Southern African Development Coordination Conference Research Articles

The Free Movement of People in SADC

The Southern African Development Community (SADC) member states committed under Article 5(2) (d) of the SADC Treaty to develop policies aimed at the progressive elimination of the obstacles to the free movement of capital, labour, goods and services. The 2005 SADC Protocol on the Movement of People was celebrated as a giant step towards the realization of the regional integration objective of building SADC into a regional community that is fully integrated where citizens enjoy the freedom of movement across regional borders. Whilst substantial efforts have been invested in developing various legal and policy frameworks to open up borders for the free movement of people within SADC, thirty (30) years since the formation of SADC in April 1980 as the Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC); the region is facing serious challenges relating to the free movement of people, migration and labour movement. In reality, SADC member states’ governments have been confronted with serious feasibility challenges, complexities, risks and dilemmas as they attempt to implement commitments made towards the free movement of people in the region, with political, security, economic, strategic, and technical factors often cited as obstacles. This paper sought to critically reflect on the feasibility aspects, policy dilemmas at member state level as well as strategic considerations that stand on the way of free movement of people in SADC. The focus was on examining possibilities, capacities and prospects of SADC member states (in their collectivity and individuality) in addressing the underlying, structural and operational obstacles that are impeding the free movement of people in the region. Secondary data sources are used for analysis, and the three concepts of free movement of people, migration and regional integration provide conceptual lenses for analysis. Findings are key in providing perspectives on how SADC member states may need to collectively address the fundamental questions and issues that facilitate the free movement of people in the region.

SIPO II: TOO LITTLE, TOO LATE?

This review essay offers an assessment of the 'harmonised' (elsewhere called 'revised') Strategic Indicative Plan for the Organ on Politics, Defence and Security Co-operation (SIPO) of the Southern African Development Community (SADC). (1)) Informally known as SIPO II, it succeeds the original Strategic Indicative Plan, adopted in 2004 for a five-year period. Following a lengthy review process, SIPO II was approved by the SADC Summit of Heads of State and Government held in Windhoek, Namibia, in August 2010. It was finally publicly launched in November 2012, but as of mid-2103, implementation appears to be lagging. Although Southern Africa has had many years' experience of fighting colonialism and apartheid, formal inter-state cooperation in the area of peace and security is a relatively new phenomenon. The Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC), established in 1980, turned into SADC in 1994. In 1996, the SADC Summit of Heads of State and Government established the SADC Organ on Politics, Defence and Security Co-operation (OPDSC). In 2001, Heads of State and Government signed the Protocol on Politics, Defence and Security Co-operation, which provided an institutional framework for cooperation by member states in these areas. In 2002, the SADC Summit mandated the OPDSC to prepare a Strategic Indicative Plan for the Organ (SIPO) which would provide guidelines for implementing the Protocol on Politics, Defence and Security Co-operation over the next five years. The achievements under the SIPO include the establishment of the SADC Mutual Defence Pact, launch of the SADC Standby Force (SSF), integration of the Southern African Regional Police Chiefs Cooperation Organisation (SARPCCO) into the Inter-State Defence and Security Committee (ISDSC), establishment of the Regional Early Warning Centre as well as the SADC Electoral Advisory Council (SEAC) and a mediation unit (SADC 2010). However, SIPO I was also poorly implemented in numerous respects. In particular, the production of a business plan for addressing its 130-plus never materialised, and no serious effort was made to develop strategies for operationalising the Organ. Critically, the relationship between the SADC Secretariat and the member states is key to SADC's effective functioning, and needs to be driven by visionary leadership. The SSF, although technically committed to the AU's grand strategy of having standby forces ready for deployment (by 2015--a new deadline), remains resource-poor and depends on political guidance at Summit level. It is unclear whether there is any real political will to use this instrument in a robust fashion beyond fact-finding and mediation by retired presidents. Despite prescriptions to this effect in the Protocol, SADC's security architecture does not necessarily harmonise with that of the AU, giving rise to a range of tensions, not least of which the question of agenda-setting (who determines action, when, and how?) and deployment authorisation (which body decides to deploy whom, at what level, and with what mandate and accountability?). (2))--A number of policy questions can be identified: 1. Which Themes, Norms and Principles Guide SIPO II? SIPO II is not meant to be a binding policy document or legal framework for decision-makers--the SADC Treaty and the Protocol on Politics, Defence and Security Co-operation play that role (Oosthuizen 2006). As SADC officials and security sector officers often note, it should rather be understood as a guide to collective behaviour. Both SIPO I, and SIPO II state that they are guided by the objectives and common agenda of SADC, as elaborated in Article 5 of its amended Treaty. (3)) In brief, SADC regards good political and economic governance as the two key 'enablers' of regional integration. (4)) Article 5 of the Treaty requires member states to promote common political values, systems and other shared values which are transmitted through institutions that are democratic, legitimate, and effective. …

A new state’s debut in regional diplomacy: Namibia and the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC)

ABSTRACTThe Republic of Namibia has been one of the last states in southern Africa to gain independence. As a newly independent state, Namibia formulated a regional foreign policy-based on historical support and relations. One arena where Namibia made its diplomatic debut was in a multilateral context through its engagement with the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and its predecessor, the Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC). Building on the parallels in Namibia and SADC’s relations, Namibia has transformed itself into a leading country in the region through various diplomatic practices typically used by new states. As s a newly independent or new state, the case of Namibia’s regional diplomacy in respect of SADC offers some insights into new state diplomacy. Firstly, Namibia’s regional diplomacy reflects some continuity in the liberation movements’ relations with regional actors. In the second instance, regional diplomacy offers new states a relatively safe environment to develop its diplomatic confidence. Thirdly, Namibia’s regional diplomacy reiterates the importance of diplomatic skill, technical expertise and bureaucratic experience, which, in the fourth instance, can be translated into credible organizational and diplomatic innovation in the region.

The changing context for regional integration in southern Africa: how adaptive are its regional institutions?

This commentary examines the performance of southern Africa's regional institutions against the backdrop of the changing regional context since the late 1990s. The first section reflects on the relationship between successive geopolitical changes and efforts to keep the Southern African Customs Union, Southern African Development Coordination Conference and Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa relevant over time, as well as the frequent mismatch between the ambitions for regional integration institutions and the evolving realities. Thereafter, I consider how far the optimism that post-apartheid South Africa would transform itself from regional pariah to leading partner in reaping collective peace dividends has been borne out, using the examples of recent trends in conflict and instability, in nationalism and nation building and in infrastructure and communications. Finally, the fitness of current institutions to address new challenges in the form of global environmental/climate change, the ongoing urbanisation and the increasing engagements by China and India in the region is assessed.

SADC AND HUMAN SECURITY

Most sub-Saharan countries possess limited development and economic potential1 because they are very poorly endowed with human and physical capital.2 Their plight is exacerbated because they are either denied much-needed investment owing to their small market size3 or because they are taken advantage of by foreign investors owing to their unequal bargaining power.4 Such countries are therefore caught in a vicious circle whereby poverty leads to an inability to access foreign investment, which only leads to further poverty. To overcome these difficulties and break the circle, regional integration has been pursued as the means for creating larger markets and consolidating the resources and potential of these poor economies.5 Such larger markets are expected to create greater economies of scale which will then attract investment and improve the development and economic potential of the countries concerned.6 In recognition of the limited capability of their individual economies,7 governments of the nine independent states of Southern Africa8 decided in 1980 to utilise their unity and proximity for two basic objectives: first, the joint co-operation for the sustainable social and economic development of their peoples and the economies of the nine states as a whole; and second, the economic liberation of the member states from historical domination in the region by the then apartheid South Africa.9 The institution that was born out of this initiative was called the Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference (SADCC) and was a somewhat loose arrangement with no formal treaty being signed to formalise the institutions of the co-ordinating conference.10 However, it soon became apparent that the loose institutional framework adopted by SADCC would significantly constrain the achievement of the aims and objectives of the organisation.11 This weakness, coupled with significant competition from other more organised integration arrangements in Southern Africa12 and the imminent democratisation of South Africa, necessitated a reconstitution of the co-operation initiative. The reorganisation of SADCC into the Southern African Development Community (SADC) was achieved by way of a declaration and treaty (the SADC Treaty) which was signed in Namibia in 1992.13 With the signing of the SADC Treaty, the regional integration initiative metamorphosed from a co-ordinating conference into a development community. From the original 10 countries that signed the SADC Treaty, the organisation’s membership has expanded to 14 nations which now include Angola, Botswana, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Lesotho, Malawi, SADC AND HUMAN SECURITY Fitting human rights into the trade matrix

Managerial Work and Management Reform in Senegal

The application of Western management techniques to countries in the very early stages of economic development remains a subject of debate. Building on the works of Montgomery in the Southern African Development Coordination Conference countries and of Vengroff in the Central African Republic, the authors examine the skill requirements among Senegalese managers from nine different employment situations: upper, middle, and lower levels at public, private, and parastatal organizations. They then extend their work by examining the same managers as to their normative beliefs and attitudes about managerial work. They conclude with implications of these findings for the design and implementation of management-training programs and the possibilities for the success of management reform efforts.

Development, cooperation and integration in the SADC region

In 1980, the Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC) was established with the major objectives of decreasing economic dependence on the apartheid regime and fostering regional development. The strategy adopted for meeting these objectives was regional development and cooperation. In 1992, SADCC was reborn as the Southern African Development Community (SADC). The member states decided the time had come to move the region toward the creation of one regional market. Since market integration has failed miserably on the African continent, this article argues that a different approach should be adopted — regional integration. Regional integration is defined as a process that allows member states to have access to each other’s markets on a voluntary basis and at various degrees. Economic, political, social and cultural benefits are realised from this interaction. Since regional development and cooperation remains a central component of the SADC strategy, this article proposes a way forward that would enhance regional development, cooperation and integration. This includes (1) the need for the SADC member states to make a serious political commitment to regional development, cooperation and integration; (2) the creation of an environment of political and economic stability; and (3) enhanced national and regional development. Keywords : SADC, regional integration, regional cooperation, regional development , Southern Africa

The Southern African Development Community (SADC) Programme of Action

SYNOPSIS The Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC) was established in 1980 as a regional economic development organisation with nine member countries: Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia, and Zimbabwe with Namibia joining in 1990. SADCC's aim was to develop flexible coordination of those aspects of national development plans which have potential regional impact. In 1992, the Southern African Development Community (SADC) came into being and replaced SADCC. There are now 12 SADC member States, after South Africa and Mauritius joined the Community. In 1981, SADCC established a Forestry Sector Technical Subcommittee. This subcommittee is chaired by the Director of Forestry, Malawi whose role is to provide leadership in the coordination of regional forestry activities. In 1984. SADCC and the Malawi Government established the Forestry Sector Technical Coordination Unit (FSTCU) to facilitate this role. The activities of the FSTCU include organising an...

SADCC and the Future of Southern African Regionalism

Since the 1960s, Southern Africa’s regional alliance patterns have been primarily determined by South Africa’s military and economic dominance of the region. Not surprisingly, divisive and conflict-ridden relations between South Africa and the less powerful majority-ruled states characterized interstate relations in the region throughout this period. In the 1970s, the latter’s collective and individual opposition to an apartheid-dominated regional order gave rise to two competing regional blocs: the South African-led Pax Pretoriana and the Frontline States (FLS) informal diplomatic alliance, which became the nucleus of the Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC).

Crop protection services in Southern Africa

Despite the considerable progress made in different farming systems in Southern Africa, effective crop protection services remain a major constraint in their agricultural production systems. Factors responsible for these limitations include the following: the low government priorities still accorded crop protection services; the scarcity or complete lack of trained experienced professional and technical crop protection personnel; the fact that techniques for pest and disease control either are not available to small-scale farmers, or, where available, are not appropriate to the local situation; the inadequacy or lack of cooperation and communication between scientists, extension workers and farmers. A rigorous research, extension and training programme with an efficient infrastructure is advocated. In order to set priorities for appropriate integrated pest management (IPM), a standardized survey of pests of important food crops as well as losses suffered by small-scale farmers in each country of the region is imperative. The crop protection services can also be strengthened through the establishment of a Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC) Crop Protection Collaborative Network to coordinate crop protection activities, as described below.

Strategic review of telecommunications in the SADCC region

Should telecommunications be a major element of development assistance to the Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC) region of Africa? While many organizations have analysed the telecommunications requirements of Southern Africa, the strategic importance of telecommunications in a more general sense must also be reviewed, especially for the rapidly evolving SADCC region. In this Comment recent events in the SADCC region are examined, and their implications for the economic health of the region are reviewed together with the importance of telecommunications to the continuing development of the region.

Subregional Security Cooperation in the Third World

Within the past decade, traditional regional security organizations formed during the Cold War have gradually been supplanted by more indigenous groupings designed specifically to address local security problems. Professor Tow argues that these subregional security organizations (SRSOs) have provided their members with a new self-confidence, encouraging them to formulate their common security interests and to face the outside world in a more unified fashion. Tow assesses the extent to which four subregional security organizations - the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), the Organization of East Caribbean States (OECS), and the Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC) - have succeeded in meeting commonly defined security threats, in overcoming their members' political and economic vulnerabilities, and in compelling the major powers to accept the legitimacy of their regional security agendas. His final chapter focuses on the significance of SRSOs in the context of broader international security issues.

Regional Energy Development in Southern Africa: Great Potential, Great Constraints

Ten years ago, nine countries in southern Africa launched a grand experiment in international cooperation . They formed the Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC), an organization dedicated to promoting development at the national level through coordination at the regional level. SADCC was formally established in April of 1980 . The original members were Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Swaziland, Tanza­ nia, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. Following the political settlement that led to the withdrawal of South Africa and popular elections in 1990, Namibia will become the official 10th member of SADCC, once administrative procedures are completed. SADCC's founding declaration etablished four objectives: 1. reduction of economic dependence, particularly, but not only, on the Republic of South Africa; 2. the forging of links to create a genuine and equitable regional integration; 3. the mobilization of resources to promote the implementation of national, interstate, and regional policies; and 4. concerted action to secure international cooperation within the framework of a strategy for economic liberation ( 1). The first objective suggests a political mission that complemented

An approach to the development of expanded postgraduate training for agricultural scientists within the Southern African development coordination conference region

The shortage of agricultural research scientists within the Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC) Region has serious implications for agricultural production. Although undergraduate training in agriculture is now available within most member countries, postgraduate training opportunities based at regional universities are limited. The reliance on overseas institutions for postgraduate training has inhibited the development of a research capacity at SADCC universities, resulting in poor liaison with agricultural research departments. In addition, the shortage of sufficient numbers of qualified national scientists has meant a continuing heavy reliance on short term expatriate appointments in many development programmes. An approach to postgraduate training which makes greater use of the strengths of regional universities, and which allows larger numbers of scientists to be trained, is outlined. Practical examples of the approach are described, based on experience gained in Zimbabwe, Botswana and Malaŵi. The advantages of such an approach are outlined in the regional context.

Imposing dependence: South Africa's manipulation of regional railways

This paper examines one aspect of economic interdependence within southern Africa: transport. The transport network is the major area of economic contact and conflict between South Africa and the states belonging to the Southern African Development Co‐ordination Conference (SADCC). The evolution and the nature of the varying levels of interdependence within the transport sector, in both space and time, are examined. Focus is concentrated upon the different regional policies adopted by Pretoria, together with their geopolitical objectives, and how they have influenced southern Africa's transport network. SADCC considers transport to be the key to economic liberation whilst South Africa remains determined to enhance its structural and economic control over the transport infrastructure of the region in order to achieve political objectives. Hence, transport has important strategic implications and is at present being used within southern Africa as a tactical economic weapon.

Notes on Malawi‐Mozambique relations, 1961–1987

(1989). Notes on Malawi‐Mozambique relations, 1961–1987. Journal of Southern African Studies: Vol. 15, No. 4, pp. 617-644.

Government expenditures on imported inputs and the goals of food self-sufficiency and food security in the Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference

Food security and food self-sufficiency are important regional goals for the Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC). In the long run, success in these areas would reduce the incidence of drought-related mass starvation and the epidemic of malnutrition and undernutrition that exists among some tribal groups. For food production to improve, the governments must commit themselves to increasing the access of peasant farmers to critical agricultural inputs. If they do not take proper action in this area of development planning, domestic food production is likely to stagnate or decline. This study is a broad examination of the relationship between government expenditures on imported inputs and the performance of the domestic food subsector. Because much data on government spending and agricultural production in Africa are unavailable, and those in published form are of suspect validity, the study is undertaken largely as a conceptual overview. The empirical analyses are conducted, therefore, largely to provide a staging ground for the conceptual arguments.

Mellor, John W., Christopher L. Delgado, and Malcolm J. Blackie, eds. Accelerating Food Production in Sub‐Saharan Africa. Baltimore MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1987, xix + 375 pp., $@@‐@@39.50

In 1982 26 countries in Africa faced acute food shortages and nutrition problems. During the 1960s the continents food production per person fell 7% and during the 1970s it fell an additional 15%. In only 8 countries which account for less than 15% of the regions population did per capita agricultural production actually increase in the 1970s. In view of the expectation that the urban population will quadruple during the last quarter of this century present trends are intolerable and must be reversed. Another disturbing problem that needs urgent attention is the rapid depletion of vital topsoil estimated by the director-general of the UN Food and Agriculture Organization to be a frightening 6 million hectares per annum. This volume provides up-to-date definitions of the food and nutrition problems that face Africa now and in the medium-term future. The book also deals with the policy needs for promoting growth of food production. The concept of solving our food shortages by increasing production is the policy of the Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC). The book also examines food policy in the context of national development strategies. Though potentially rich sub-Saharan Africa is at present extremely poor. In 1979 per capita gross national product (GNP) in the whole area was only $411. Compare this with a GNP per capita of $9440 in the countries of the industrialized world. The demand for improved living standards presses from virtually every quarter while available resources are extremely limited. Without exception each country of the region faces the problem of determining food policy in the context of its overall national development strategy. Several chapters in this volume by representatives from both sub-Saharan Africa and donor countries and agencies analyze past experiences and suggest aid strategies for accelerating agricultural growth in the region. Several stress the point that the aid most urgently required is that which would assist our region in greater utilization of its agricultural base in order to increase overall production and lessen dependence on food aid.

Recommendations: Southern African Development Coordination Conference and African Security

The overwhelmingly dominant regional power of southern Africa, South Africa, attempts to contain the political, economic, and military interdependence of neighboring states, irrespective of ideological preference. The Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC) founded in 1980, is the response of the other states in the region to South Africa’s ambitions to maintain regional hegemony. Its nine member state are Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia, and Zimbabwe, and an independent Namibia is expected to join. The specific objectives of SADCC, as stated in the 1980 Lusaka Declaration, are the reduction of economic dependence in general (not only on South Africa); the forging of links to create a genuinely meaningful and equitable system of regional integration; the mobilization of resources to support national, interstate, and regional policies; and concerted action to secure international cooperation for the purpose of economic liberation.

"Recommendations": Southern African Development Coordination Conference and African Security

"Recommendations": Southern African Development Coordination Conference and African Security