Southern Industries Research Articles

Electrificación dirigida por el Estado. El rol del sector público en la electrificación de la industria chilena, 1939-1955

The industrial electrification of the mid-20th century was crucial for Chilean industrialization. Developing acompetitive industry required modernization through the adoption of the electric engine to production therebyincreasing the consumption of electricity. During this process, however, the electric companies wentthrough the worst crisis in their history, causing extensive periods of restrictions, concentrated in the provincesthat led industrialization: Santiago and Valparaíso. Notwithstanding this, substantial public sector investmentsincreased the supply of electricity in southern provinces, allowing a sustained increase in industrialelectricity consumption. Comparing the industrial performance in two southern provinces (Concepción andÑuble) and two central provinces (Santiago and Valparaíso), it is argued that the availability of electricity,generated by the public sector, was decisive in the modernization of the southern industry, allowing it to reachhigher levels of labor productivity than the one in the center of the country.

Dr. Bobby Wilson and Southeastern Geographer

Dr. Bobby Wilson and Southeastern Geographer Brian Williams (bio) Professor Bobby Wilson’s enduring and paradigm-shifting influence on the geographical study of race and the United States South is evident in his longstanding engagement with the Southeastern Division of the American Association of Geographers, and his extensive contributions to this journal. The lifetime of scholarship that he leaves behind is a testament to his unwavering commitment to critically understanding and situating racism, resistance, and Black experience historically, and geographically. His scholarship is remarkable in its attention to both the everyday dimensions of racism, and the multiscalar political-economic relations that shape and reconstitute place and region. Dr. Wilson took a job at the University of Alabama-Birmingham in 1974, and published six articles in Southeastern Geographer over the next three decades (Wilson 1977, Wilson 1985, Wilson 1989, Wilson 1995, Wilson 2002a, Wilson 2007). As Dr. Wilson recounted in a 2019 interview, when he first moved to Birmingham, he frequented the public library downtown for his research. There, on a wall in the southern history section, he noticed a racial zoning map: They didn’t try to hide it…for a number of years it stayed up there. And that was a pivotal moment in my research. I finally figured out what I needed to do. And that’s where it all began. Birmingham. The industrial city of the South. Also one of the most significant places in the civil rights struggle. The dogs. The water hoses turned loose on kids remains a vivid issue in our heads today…I started from that point, I started from that particular point (Wilson 2019). His scholarly commitment to geographies of justice in the South started with place — in a library, in Birmingham, with racial zoning maps and the brazenly displayed injustice of institutionalized inequity — and tirelessly worked to situate, to reveal, to explain, and to denaturalize oppression. This anti-essentialist attention to tracing, contextualizing, and situating the geographies of racism and injustice animated his subsequent work. His project of “critically understanding race-connected practices” (Wilson 2002b, 32), as he would later term it, represented a lifetime of scholarship that transformed and enlivened both Southeastern Geographer and the discipline of geography more broadly. His first article in Southeastern Geographer looked at segregation patterns and the role of multifamily housing units and single family housing in housing opportunities for Black families in Birmingham (Wilson 1977). This article exhibited Dr. Wilson’s meticulous attention to the ways that racism takes place and shapes space. Though written in [End Page 192] the language of spatial science that dominated urban geographical scholarship in the pages of this journal at that time, this article exemplified his keen attention to the deep historical dynamics that shape racially uneven outcomes. Though in one sense modest in its scope and claims, this intervention represented a radical challenge to the work that dominated the pages of Southeastern Geographer at the time. In fact, readers of that issue of Southeastern Geographer would have first encountered Merle Prunty’s 1976 presidential address to SEDAAG, a sweeping discourse on southern industrialization, modernization, and culture, which universalizes the perspective of white southern men as the view of “the southerner” (Prunty 1977). Dr. Wilson published his second article in Southeastern Geographer at the height of the Reagan era, focusing on the history and reality of racial segregation in Birmingham, and its implications for Black residents of Birmingham (Wilson 1985). A crucial part of this history was the Medical Center Expansion Urban Renewal Project, which displaced almost 1,000 Black families to make way for the UAB medical center. Dr. Wilson only briefly mentions this fact in his article, but the brief implication of his employing institution must have represented a conscious decision, one borne of conviction and a scholarly dedication to justice. Although these first articles were couched in the conventional language of spatial science, they were strategic and important interventions, guided by his enduring commitment to people and place in Birmingham. They were also radical departures from the standard fare of Southeastern Geographer. From 1977 to 1985, the years of his first and second articles in Southeastern Geographer, there were only eight articles that focused on...

Assessment of radiometric hazards in the Southern Industrial Zone, Jeddah City, using car-borne gamma-ray spectrometry system

Assessment of radiometric hazards in the Southern Industrial Zone, Jeddah City, using car-borne gamma-ray spectrometry system

Modern Cronies: Southern Industrialism from Gold Rush to Convict Labor, 1829–1894 by Kenneth H. Wheeler

Reviewed by: Modern Cronies: Southern Industrialism from Gold Rush to Convict Labor, 1829–1894 by Kenneth H. Wheeler Scott Reynolds Nelson Modern Cronies: Southern Industrialism from Gold Rush to Convict Labor, 1829–1894. By Kenneth H. Wheeler. (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2021. Pp. [x], 187. Paper, $34.95, ISBN 978-0-8203-5752-2; cloth, $114.95, ISBN 978-0-8203-5750-8.) For Eugene Genovese, slavery doomed southern industrialization: "Southern banks," he tells us, emphasized "the movement of crops, the purchase of land and slaves, and little else" (Genovese, The Political Economy of Slavery: Studies in the Economy and Society of the Slave South [New York, 1965], p. 21]. In contrast, scholars of the new history of capitalism see no conflict between slavery and industry. By their lights enslaved workers in cotton, sugar, and tobacco fields made capital accumulation possible, and indeed fueled industrialization outside the South. Modern Cronies: Southern Industrialism from Gold Rush to Convict Labor, 1829–1894 pokes holes in both arguments. From the 1820s to the 1850s, as Kenneth H. Wheeler shows, an iron industry flourished in the coal and iron fields of Georgia, South Carolina, and Alabama that relied on crony capitalism. While Genovese is right that political power flowed to enslavers who relied on southern banks, these were not the stereotyped aristocratic planters of the black belt but temperance-obsessed Southern Baptists looking for gold. It was these men who persuaded the U.S. government to force Creeks and Cherokees from the mountain South. These slave-owning miners, flour millers, iron manufacturers, and railroad builders helped build up Atlanta before the Civil War. For these cronies, the end of slavery was only a hiccup, as Governor Joseph E. Brown and his teetotaling Baptist compatriots turned from enslaved people to convict laborers to build out the New South. The argument is interesting, not least because it forces the new history of capitalism historians to confront the intersection of slavery and Indian Removal. [End Page 557] For Wheeler, these lawyers, land speculators, and iron molders instigated removal when gold was discovered in Cherokee lands. Committed to railroads and urban progress, they next persuaded the Georgia legislature to fund building state-supported railroads into their gold, iron, and coal fields that they also happened to appoint themselves to run. Having used the federal government for Indian Removal, they then wheeled the southern states toward self-sufficiency, internal trade, and secession. Interestingly, John C. Calhoun was a player in this drama. Calhoun's high-yielding gold mines in Georgia's Lumpkin County built the fortune and political career of the man who became the architect of nullification. It was Calhoun who first suggested to Joseph E. Brown that Georgia's future prospects lay in the then little town of Atlanta, provided that railroads could link the Chattahoochee and Etowah Rivers to a spot at the foot of Stone Mountain, the world's largest granite mountain. While Modern Cronies spoils Genovese's story of a backward-looking slave society, I hoped that Wheeler could provide some quantitative evidence of how much iron and flour came out of Georgia's northwestern counties along the swiftly flowing Etowah River. Brown did extremely well, but as Wheeler's own work shows, his cronies' iron foundries, rolling mills, and flour mills failed with disturbing rapidity between the 1840s and the 1860s. And while surely the Western and Atlantic Railroad that connected the Etowah River to Atlanta did bring a boom to flour milling in the 1850s, the completion of multiple railways to the sea appears to have turned those same flourishing forges and flour mills into a mini rust belt by the late 1860s. Georgians could blame Union general William T. Sherman for burning their towns, but he did not cause flour and steel prices to drop after the war. An economist might argue that this is precisely the problem with crony capitalism historically, that it often led the state to fund manufacturing that could not last. The new capitalism historians, who are inclined to see Indian Removal as another example of settler colonialism, have much to learn as well. It was not planters but would-be gold miners who painted targets...

Research on customer’s electricity consumption behavior pattern

The fine-grained customer load data provides a large amount of information for the analysis of customer’s electricity consumption behavior pattern. Therefore, this paper proposes an algorithm for identifying the electricity consumption patterns of electric power users based on k-means algorithm. Our method is verified on the electricity consumption data of Irish residents and Shanghai Southern Industrial and Commercial users. The experimental results show that our method can divide the curves with similar electricity consumption patterns efficiently.

Enslaved Financing of Southern Industry: The Nesbitt Manufacturing Company of South Carolina, 1836–1850

Incorporated on the eve of the Panic of 1837, the Nesbitt Manufacturing Company of South Carolina owned and hired enslaved individuals to labor in their ironworks, but they also leveraged the market value of this enslaved property by exchanging them for shares of company stock and offering them as collateral in loan contracts. These slaveholders actively experimented with increasingly sophisticated financial tools and institutions in order to facilitate investment, market exchange, and profit maximization within the system of enslavement. Although historians have examined the role of enslaved labor in industrial concerns, they have largely ignored their role in the financing of these operations. Understanding the multiple ways that southerners were turning enslaved property into liquid, flexible financial assets is essential to understanding the depth and breadth of the system of enslavement. In doing so, we can move beyond questions of whether slavery was compatible with industrialization specifically and capitalism more broadly, to an understanding of how slavery and capitalism interacted to promote southern economic development in the antebellum period. At the same time, the experience of the Nesbitt Company reveals the limits of enslaved financing. The aftermath of the Panic of 1837 demonstrated that the market value of enslaved property was much more volatile than enslavers cared to admit. Although southerners could often endure this volatility in the case of enslaved laborers working on plantations or in factories, it made the financialization of slavery a much riskier endeavor for an emerging industrial regime.

Industrial Development and Manufacturing in the Antebellum Gulf South: A Reevaluation by Michael S. Frawley (review).

Reviewed by: Industrial Development and Manufacturing in the Antebellum Gulf South: A Reevaluation by Michael S. Frawley Gregory A. Hargreaves (bio) Industrial Development and Manufacturing in the Antebellum Gulf South: A Reevaluation By Michael S. Frawley. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2019. Pp. 195. Down in Dixie (the southern United States) they did things differently. Or did they? Twentieth century historians, from Ulrich B. Philips to Eugene Genovese, argued that industrialization was incompatible with the antebellum (pre-Civil War) Southern economy of enslavement. Misled by the comparative scale of Northern industrial capital, or convinced of the essential backwardness of slavery, they wondered, where were the mills and mines, the foundries and factories of the slave South? Michael S. Frawley insists that, in fact, they were everywhere. In his concise reassessment of Southern industrialization, Frawley demonstrates how incomplete data and generations of misinterpretation have clouded our perception of the scope and significance of antebellum Southern industry. Marshalling new evidence and methods, he argues that industrial concerns in Gulf Coast states were more numerous than previously documented, and that industry and manufacturing were not aberrations but "firmly integrated" into the landscape and society of the antebellum South. In so doing, Frawley contributes to a growing body of scholarship that places the capitalist economy of enslavement in the mainstream of United States history—and debunks the myth of the Lost Cause. Frawley defines his study area as three Gulf Coast states: Alabama, Mississippi, and Texas. Historians of technology may take interest in this geographical choice. Antebellum industry in the Upper South is comparatively well attested in the scholarship; this book breaks new ground in the less-familiar Deep South. The close association of this region with cotton monoculture has obscured its early industrialization. Frawley's portrait of [End Page 1289] industry in the Gulf South would be familiar to those who have studied contemporary industry in the Northeast or Midwest: urban and rural manufacturing, water- and steam-powered processing of food and fiber crops, and extraction and processing of primary materials, laced together by a system of riverine and railroad transportation. By 1860, the three-state region possessed 1,922 miles of railroad and employed around 20,000 manufacturing workers. Plantation capitalists invested in textile milling to convert the region's cotton staple into finished goods. Coal mining and iron production marked their move toward heavier industry, and Alabama served as the focus of the Gulf South iron and coal complex. In terms of scale, Southern industry ca. 1860 was on par with Northern industry ca. 1850, a significant gap, but one that shows the regions shared a developmental trajectory. Frawley frowns upon direct comparisons between North and South, since it has led prior scholars to overlook Southern industrialization, but his work demonstrates that technical and economic development in the antebellum Deep South was part of the United States mainstream. Rather than compare it with the North, Frawley prefers to measure the Southern industrial base against the mythologized belief in an entirely agrarian antebellum South. It is notoriously difficult to combat myths with data, but Frawley does useful work when he tracks Southern apologists creating the myth of a pastoral South through generations of Lost Cause obfuscation. Architects of the Lost Cause myth, like Edward Alfred Pollard, explained away battlefield losses by imagining a pastoral Confederacy steamrolled by an industrial Union. Prior to the war, however, Southern industrialization had advanced sufficiently to support four years of fighting. Slavery introduced no significant barriers to capital-intensive industrialization. The purpose of slavery was to create reserves of inexpensive labor, a key factor in industrial production. As Frawley demonstrates, Gulf South locations with high capital investment in enslaved people also had high capital investment in manufacturing and industry. Enslaved workers built railroads, mined ores, and toiled on factory floors. Specialists may not need this reminder, but the continuing influence of the Lost Cause myth in American politics makes Frawley's autopsy valuable. The most appealing aspects of this book are Frawley's meticulous attention to sources and innovative methods. Prior scholars relied heavily upon the 1860 Census manufacturing schedules, which Frawley found to be incomplete in his study area. Combining census data with information from...

Industrial Development and Manufacturing in the Antebellum Gulf South: A Reevaluation by Michael S. Frawley

Reviewed by: Industrial Development and Manufacturing in the Antebellum Gulf South: A Reevaluation by Michael S. Frawley James Sanders Day Industrial Development and Manufacturing in the Antebellum Gulf South: A Reevaluation. By Michael S. Frawley. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2019. Pp. xvi, 195. $45.00, ISBN 978-0-8071-7068-7.) Asserting that southern industry was well developed before the American Civil War, Michael S. Frawley contends that historians who compare northern and southern industry miss the mark. In fact, industrial development in the South lagged behind the North by a decade. Nevertheless, southern industry, when evaluated on its own merits, represented a viable industrial base by 1860. Debunking traditional views that slave labor compromised the basic tenets of free enterprise, Frawley posits that slaves “served as both labor and capital for antebellum southern industry” (p. 92). The combination of plantation-based [End Page 470] agriculture and industrial production constituted “pure and simple” capitalism (p. 95). Consequently, entrepreneurs invested money in whatever would earn a profit. Citing DeBow’s Review, Frawley notes that the slave population eventually exceeded the number of agricultural jobs, thus creating the need for industry. Cotton production generated profits, and planters invested those proceeds in land, slaves, and manufacturing. Although industrial output always ran second to “King Cotton,” the development of southern industry proved significant. Addressing several historiographical arguments, Frawley confirms that former studies tended to corroborate preconceived notions—the institution of slavery was incompatible with industrial development; industry disrupted the agrarian way of life; and industry was not integrated into southern society. In contrast, he argues that the Panic of 1837 prompted planters to invest in industry to counter agricultural slumps, thereby leading to a diverse southern economy. Frawley examines A Deplorable Scarcity: The Failure of Industrialization in the Slave Economy by Fred Bateman and Thomas Weiss (Chapel Hill, 1981), one of the first cliometric studies of southern industry. This work, grounded in the 1860 manufacturing census, arrived at conclusions that Frawley describes as inconclusive and unrepresentative. He argues that census marshals failed to record approximately 20 percent of all manufacturing firms in the Gulf South. Therefore, in addition to the 1860 census, he considers “all available sources” using a “geographic perspective” (p. 17). For example, applying Geographical Information System (GIS) software, he charts and maps the combined effects of physical environment, technology, and social institutions. Moreover, he consults newspapers and journals, city and county directories, R. G. Dun and Company credit reports, and local histories to determine that industry was more widespread in the South than previously thought. Having created a vast database of Gulf South industrial firms operating in 1860, Frawley concentrates on Alabama, Mississippi, and Texas, three states that constituted the richest part of the Gulf South region. He also presents five major themes: location, organization, and ownership; resources and raw materials; transportation and markets; capital and labor; and production and scale. As the southern economy expanded, a growing transportation network connected roads, rivers, and railroads. Rivers were the dominant transportation routes, facilitating trade both upstream and downstream. Railroad construction complemented river traffic by connecting remote areas to outside markets and by linking interior points to nearby rivers or to the coast. Consequently, southern industry developed along railroad lines and in areas rich in raw materials. Ultimately, Frawley constructs a convincing argument. Refusing to evaluate southern industry by looking backward through the lens of the Civil War, he uses maps, tables, and charts to present data in digestible form. Too extensive for publication in book form, his Appendix C (located on a personal website) provides 140 additional pages of pertinent information. Although he seems to ignore the reality of nonstandard gauges, he concludes properly that southern railroads were designed to support local and regional trade, not to provide logistical support for a major war. Configured for a peacetime economy, much of southern industry was “worn out or destroyed” by the Civil War’s end [End Page 471] (p. 125). In summary, Frawley suggests that southern industrial development before the Civil War might have represented “the beginning of the ‘New’ South” (p. 127). James Sanders Day University of Montevallo Copyright © 2020 The Southern Historical Association

Engines of Redemption: Railroads and the Reconstruction of Capitalism in the New South by R. Scott Huffard Jr.

Reviewed by: Engines of Redemption: Railroads and the Reconstruction of Capitalism in the New South by R. Scott Huffard Jr. Steven E. Nash Engines of Redemption: Railroads and the Reconstruction of Capitalism in the New South. By R. Scott Huffard Jr. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2019. Pp. 324.) Generations of scholars have debated the degree of continuity or discontinuity in the South’s transition from “Old” to “New.” Railroads are a critical part of this story of industrial transformation, and they are the focus of [End Page 56] R. Scott Huffard Jr.’s Engines of Redemption: Railroads and the Reconstruction of Capitalism in the New South. Building on a current historiographical reassessment of the capitalistic nature of the pre–Civil War South, Huffard sees the railroad boom of the 1880s and 1890s as an expansion of earlier practices. In the post-Reconstruction South, railroads served as tangible capitalist development that Huffard analyzes in some unique ways. Moving beyond track mileage and corporate ledger books, Huffard blends top down sources like political correspondence, company records, and newspapers with “mentalities, mores, and stories” to show how the South embraced the capitalist ethos of the railroad while utilizing the region’s deep-rooted racial hierarchies to paper over capitalism’s more destructive elements (4). Huffard roots his argument in the New Orleans Exposition of 1884–85, where the South displayed all its “commodities” to investors. He calls the exposition’s vision of reunion through capitalist development the “phantasmagoria,” a sort of waking dream of capitalistic standardization, creative destruction, and consolidation. For all its bluster and bravado, the southern railroad phantasmagoria was fragile. White southern boosters used it to preach reunion and court outside investment. By portraying everything as for sale in the South, these boosters constructed narratives that excused the failures and excesses of this capitalistic fever dream as well. Newspaper editors deflected criticism of higher accident mortality in the South, due to cheaper, and often inferior, construction methods as the work of often fictive train wreckers. When trains linked new towns and previously marginalized regions of the South to a national capitalistic system, they often brought diseases such as yellow fever with them. The proliferation of express routes laden with wealth sparked the rise of outlaws. White New South boosters went to great lengths to absolve the railroad and capitalism of any fault in these developments, but Huffard argues that these unintended and dangerous consequences were products of the railroad system. The destruction of space and time that made labor, passengers, and goods more mobile also threatened to destroy the railroad phantasmagoria. One of the crucial elements of Huffard’s analysis is the issue of race. Railroads had a profound impact on southern race relations, notably in terms of labor, mobility, consumption, and segregation of public spaces, in the 1880s and 1890s. On the one hand, railroad companies employed African Americans and offered them the type of well-paying jobs that no other southern industry would. White southerners met these challenges by reshaping notions of black criminality (fears of anonymous, mobile Black men) and pushing Black workers into railroad jobs that conformed to their racial imagination (manual laborers and porters). Most importantly, the New Orleans Exposition’s vision of all the South’s resources as commodities included [End Page 57] African American bodies. Black convict laborers laid mile upon mile of railroad track across the South. In his reassessment of the South’s capitalistic development in the late nineteenth century, Huffard connects the convict labor system, which commodified Black men’s bodies, to slavery. Viewing convict labor as capitalism taken to its extreme, Huffard forges new links between the Old and New South. Engines of Redemption is a strong piece of historical scholarship that carefully blends and interprets a variety of sources. Some readers might question why the author devoted little attention to the railroad work of Reconstruction. Other readers might wish that Huffard explored the issue of boosterism further, comparing the rhetoric and effort of railroad companies to other industries such as textiles, coal mining, and other manufacturing endeavors. Railroads may have been the common thread in regional industrialization, but a stronger comparison may have demonstrated the pervasiveness...

Southern Industries: A Realistic Simulation of Substantive Testing for Accounts Receivable

ABSTRACT This case helps prepare students for internships and careers in the audit profession by providing them with a realistic simulation of year-end substantive testing of Accounts Receivable. Students are given an audit program for testing management's assertions for the Accounts Receivable balance, and they are provided realistic supporting documentation with which to conduct their tests. Throughout the simulation, students will perform the following procedures: (1) identifying the correct supporting documents for each test and how to perform the required test work, (2) learning how to properly document their findings, (3) identifying any audit issues that arise during the performance of their test work, (4) rendering judgment for common issues that arise during the audit of the revenue cycle, (5) tying the supporting work papers to the trial balance and financial statements, and (6) understanding how an auditor can provide reasonable assurance about an account balance through substantive test work.

Reindustrialization of Old Industrial Regions in the South of Russia: Trends, Potential, Risks

In modern conditions, re-industrialization in Russia is aimed at leveling the trend of reducing the share of the manufacturing industry in the GRP of a number of old-industrial regions in recent years due to the implementation of the strategy of restoring the leading role of industry, transition to a new technological structure, the formation of productive forces. The article deals with the problem of modernizing the economy of the old industrial regions of the South of Russia based on the restoration of the industrial sector of the economy on a modern technological basis. It was noted that during the years of market reforms in the South Russian regions (Rostov, Volgograd, Astrakhan regions) almost all mining enterprises were closed, the activities of many enterprises of mechanical engineering, machine-tool construction, instrument engineering, enterprises for the production of bearings, fabrics, footwear were curtailed, which led to the destruction of existing industrial chains and provoked a new liquidation of production in other regions, the loss of its southern industry positions in the structure of the national economy. The main trends in the industrial development of the South Russian regions, which are reflected in a change in the distribution of economic activity and population in space, as well as in a change in the properties of the economic space of the region, are identified. The specific development factors are defined. They include multistructured regional economy and high dependence on economic instability factors in neighboring countries. It was concluded that it is necessary to move from the implementation of point projects to a comprehensive solution of the problems of structural imbalance in the regional economy related to increasing the capitalization level of the industrial modernization potential. The authors concluded that the strategy of re-industrialization should be based on the priority development of industrial production, allowing to enhance synergistic effects through a rational combination of the economic potentials of industrial production in central and peripheral territories of southern Russia.

Farm to Factory: Secondary Road Building and the Rural Industrial Geography of Post–World War II North Carolina

Farm to Factory:Secondary Road Building and the Rural Industrial Geography of Post–World War II North Carolina Tyler Gray Greene (bio) Like boosters in hundreds of southern communities during the post–World War II era, the members of the Nebo Men's Club of McDowell County, North Carolina, wanted to bring new industry to their town. As a rural county in the Carolina foothills, however, McDowell could not match the amenities offered by the metropolitan areas of the emerging Sun Belt. Nonetheless, the club believed, as one of its promotional brochures insisted, that "small towns offer big opportunities." The brochure touted the advent of mechanized farming for "[making] available in many areas a supply of intelligent, high caliber, native-born men and women who can be quickly and economically trained to the skills of industry." Moreover, the ad implied, rural North Carolina was no backwater. Thanks to investments in the state's rural transportation system, factories could locate far from large cities without sacrificing access to national markets or a local labor supply. As if to highlight the newfound ease of relocating to McDowell, the advertisement featured an image of a well-dressed businessman striding confidently forward with a briefcase in one hand and a model of a factory held aloft in the other. The headline accompanying the image asked, "Want to Put It Down in a Small Town?"1 The brochure was one piece of a much larger effort, begun in the 1930s, to recruit out-of-state manufacturers as a means of economic development. Though all southern states took part in this endeavor, [End Page 277] North Carolina was especially successful. In fact, the state lured new employers at such a consistent rate that by the early 1980s, 35 percent of North Carolina's labor force worked in manufacturing, a higher percentage than in any other state in the nation.2 Thanks to a large body of scholarship on post–World War II southern industrialization, we have some idea why North Carolina, like the rest of the South, became a leading source of manufacturing jobs. In his essential book The Selling of the South, historian James C. Cobb provides an enduring framework for understanding the transformation of the region. He shows how state leaders used subsidies, tax breaks, and cheap, non-union labor, among other incentives, to attract new industry.3 Scholars have built on Cobb's findings by connecting capital migration to the South with the labor history of the North, contrasting that region's unionized, politically empowered workers with the low-wage climate of the South.4 Other historians have emphasized the role of the federal government, arguing that postwar defense spending reshaped the southern economy.5 Despite this scholarly output, the geography of the South's industrial development has received little attention. The existing historiography tends to focus on how the South became the Sun Belt, with the defense and aerospace industries of the Deep South and the high-tech research centers of Texas's Metroplex and North Carolina's Research Triangle serving as the logical endpoint of a decades-long economic development campaign. [End Page 278] But the South's postwar "crusade for new industry" was primarily a rural story. Indeed, while North Carolina became an industrial state, it did so without developing industrial cities. In fact, by the 1980s only one city, Charlotte, exceeded 200,000 in population. To understand the state's industrial geography, a side-by-side comparison of its manufacturing workforce and population density is instructive. In 1980, for example, the foothill county of Alexander was the most factory-dependent county in the state. Fifty-seven percent of Alexander's labor force worked in manufacturing, yet the county's population density was less than 100 persons per square mile. In Montgomery County, nearly 56 percent of the labor force worked a factory job, yet the south-central Piedmont county had a population density of less than 45 persons per square mile. Moreover, eight North Carolina counties (Alexander, Caldwell, Catawba, Davidson, McDowell, Montgomery, Randolph, and Rutherford) had more than half of their labor force working in manufacturing. Across all eight counties the largest city was Hickory, with barely 20...

2-D Resistivity Assessment of Subsurface Characterization and its Engineering and Environmental Implications at SiLC

The role of geophysics in Environmental Earth Sciences and Engineering is considered. In the developing era, geophysics has mainly contributed in investigation of new constructions such as tunnels, road, dams and high-rise buildings. This study was carried out to assess the foundation depths around a construction site in the Southern Industrial & Logistics Clusters (SiLC), Nusajaya, Johor using 2-D resistivity method. The 2-D resistivity method was carried out with a view to characterize different subsurface geological and to provide the engineering and environmental geophysical characterization of the study area. Measurements of eight 2-D resistivity profile using Pole-dipole array with 2 m minimum electrode spacing was taken with the use of ABEM Terrameter SAS4000 and ES10-64C selector. The results are presented as inversion model resistivity with the outline of the survey line. The inversion model resistivity from L1-L8 obtained is characterized by resistivity range of 1-8000 ohm-m. This range indicates the occurrence of silt, clay, sandy clay and sand whose ranges are; 10-100 ohm-m, 1-100 ohm-m, 100-800 ohm-m and 100-3000 ohm-m respectively. However, there was a boulder with range of >5000 ohm-m and saturated zone (1-20 ohm-m) which may indicate the weak zones of the study area. The 2-D resistivity method is not intended to replace borings, except in specific cases where information gathered would be sufficient to address the intended engineering and environmental purpose.

The Impact of Industrial Pollution with Toxic Gases on Stem Histological Parameters of Woody Plant Undergrowth under Conditions of the Southern Industrial Zone of the City of Dnipro, Ukraine

The paper examines the influence of industrial emissions of sulphur (IV) and nitrogen (IV) oxides on stem histological parameters of the autochthonous woody plant species undergrowth of Acer platanoides L. and Fraxinus excelsior L., which are natural forest edificators in the steppe zone of Ukraine. It shows that stem anatomical characteristics undergo quantitative changes in the annual undergrowth shoots of the two tree species under anthropogenic burden, with the most significant changes in the area of heavy pollution. Results indicate the decrease of such stem parameters as stem and stele diameters, wood radius and primary cortex thickness under high concentrations of SO2 and NO2 in seedlings of both species. However, this parameter drops in A. platanoides stems by reducing the collenchyme width, whereas it reduces in F. excelsior stems due to cork thickness loss. Another difference in the response of A. platanoides to the influence of phytotoxic pollutants compared to F. excelsior is the depletion of conducting elements of its phloem, which results in thinning the stem secondary cortex. The research findings prove high vulnerability of A. platanoides undergrowth to the chronic SO2 and NO2 exposure. Therefore, this woody species is suggested to be used as a test object in monitoring research on plants of virginal group in the technogenic areas contaminated with sulphur (IV) and nitrogen (IV) oxides.

The Impact of Industrial Pollution with Toxic Gases on Stem Histological Parameters of Woody Plant Undergrowth under Conditions of the Southern Industrial Zone of the City of Dnipro, Ukraine

The paper examines the influence of industrial emissions of sulphur (IV) and nitrogen (IV) oxides on stem histological parameters of the autochthonous woody plant species undergrowth ofAcer platanoidesL. andFraxinus excelsiorL., which are natural forest edificators in the steppe zone of Ukraine. It shows that stem anatomical characteristics undergo quantitative changes in the annual undergrowth shoots of the two tree species under anthropogenic burden, with the most significant changes in the area of heavy pollution. Results indicate the decrease of such stem parameters as stem and stele diameters, wood radius and primary cortex thickness under high concentrations of SO2and NO2in seedlings of both species. However, this parameter drops inA. platanoidesstems by reducing the collenchyme width, whereas it reduces inF. excelsiorstems due to cork thickness loss. Another difference in the response ofA. platanoidesto the influence of phytotoxic pollutants compared toF. excelsioris the depletion of conducting elements of its phloem, which results in thinning the stem secondary cortex. The research findings prove high vulnerability ofA. platanoidesundergrowth to the chronic SO2and NO2exposure. Therefore, this woody species is suggested to be used as a test object in monitoring research on plants of virginal group in the technogenic areas contaminated with sulphur (IV) and nitrogen (IV) oxides.

European Acheuleans: Critical perspectives from the East

The question of European Acheulean diversity is currently widely debated. The obvious differences between northern and southern industries have led to several hypotheses regarding settlement dynamics. We propose to deal with this question from an off-centre perspective, by focusing on the data from Central Europe. Indeed, assemblages from this region can provide us with a different view of technical behavioural diversity during the Lower Palaeolithic in Europe. It is generally accepted that the Central European data are difficult to incorporate into the existing theoretical framework. Despite its location on the Out of Africa route towards Europe, this region is characterized by later settlement and the absence of handaxes before the Early Middle Palaeolithic. However, assemblage composition in Central Europe shares some features with sites from other regions, mainly in Southern Europe, such as the absence of handaxes and the presence of “small tools”.This study proposes to reconsider the diversity of tool blanks concealed within the term Acheulean through the analysis of five lithic assemblages. Three of them come from Central Europe (Korolevo VI in Ukraine, Vértesszőlős in Hungary and Bilzingsleben in Germany) and will be compared with two collections from Southern Europe (Cimitero di Atella and Ficoncella in Italy).

Export, R&D and new products. a model and a test on European industries

In this article we extend the model developed by Bogliacino and Pianta (Industrial and Corporate Change 22 649, 2013, b) on the link between RD second, the role of innovation as a determinant of export market shares; third, the export success as a driver of new R&D efforts. The model is tested for 38 manufacturing and service sectors of six European countries over three time periods, from 1995 to 2010. The model effectively accounts for the dynamics of R&D efforts, innovation and international performance of European industries. Moreover, important differences across countries emerge when we split our sample into a Northern group – Germany, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom – and a Southern group – France, Italy and Spain. We find that the ‘virtuous circle’ between innovation and competitiveness holds for Northern economies only, while Southern industries fail to translate innovation efforts into export success.

Export, R&D and New Products

In this article we extend the model developed by Bogliacino and Pianta (2013a, 2013b) on the link between RD second, the role of innovation as a determinant of export market shares; third, the export success as a driver of new R&D efforts. The model is tested for 38 manufacturing and service sectors of six European countries over three time periods from 1995 to 2010. The model effectively accounts for the dynamics of R&D efforts, innovation and international performances of European industries. Moreover, important differences across countries emerge when we split our sample in a Northern group – Germany, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom – and a Southern group – France, Italy and Spain. We find that the 'virtuous circle' between innovation and competitiveness holds for Northern economies only, while Southern industries fail to translate innovation efforts into export success.

De Bow’s Review: The Antebellum Vision of a New South by John F. Kvach (review)

De Bow's Review: Antebellum Vision of a New South. By John F. Kvach. (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2013. Pp. 270. Cloth, $50.00.)Reviewed by Jason PhillipsOn February 27, 1867, southern nationalist and economic visionary James D. B. De Bow died while visiting his brother in New Jersey. An antebellum crusader for southern railroads, De Bow became president of the Tennessee Central and Pacific Railroad months before his death. Northerners placed his remains on a southbound train. But the Civil War that De Bow had zealously promoted ruined the transportation system he labored so long to develop. morass of postwar southern rail lines lost his body before it reached his home in Nashville. No tombstone or monument marks his grave.The disappearing body of James De Bow demonstrates the paradoxical life of an Old South economic booster. Despite living during the cotton boom, De Bow championed diversification, urbanization, and industrialization. He earned readers' trust with objective statistical analysis that encompassed the region, but when sectionalism intensified De Bow discarded factual writing and penned passionate screeds that favored narrow interests. When he abandoned his prophetic vision of a diversified southern economy in favor of King Cotton's empire, his powers of foresight failed to appreciate the South's economic weaknesses and its impending doom. After his cause lost, this notorious fire-eater embraced Confederate defeat as an opportunity for economic reformation. Instead of wallowing in nostalgia like other prominent southerners, De Bow resumed his antebellum fixation on the future. While peers published histories of the Confederacy, De Bow titled his first postwar article The Future of the United States. A rare, repented rebel, he publicly admitted his mistakes.Paradoxes also marked De Bow's memory and historical legacy. timing of his death, after defeat but before Radical Reconstruction and Redemption, branded him as an Old South figure who vanished with the vanquished Confederacy. His vision anticipated the New South Creed of Henry Grady and other boosters, but De Bow did not live to assert the precedent of his vision. Even New South editors in Nashville, where De Bow had worked and lived, misremembered De Bow and misspelled his name when they recalled him at all. Historians have also neglected the first southerner to promote a regional economic plan, because De Bow's career defies scholars' neat periodization of Old and New South. As a result, historians have paid more attention to De Bow's southern nationalism and his pro-slavery writings of the 1850s than to his advocacy for southern industry and cities. Many scholars quote De Bow's Review, but few of them have studied the man behind the magazine. Only one outdated biography of De Bow had existed, until now.John Kvach addresses all these paradoxes in a refreshing biography of an important antebellum intellectual. His fine work contributes to recent scholarship that complicates our understanding of the Old South's economy. Beneath the veneer of moonlight and magnolias, historians are uncovering bustling cities, middle-class entrepreneurs, and self-aware professionals who transformed the southern economy before the Civil War interrupted the region's modernization. …

Stinking stones and rocks of gold: phosphate, fertilizer, and industrialization in postbellum South Carolina

A finely layered and important study that fills in gaps in the industrial history of the New South and especially low-country South Carolina.--Sidney Bland, author of Preserving Charleston's Past, Shaping Its Future: The Life and Times of Susan Pringle Frost Skillfully blurs the old, comfortable line between Old and New South economies and paints a nuanced picture of the new labor relations in the post-slavery era.--Charles Holden, author of In the Great Maelstrom In the first book ever written about the impact of phosphate mining on the South Carolina plantation economy, Shepherd McKinley explains how the convergence of the phosphate and fertilizer industries carried long-term impacts for America and the South.Fueling the rapid growth of lowcountry fertilizer companies, phosphate mining provided elite plantation owners a way to stem losses from emancipation. At the same time, mining created an autonomous alternative to sharecropping, enabling freed people to extract housing and labor concessions.Stinking Stones and Rocks of Gold develops an overarching view of what can be considered one of many key factors in the birth of southern industry. This top-down, bottom-up history (business, labor, social, and economic) analyzes an alternative path for all peoples in the post-emancipation South.