and in the future was able to keep the desire to fight in their families and pass on the idea of Ukraine's independence to the future generation.

Sámi Media and Indigenous Agency in the Arctic North

Sámi Media and Indigenous Agency in the Arctic North

ОБРАЗ ЖІНКИ-БОРЦЯ В ПОЕЗІЇ ОЛЕНИ ТЕЛІГИ

The original vision of the role of women in the struggle for national freedom is presented by the work of Olena Teliha, a Ukrainian diaspora writer. The work of the author is closely related to the Prague school - a community of artists who emigrated to Europe in the first half of the 20th century. The writers of this literary circle in their artistic and journalistic texts nurtured the ideas of nationalism and emphasized the need to form an effective Ukrainian, a man of rank, capable of defending and building an independent state. The lyrical and journalistic works of Olena Teliha also actualize these problems. The author believed that a woman's mission in the struggle for state sovereignty is to become a friend, and moral support for male warriors, and, if necessary, also to take up arms. The writer's artistic work has a feminist sound, but the author's views on the role and place of women in society are not entirely consistent with the ideas of the philosophy of feminism. The article focuses on the analysis of Olena Teliha's poems «To Men», «Answer», «Evening Song», «Evening», «I will not forgive the hand that beat me...», and «Everything awaits: both despair and resentment». The study of these works from the standpoint of feminist criticism proved that their lyrical heroine is a gentle and affectionate woman who is a life-giving force for a man-warrior, and defender of the state. At the same time, she is a morally strong and strong-willed person, capable of taking up arms at critical times and courageously defending her land on par with her husband. The woman in the author's poetry is ready to forgive her chosen one and the world everything, except the humiliation of her human dignity. The harmony of the world in her lyrics is based on the idea of parity in the relationship between men and women. Olena Teliha's lyrical works testify that the author was a national-centric feminist. A woman, in the author's understanding, must remain gentle with her husband, and devoted to him, and when the latter has a mission to protect his state, she must become a friend and ally in the struggle.

NATIONAL IDENTITY AS PART OF A CULTURAL POLICY IN MACEDONIA (2006-2016)

The objective of this paper is to investigate, analyze and evaluate the cultural policy in Macedonia embodied in the government's Skopje 2014 project, particularly in the Museum of Macedonian struggle for sovereignty and independence, the Museum of VMRO and the Museum of the Victims of the Communist Regime= by putting the emphasis on the post-communist politics of memory, which is used for reshaping the post-communist national identity.

THE CONFLICT AND POST-CONFLICT ISLAMIZATION OF CHECHNYA AS SOCIAL AND POLITICAL PHENOMENON

The article is aimed to reveal the influence of religious factor on the conflict and post-conflict societal and political spheres of the Chechen Republic. The study is based on the retrospective and discourse analysis of central and republican newspapers, interviews and speeches of political leaders, publications of the Spiritual Administration of Muslims of the Chechen Republic, materials of opposition and hostile Internet resources. The study identifies several phases of the Islamization of Chechnya: 1) an attempt to create an Islamic state during the struggle for sovereignty; 2) the choice of Akhmad Kadyrov in favor of loyalty to the federal center and adherence to traditional Islam in defiance of the Wahhabi project; 3) Wahhabism, which had not taken root in Chechnya, went into the cyber underground, and its supporters joined the “Global Jihad”; 4) today’s penetration of traditional Islam into social (school, family, gender relations) and political (local and regional administration, international relations) life of the republic. The restoration of the role of Islam as an important social, moral and political regulator demonstrates the possibility of new gaps between secular society and the political system of modern Russia and Chechnya as a part of the country.

A Global History of Runaways: Workers, Mobility, and Capitalism, 1600–1850

A Global History of Runaways: Workers, Mobility, and Capitalism, 1600–1850

Pine-ing for a Voice: Vegetal agencies, New Materialism and State Control through the Wollemi Pine

Attending to Wollemia nobilis (Wollemi Pine), we read this plant as ensconced and mobilised by political and politicised forces, towards distinct colonial and imperial ends. Seeking to work beyond a language of flowers, we attune to the appropriation and weaponisation of plants; a language beyond the merely decorative or affective, towards understandings of plants performing agency and political power. Our reading of the Wollemi pine emerges from the scorched summer of 2019/2020, in which much of Australia caught alight, and during which the Wollemi was placed in danger of disappearing for a second, and perhaps final, time. A prehistoric tree, long thought extinct, before its rediscovery in 1994, the Wollemi holds special significance, but further, value within an Australian cultural context. In light of this significance, the Wollemi is apprehended and manipulated towards political ends. Within the frame of this text, we consider not only the contemporary diplomacy and governance within which the Wollemi is ensnared, but too, the legacies of Invasion and colonisation which support the mobilisation of the Wollemi in this manner. Framing our approach within the broader context of contemporary ecological theory and in a manner attentive to frames of New Materialism, we engage with the entanglements of plant language, agency and being — as a means through which we can attune to our shared mattering and ongoing struggles for sovereignty amidst a rapidly changing natural world.

Brett Whalen. The Two Powers: The Papacy, the Empire, and the Struggle for Sovereignty in the Thirteenth Century.

B<scp>rett</scp> W<scp>halen</scp>. <i>The Two Powers: The Papacy, the Empire, and the Struggle for Sovereignty in the Thirteenth Century</i>.

We are (not) monkeys

ABSTRACTIn 2019 anti‐racism protests erupted across the Indonesian‐controlled region of West Papua. Organized largely by Papuan students, the protests expressed Papuans’ frustration with their oppression at the hands of the Indonesian state. During the protests, Papuan demonstrators repurposed the racialized figure of the monkey—a species routinely deployed in Indonesian discourse to deprecate Papuans as primitive and backward. In doing so, they harnessed the monkey's animality to support their demands for emancipation from Indonesian rule and to redeem nonhuman beings as consequential and meaningful entities in their own right. In this context, the monkey as political symbol undermined, legitimized, and enabled processes of collective identification among Indigenous activists. The animal's symbolic mobilization in turn foregrounded the more‐than‐human dimensions of Papuans’ struggle for sovereignty—one in which humans and nonhumans sit in alternately indexical or antithetical relation to each other as contested cosmopolitical actors and world makers. [racism, political symbols, monkeys, cosmopolitics, sovereignty, West Papua, Indonesia]

مقدمات غزو الفضاء بين القوتين الأکبر الاتحاد السوفييتي والولايات المتحدة الأمريکية بين عامي 1957-1969م

يتناول هذا البحث دراسة مقدمات غزو الفضاء بين القوتين الکبرتين الاتحاد السوفييتي والولايات المتحدة الأمريکية بين عامي 1957 – 1969م. يحاول البحث دراسة التعريف اللغوي لغزو الفضاء، ثم رحلة الإنسان نحو اکتشاف الفضاء خيالا وتجربة منذ أقد العصور حتى القرن العشرين، وکيف بدأ التنافس السوفييتي الأمريکي نحو غزوه وتوضيح لماذا صار هناک صراع على السيادة في الفضاء؟ وما أهمية غزو الفضاء لدى القوتين الأکبر؟ والآثار الناجمة عن ذلک. تأتي أهمية هذا البحث في التوصل إلى النتائج التي دفعت القوتين الکبرتين لاتخاذ ساحة الفضاء مسرحا للقتال، واتخذ شکلا أو هيئة مختلفة عن القتال الذي نعرفه، إلى أن اتضح هذا القتال عن نواياه، فکشف السبب الرئيس جراء مقدمات غزو الفضاء. Abstract: This research deals with the study of the preceding factors of the space invasion between the two superpowers, the Soviet Union and the United States of America between 1957 - 1969. The research attempts to study the linguistic definition of the conquest of space, then the human journey towards discovering space as an imagined concept and experience from the earliest times until the twentieth century, how the Soviet-American rivalry in their conquest began, and clarifying why there has become a struggle for sovereignty in space? and what is the importance of invading space with the two big powers and the resulting effects? The importance of this research lies in arriving at the results that prompted the two superpowers to choose space as a scene for battling, and took a different form of fighting than the norm, until this fighting became clear of its intentions, thus revealing the main reasons behind space invasion.