Southeast Asian Neighbors Research Articles

Clash of Cultures: Implications of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) into Myanmar

China has embarked on a massive infrastructure development project across and through its Southeast Asian neighbors such as the China-Myanmar Economic Corridor (CMEC). While China is the world's second largest economy, Myanmar is on the United Nations' list of 48 least developed countries (LDCs) with over 70% of the population living in rural areas and depend on agriculture. While China has no religion Myanmar's culture is immersed in Theravada Buddhism. We used a dataset from the World Values Survey to analyze the cultural variances based on the Value-Orientation Framework. Our findings show that the two countries differ significantly in almost all of the value orientations. Challengers such as a lack of a common history, religion and language had already raised tensions and conflicts in past projects and would lead to an erosion of the project-benefits upon the completion of the CMEC. This paper highlights the implications and pitfalls to avoid for both countries.

Conclusion

Conclusion

The Wa of Myanmar and China's Quest for Global Dominance by Bertil Lintner

Reviewed by: The Wa of Myanmar and China's Quest for Global Dominance by Bertil Lintner Jane M. Ferguson Bertil Lintner. 2021. The Wa of Myanmar and China's Quest for Global Dominance. Chiang Mai: Silkworm. 272 pages. ISBN 9786162151705 This slim, but richly detailed, volume represents a recent installment in veteran journalist and prolific author Bertil Lintner's foundational contributions to our understanding of the complex dynamics of Myanmar's politics, and especially those of its peripheries. The areas brought to focus here are the bordering highlands of Northern Shan State and the Southwest of China's Yunnan province, territories long off-limits to other empire-building projects. These edgy zones set the context for the travails of the United Wa State Army (UWSA), the most sizable and best-equipped non-state military in Asia today. The UWSA boasts commanding around twenty to thirty thousand troops, and including weaponry has more firepower than the Communist Party of Burma ever had in the region. [End Page 138] Lintner draws upon extensive experience and direct contacts, including having visited and interviewed Wa soldiers when they were part of the Communist Party of Burma during the late 1980s, and spent months in Wa areas getting to know commanders and villagers who communicated with him in the Shan language. Lintner has returned to the area more recently, at the UWSA's northern capital of Pangkham, the headquarters and boomtown for the Wa state, now an autonomous region at the Shan State–Yunnan border. Lintner carefully traces how ongoing wars, battles for economic access, and political sovereignty have embroiled these areas of Shan State for over seven decades. The book looks outward to how this particular situation has implications for Myanmar–China relationships, past and present, but also how their development and expansion have been intertwined with the Chinese government's changing ideological and economic orientations toward its Southeast Asian neighbors. The book itself consists of six chapters detailing the social and political terrain of the Wa, from mythical histories, colonial noninterference, the Communist Party of Burma, the mutiny against the latter and subsequent foundation of the UWSA, the UWSA's relationship to narcotics and changing global economies, and finally their relationship with contemporary politics and the changing geostrategic agenda of China. One section at the back, "Dramatis Personae" is useful to refer to while reading the body chapters of the book; quite a bewildering number of players are involved. Lintner discusses the history of the Wa area as a zone off-limits to state incorporation until only very recently; part and parcel to this, the Wa were frequently described as wild, even savage. Their headhunting practices perpetuated this stereotype, though it has been argued that [End Page 139] this was more a ritual of war trophies, not making the Wa intrinsically—let alone by "nature"—more brutal or violent than their lowland counterparts who engaged in fatal warfare themselves. Lintner's examination of the historical relationship between Wa communities and Cold War geopolitics is essential background for the current situation; the Wa people themselves were not committed to the ideologies of the Communist Party of Burma (CPB). In reality, the CPB had done little for the ethnic Wa troops and communities who had hardly any interest in the Party's ostensible ideological goals nor its inadequately configured agricultural plans for the area, and lack of concrete efforts to develop the region. In a tinge of irony, or perhaps as evidence that CPB ideology should not frame economic expectations, the years of the Burmese Socialist Program Party in Burma saw an increasing ramping-up of the black market in the periphery and a thriving economy for free trade in these CPB controlled areas (p. 102). From the late 1980s, Lintner saw the writing on the wall that the Wa troops themselves saw little to gain by working with the CPB, and following their 1989 mutiny, sought the relative benefits of working with the Chinese as well as establishing an autonomous region through a cease-fire agreement with the (then) Rangoon government. Through the buildup of weaponry and territory (especially following the vacuum left behind by Khun Sa's surrender of the Möng Tai...

Elderly Caregiving Quality Improvement: A Pilot Study of the Burdens of Vietnamese Caregivers in Taiwan.

Taiwan is expected to reach super-aged status by 2026, leading to an increased demand for elderly caregiving services. Low local unemployment and a dwindling working-age population mean the island’s care system relies heavily on female foreign domestic workers (FDWs) from Southeast Asian neighbors such as Vietnam to satisfy labor shortages. Although suggested by anecdotal evidence, limited research has been conducted on the link between the shortfall in FDW qualifications, training, preparedness, and expertise and their employment stressors. Therefore, this study aims to assist FDWs by evaluating their stressors and helping them better understand health care delivery by (1) administering the Modified Caregiver Strain Index (MCSI) revised 2003 questionnaire, (2) performing semi-structured in-depth one-on-one interviews, (3) classifying interview results according to thematic analysis, and (4) using these themes to devise and deliver a 12-week multilingual health education teach-back program. Our results indicate that Vietnamese FDWs face specific challenges, including language barriers, homesickness, intensive physical and psychological work demands, stress adaptation, and occupational exposures. Despite yielding no significant improvements in caregiving strain, our intervention, conducted at the height of the COVID-19 pandemic, pinpoints and classifies areas of grave concern and proposes recommendations that can assist long-term care (LTC) stakeholders in understanding and overcoming their respective challenges, thereby improving the quality of elderly care.

Observational Study of Im/politeness in Hizaji and South East Communities

This study identifies and brings light to how people express themselves and interact during mealtime. Furthermore, this study explains and understands linguistic variations and diversity in communities that differ socially and geographically. The researcher has collected selected spoken data from various scenes of welcoming guests at home during a meal and offering food in Jeddah community, and some other data from South East Asian neighbors who have lived a long time in Saudi Arabia and know a lot about the culture and traditions. The methodology used is a qualitative observational participant research method in which the researcher has intervened in the environment. The researcher has also used contextual analysis that focuses on the role of the group context on the actions and attitudes of individuals. It is found out that through ‘conversational routines’ people understand better and tolerates each other’s words and attitudes. By this, they can have genuine acceptance of their shortcomings. Those actions may include: improving relationships with others, having time to listen, showing empathy with others, being candid, forthright no matter what it takes, being honest and sincere, and being able to develop an empowered and positive attitude. Keywords: Hospitality, im/politeness, impoliteness superstrategies, offer, politeness superstrategies.

Sinitic as a typological sandwich: revisiting the notions of Altaicization and Taicization

Abstract Decades of works dedicated to the description of (previously) lesser-known Sinitic languages have effectively dispelled the common myth that these languages share a single “universal Chinese grammar”. Yet, the underlying cause of their grammatical variation is still a matter for debate. This paper focuses on typological variation across Sinitic varieties. Through comparing the typological profiles of various Sinitic languages with those of their Altaic and Mainland Southeast Asian (MSEA) neighbors, we discuss to what extent the variation within the Sinitic branch can be attributed to areal diffusion. Taking into account over 360 language varieties of seven different genetic affiliations (Sinitic, Turkic, Mongolic, Tungusic, Hmong-Mien, Tai-Kadai, Austroasiatic) and 30 linguistic features, we conduct a typological survey with the aid of the phylogenetic program NeighborNet. Our results suggest that convergence towards their non-Sinitic neighbors has likely played a pivotal role in the typological diversity of Sinitic languages. Based primarily on their degree of Altaic/MSEA influence, the Sinitic varieties in our database are classified into four areal groups, namely 1) Northern, 2) Transitional, 3) Central Southeastern, 4) Far Southern. This classification scheme reflects the intricate interplay between areal convergence, regional innovations, and retention of archaic features.

Cambodia in 2020

In 2020, Cambodia experienced its sharpest economic contraction in more than a quarter-century as COVID-19 crippled its tourism industry, hampered foreign investment, and reduced demand for exports from its crucial garment and textile sectors. Wary of simmering popular unrest, the government of long-serving Prime Minister Hun Sen sought to support the battered economy with one hand while stifling domestic political dissent with the other. Domestic crackdowns brought further erosion of Cambodia’s ties with the European Union, and relations with the United States and some Southeast Asian neighbors remained tense as Cambodia drifted closer into a dependent relationship with China.

A Southeast Asian Perspective on the COVID-19 Pandemic: Hemoglobin E (HbE)-Trait Confers Resistance Against COVID-19.

As of November 25, 2020, over 60 million people have been infected worldwide by COVID-19, causing almost 1.43 million deaths. Puzzling low incidence numbers and milder, non-fatal disease have been observed in Thailand and its Southeast (SE) Asian neighbors. Elusive genetic mechanisms might be operative, as a multitude of genetic factors are widely shared between the SE Asian populations, such as the more than 60 different thalassemia syndromes (principally dominated by the HbE trait). In this study, we have plotted COVID-19 infection and death rates in SE Asian (SEA) countries against heterozygote HbE and thalassemia carrier prevalence. COVID-19 infection and death incidence numbers appear inversely correlated with the prevalence of HbE and thalassemia heterozygote populations. We posit that the evolutionary protective effect of the HbE and other thalassemic variants against malaria and the dengue virus may extend its advantage to resistance to COVID-19 infection, as HbE heterozygote population prevalence appears to be positively correlated with immunity to COVID-19. Host immune system modulations induce antiviral interferon responses and alter structural protein integrity, thereby inhibiting cellular access and viral replication. These changes are possibly engendered by HbE carrier miRNAs. Proving this hypothesis is important, as it may shed light on the mechanism of viral resistance and lead to novel antiviral treatments. This development can thus guide decision-making and action to prevent COVID-19 infection.

An analysis of Deconcentration Tendencies and Shifting -Share Situations of ICDs: Focused on the Southern Vietnam

In Southern Vietnam, the competition among Inland Clearance Depot (ICD) has resulted in deconcentration tendencies and shifting share situations. However, related research on Southern Vietnam ICDs in particular and ICDs in Vietnam in general has been extremely limited. Hence, In this study, empirical research is conducted on ICDs located in southern Vietnam from 2010 to 2017. The throughput volume data of ICDs is analyzed by concentration indicators, namely the concentration ratio (CR), the Herfindahl–Hirschman Index (HHI), the Gini coefficient, the Lorenz curve, and the shift share analysis (SSA). The results of adopting all the methodologies indicate that deconcentration was the mainstream trend for ICDs in Southern Vietnam during the period of 2010–2017. The findings provide insights into the process of container terminal development and have academic and managerial implications. The strengthening of the competitiveness of Vietnamese container ports and ICDs could affect the competing Southeast Asian neighbors by facilitating the port of more shipping companies.

Indonesia: Twenty Years of Democracy by Jamie S. Davidson

Reviewed by: Indonesia: Twenty Years of Democracy by Jamie S. Davidson Thomas Pepinsky (bio) Jamie S. Davidson. Indonesia: Twenty Years of Democracy. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2018. 76 pp. Jamie Davidson’s Indonesia: Twenty Years of Democracy is an excellent overview of Indonesian politics since 1998. It offers enough basic detail to attract readers with no background in Indonesia, but also an argument that will interest Indonesia experts. Its format is unique, something between a long article and a short book. Cambridge University Press calls this publication format an “Element,” part of a new push by the press to find new ways to reach new audiences.1 My review nevertheless treats Indonesia: Twenty Years of Democracy as more or less a book, one that does not present new material so much as it integrates existing research to make a broader argument. I briefly speculate about the the promise of the Elements series for Indonesian studies at the end of this review. Davidson’s basic approach is to periodize Indonesian politics since democratization into three spells: Innovation (1998–2004), Stagnation (2004–14), and Polarization (2014–present). In describing each, he reviews the main political issues, economic developments, and what he calls “identity-based mobilizations” (6). As Davidson recognizes, this approach encourages him to focus on issues such as religious and ethnic conflict instead of things like law, globalization, or nationalist movements, but it is nevertheless an effective way to weave together discussions of political, economic, and social change over time. Following this periodization allows Davidson to show that Indonesian democracy—while faring much better than Indonesia’s Southeast Asian neighbors—is still “wobbly” (4), and that it is possible to see changes over time in Indonesian democracy since 1999. That conclusion is sensible and well-supported by his evidence. It corresponds to the first of what Davidson identifies as three arguments made throughout the book. His second and third arguments—that “democracy, and its related process of democratization, is the most appropriate overarching framework for studying Indonesia” (4) and that “the post-Soeharto period can be divided into three main periods” rather than conceptualized through “changes and continuities” from the New Order (6)—receive rather less explicit attention. It is not clear who the main interlocutors or detractors are for these two arguments. It stands to reason that those who emphasize factors other than democratization, or who do follow a changes-and-continuities approach, may just have different objectives in mind than Davidson does. The book’s contribution does not depend on those two arguments, although it might profitably be cited as advancing each of them. My own interest in the political economy of Indonesia’s transition and its immediate aftermath leads me to some quibbles in interpretation. Davidson’s description of the divide between the right and the left with regard to understanding the 1997–99 [End Page 137] Indonesian financial crisis (6) is provocative but too simplistic. Many conservative-leaning economists interpreted the Indonesian economy under Soeharto as nothing more than a mafia-like protection racket fundamentally concerned with “rent harvesting.”2 More progressive observers attribute the crisis to the panicked reactions of “capital controllers” in an era of reglobalized finance.3 The Indonesian financial crisis, as economic crises often do, made a mess of traditional ideological camps. Likewise, the discussion of how the International Monetary Fund drove post-crisis economic reform may be overstated (“The IMF, a US-controlled organization, used the crisis as a pretext to pry open what was only a partially protected economy” [15]). This discussion is certainly under-sourced. The statist flavor of economic nationalism runs deep in Indonesia’s political economy, which explains why so many of the IMF’s reforms proved so unpopular. But there is also a long history of powerful economic actors exploiting liberalizing reforms for their own interests, dating back to the earliest days of the New Order. It would be a shame if readers without a background in Indonesian political economy concluded that IMF measures were the main driver of Indonesia’s halting and uncertain economic reforms, rather than one of many forces shaping the political and economic environment of the early 2000s, one operating with real...

The Emerging Retail Market in Myanmar - An Institutional Perspective of Foreign Retailers’ Market Entry Decisions

In contrast to most of its Southeast Asian neighbors, Myanmar still lacks a vibrant retail landscape. Yet, given the political and economic opening-up of the country and the abolition of many sanctions since 2013, commercial interest in Myanmar is growing rapidly. While political and economic reforms sweep across the country, retailers are now eyeing-up the formerly reclusive nation for opportunities. Still, the question remains as to how optimistic the outlook of the Myanmar retailing industry really is? This paper explores and analyses the developments of Myanmar’s retail sector to date. Within the decision making process, companies operate within an external and an internal environment that consist of political, cognitive and sociological elements. A company’s behavior and decision making processes are affected by both environments. This study applies institutional theory as a complementary framework in order to evaluate international retailers’ foreign market entry choices with special regard to Myanmar and evaluates the main factors influencing decisions for, or against market entry. It concludes by proposing institutional theory as complementary to, and not substitutive of, existing theories such as Dunning's eclectic theory or transaction cost analysis.

China, An Upstream Hegemon: A Destabilizer for the Governance of the Mekong River?

AbstractTransboundary rivers have remained one of the sources of contention and cooperation among states in international politics. The Mekong is one such river along which China and five Southeast Asian countries have organized their political, economic, and social lives. Studies examining the water politics of this river have argued that the lack of a comprehensive institution to govern this regional common pool resource and the growing power asymmetry between China, an upstream riparian state, and its Southeast Asian neighbors dampen the prospect for an effective governance of the river. Particularly, the economic rise of China and its concomitant increase in demand for energy and water resources has raised concerns about the negative impacts that this would have on the downstream countries. Examination of recent developments regarding the Mekong River suggests, however, that China has adopted a more collaborative approach by engaging in joint development projects and exchanging information and technology via existing sub‐regional and regional multilateral bodies since the early 2000s. The study concludes that this growing evidence of cooperation should be taken into consideration for a more comprehensive understanding of China's policy towards the Mekong River.

Philippine Technocracy and the Politics of Economic Decision-Making: A Comparison of the Martial Law and Post-Martial Law Periods

IntroductionDespite their being banished to Hall of Shame during 1986 People Power Revolution in Philippines, technocracy has continued to persist in country's transition from authoritarian rule to and up to present. Instead, however, of being called they are now referred to as managers. The change in name is quite understandable because during martial law period (1972- 86), technocracy became synonymous with repression which occurred during that era foremost of which was economic development at all costs, e.g., dislocation, militariza- tion, and elimination of communities which got in way of development projects. This reputation, therefore, earned technocrats (dis)honor of being referred to as third leg of stool which propped up authoritarian regime, other two of which were military and Marcos' relatives/cronies. Thus, administrations which fol- lowed that of Marcos government were conscious not to hire any of these techno- crats, particularly, those who came from World Bank (hereinafter referred to as WB) and International Monetary Fund (hereinafter referred to as IMF). But post- martial technocrats, however, continued their predecessors' policies of liberalization, free competition, and free trade but now under a neoliberal economic dispensation. The question which emerges is why this is case when technocracy in Philippines is not able to sustain economic growth which was seen in 1950s when country was second to Japan as having best economy in Asia and then left-behind in 1970s by its East Asian counterparts as among newly industrializing countries in region. In 1980s, on other hand, Philippine economic policies failed to bring it at par with its Southeast Asian neighbors, i.e., Thailand, Malaysia, and Indonesia, which all became New Asian Tigers. The latest blow to country is that socialist Vietnam, a late comer to capitalist world, has economically overtaken Philippines.This article, therefore, explores factors which have strengthened as well as weakened Philippine technocracy during martial law and post-martial law periods. It shows that in general political leverage of technocrats came from support they have received from leadership who shares their economic vision and coun- try's major international lending creditors, IMF and WB. The weakening of their political clout, on other hand, is brought about by inability of leadership to address political and economic crisis. The first section of this article will discuss rise of Philippine technocracy during pre-martial law period (1960s-72) and eco- nomic debates which ensued during that period concerning trajectory of Philippine development. This establishes very foundation of strength of Philippine tech- nocracy. The second section, on other hand, examines crucial role they played during martial law period, particularly economic perspectives they espoused and challenges these confronted. And lastly, third section will discuss where Philip- pine technocracy is headed in a period of elite democracy as it confronts challenges to its neoliberal development paradigm and massive corruption.Defining Technocracy and Their Development Vision1)Technocracy is a rule by experts, a temporary form of rule that sometimes emerges after a period of poor governance. The term implies rule by specialists with expertise in non-political subjects, often economics and engineering.2) These engineers com- prised a critical new stratum in industrial production process.3) They are also referred to as the scientists, including physicists, mathematicians, chemists, engi- neers, computer program and others who work in varying degrees of applied or pure research (Glassman et al. 1993, 84). …

The Strategic Balance in East Asia and the Small Powers: The Case of the Philippines in the Face of the South China Sea Dispute

How does a small power respond and adjust to a fluid and potentially dangerous strategic balancing by major powers generated by a territorial dispute? This paper observes that notwithstanding the major powers’ mistrust, suspicion, and rivalry, such precarious stability in the South China Sea dispute is sustained by a balance‐of‐power system. This system is an offshoot of the small littoral states’ (in this case, the Philippines’) policy of engaging the external maritime powers (the United States and Japan) to counter China's heavy‐handedness in dealing with this territorial row. Apprehensive of China's claim of sovereignty over the South China Sea, the United States and Japan are increasing their strategic involvement in the maritime territorial row. These developments have transformed the dispute into a case of conflict irresolution. To cope with China's heavy‐handedness, the Philippines builds up the deterrence capability of its armed forces and forges security partnerships with the United States and Japan. The Philippines hopes that this move will ensure the maintenance of the status quo in the regional balance of power. In conclusion, the paper considers the Philippines’ policy as myopic, since it overlooks the fact that the volatile balance of power situation in the South China Sea might be the proverbial “calm before the storm.” It is crucial that the Philippines puts its house in order, economically keeps pace with its more dynamic Southeast Asian neighbors, increases its defense spending, formulates a coherent national security strategy, and concentrates on building a credible armed forces to avoid free‐riding on its allies, and more importantly, to enable the country to weather the approaching storm.

Unveiling Koovagam

Unveiling Koovagam

The Legacy of the Three Gorges Dam

The travails of the Three Gorges Dam are a cautionary tale for Laos and its Southeast Asian neighbors as they wrestle with the pros and cons of damming the lower Mekong River.

Indonesia’s Economic Performance in Comparative Perspective, and a New Policy Framework for 2049

Indonesia began its war for economic development in 1949 after winning the war for political independence that started in 1945. This is a speculative paper because it is the exploratory paper of the planned Indonesia 2049 project which asks whether Indonesia’s war on economic development would be won after one hundred years. We compared various dimensions of Indonesia’s economy with those of two oil exporters (Mexico and Nigeria), three large populous developing economies (Brazil, China and India) and three Southeast Asian neighbors (Malaysia, Philippines, and Thailand). Indonesia’s post-1965 economic performance was very good when compared with its own pre-1965 period, was above average when compared with the other eight countries, and was slightly below average when compared with the East Asian economies. Our tentative conclusion is that a new economic policy framework should be adopted in the second SBY administration to ensure that Indonesia in 2049 would be close to achieving the dreams of the Generasi 1945. This new policy framework must go beyond the twin Washington Consensus prescriptions of “getting prices right” and “getting institutions right” to include actions like “getting the role of science right” and “getting the conception of the reform process right”.

Surpass comparatives in Sinitic and beyond: typology and grammaticalization

The Surpass (or Exceed) comparative is a widespread feature of Sinitic languages found in almost all 'dialect' groups. This article investigates the nature of Surpass constructions in Southern Chinese varieties with a focus on Cantonese, and in unrelated languages of Southeast Asia, where Surpass comparatives are also found (Thai, Lao and Vietnamese). I offer possible grammaticalization paths for the Surpass comparative in the history of Chinese grammar, and argue that Surpass constructions are typical of Southern Sinitic but not of Mandarin Chinese (contra Stassen 1985, 2005). I also propose that the Surpass comparative should be added to the shared features of a broadly defined Mainland Southeast Asian region which illustrates the affinity of languages such as Cantonese to their non-Sinitic Southeast Asian neighbors. Finally, in arguing that comparatives in Mandarin Chinese are not Surpass construction, I suggest that it is not Sinitic languages in general that go against robust typological correlations between basic word order and standard-adjective order; rather, it is only Mandarin that provides a counterexample and is, in that respect, typologi- cally rare.

An Exploratory Study of Myanmar Culture Using Hofstede's Value Dimensions

This paper is an exploratory investigation into the cultural classification of Myanmar (Burmese) culture using the Hofstede-Bond typology. Myanmar was not included in the original or subsequent Hofstede studies, and no empirical data are found in the literature concerning the cultural classification of this country. The results indicate that Myanmar is a low power distance, highly feminine, moderately individualistic, high uncertainty avoidance culture with a moderate long-term orientation. The paper also addresses the similarities and differences between Myanmar and its Southeast Asian neighbors.

The dynamics of manufacturing competitiveness in South Asia: An analysis through export data

The outstanding export performance of South Asian countries (and India in particular) over the nineties have prompted some observers to see in it the roots of an export-led growth similar to that of the Southeast Asian neighbors. We employ an export unit values (UVs) cum real competitiveness analysis to the manufacturing sector of four South Asian countries (with a particular focus on India), in order to investigate the determinants of this apparent success. Shifts towards higher UVs relative to technology leaders serve as the most appropriate indication of underlying structural changes, which are manifested in technology closing up processes among countries. According to our indices, the export competitiveness of South Asian countries (except Pakistan) seems to have slightly improved relative to the Southeast Asian comparators, but not relative to OECD. The South Asian export growth has been mainly driven by relative quantity expansion through a reduction in relative costs rather than relative quality increase. Such expansion has been concentrated in natural resource, standard-technology-intensive (in India) and labor-intensive sectors (in Bangladesh). On the other hand, the more technology-intensive sectors in India still suffer from a significant gap relative to Thailand, which has not been closing up in the last decade. These findings suggest some notes of caution in interpreting the recent good export performance of South Asian economies.