South Korean Security Research Articles

Human Rights Issues in North Korea and the Residents’ Defection: An Analysis of Job Involvement according to the Period of Service of the South Korean Security Police

Purpose: The purpose of this study is to validate the difference in the effectiveness of the police on job in-volvement based on their work experiences in order to validate the effectiveness of the security police who directly make contacts with the North Korean defectors as a solution to various problems and conflicts. Method: In this study, among police officers in the security department as of 2020 who had experience in work related North Korean defectors, 100 trainees in the Police Human Resources Development Institute were surveyed via self-administration method. Among the collected survey questionnaires, 91 were selected as valid samples, excluding those whose answers were incomplete or missing. Results: As a result of the study, there was no statistically significant difference demonstrated in terms of the difference in job involvement according to the total length of police service. Furthermore, as a result of the analy-sis performed on the difference in terms of the police’s job involvement according to security and service period, there was no statistically significant difference in total security, service period, and job involvement. Conclusion: It turned out that there was no statistical difference in terms of the perception of job involvement between the total police’s service period, security and service period, which. means that serving for a long time in the police or security department does not affect the responsibility, effort, and voluntary participation in the job. That is, since there is no difference in the perception of job involvement based on experiences, it is apparent that the factors affecting job involvement by various factors including working environment, performance measurement, and fatigue ought to be developed. Furthermore, this study looks forward to the lives of the North Koreans whose freedom and human rights are guaranteed by the collapse of the North Korean dictatorship.

Crisis of Kim Jong-Un Regime of North Korea and the Safety of North Korean Defectors: An Analysis of Job Involvement of the South Korean Security Police

Purpose: The purpose of this study is to recognize the importance of the security police officers work or job in-volvement by examining the difference in terms of the job involvement according to the general characteristics of the South Korean security police, and furthermore, present the basic data for the organizational operation and improving the work efficiency of members. Method: In this study, 100 trainees of the Police Human Resources Development Institute, a police institute of education in Korea in 2020, were surveyed and the convenience sampling method was used for the sampling method, followed by the Self-Administration Method. An investigation was conducted. Among the collected ques-tionnaires, 91 questionnaires were used as valid samples, except for the data with insincere responses or omission of some of the details of the survey. The measurement tool is a questionnaire, and the data processing is a statis-tical package program, SPSS 23.0 Program, and the frequency analysis was performed to examine and understand the general characteristics, while the Cronbach s α coefficient was calculated to validate the reliability of the questionnaire. The confirmatory factor analysis was performed to classify the job involvement related factors, and the t-Test and the one-way ANOVA were performed to examine and understand the difference in terms of the job involvement of the security police according to the general characteristics. Results: In this study, the confirmatory factor analysis was performed to validate the conceptual validity of the measurement tool, and the concept reliability was all over 0.8, and the mean variance (AVE) values all exceeded 0.5, and hence, the concentration validity for all variables was evidently secured. Furthermore, the reliability of the questionnaire turned out to be .798 of Cronbach s α coefficient. As an empirical result, the difference in the job involvement according to general characteristics is, first, the difference in terms of the job involvement of the security police according to gender is higher in women than in men. Second, there was no significant difference in the job involvement of the security police according to age in the difference in terms of the job involvement of the security police according to age. Third, the difference in the job involvement of the security police according to educational background is higher than high school graduates with community college, 4 year college, and grad-uate degrees. Fourth, the difference in terms of the job involvement of the security police according to the number of employees in the affiliated organization is higher than that of 21 or more people than 10 people or less, 11 or more people and 15 people or less, and 15 or more people and 20 people or less. Fifth, there is no difference in the job involvement of the security police according to the area of service. Conclusion: As a result of the research process it turned out that there was a difference in the job involvement of the security police according to gender, educational background, and the number of employees in the affiliated organization, and there was no difference in terms of the job involvement according to age and the area of ser-vice. Hence, based on the in-depth and various studies related to job involvement according to the characteristics of the study subjects, a plan ought to be presented to enable the security police to more fully perform their original duties.

A Study on the Adaptation to the South Korean Society for the Survival of the North Korean Defectors: With a Focus on Job Satisfaction according to the Period of Service of the South Korean Security Police

Purpose: The Korean Peninsula of the Northeast Asia is the only divided country in the world, and unlike South Korea, North Korea is isolated from against the rest of the international community due to the socialist ideology and oppression of its dictatorship, and the human rights of the North Koreans are very serious given the economic sanctions. The number of the North Korean defectors is increasing each day. Hence, through the job satisfaction according to the period of service of the security police, who can directly or indirectly support the North Korean defectors in South Korea, which is the most frequently selected by North Korean defectors, a plan for the North Korean defectors for settling in the South Korean society has been presented. Method: In this study, among police officers in the security department as of 2020 who had experience in work related North Korean defectors, 100 trainees in the Police Human Resources Development Institute were surveyed via self-administration method. Among the collected survey questionnaires, 91 were selected as valid samples, excluding those whose answers were incomplete or missing. Results: First, there is a difference in the job satisfaction according to the total period of service in the police organization. As a result of the analysis performed, Q-3 and Q-4 were high at the 5% level. As for Q-5, 20 years or longer turned out to be higher at 1% level than 6 or longer and 10 years and less and 11 or more years and 15 years or less. Q-3 is a response for “I have considerable discretion in performing my job.” Q-4 is a response for “I think that the division of duties and the relationship of authority and responsibility among the organizational employees are clarified and efficient work assignment is made.” Second, there is a difference in the police’s job satisfaction according to security and service period among police organizations. As a result of the analysis performed, at the level of 5%, as for Q-1, 10 years or longer turned out to be more satisfied with their current job and position as a police officer than 2 years or less. Q-1 is a response for I don t think the salary level is low compared to my job.“ Conclusion: Given the unfortunate political and historical experiences of the South Korean society, there is a critical perception of the security police, and it is necessary to strengthen the capabilities of the security police to support the North Korean defectors. Naturally, there may be criticisms as such, but it is worth considering schol-arly from the point of view of the modern liberal state philosophy such that the state exists to protect the lives and bodies of the people and human security, which has gradually expanded its scope entering the 21st century.

Regulation of North Korean Defectors: Validation of the Differences in Perception according to the Total Period of Service as Police and the Security and Service Period of the South Korean Security Police

Purpose: The purpose of this study is to validate the difference in the perception of North Korean defectors by focusing on variables according to the period of service of the security police and the police’s total period of ser-vice, which can provide a high accessibility and experience based results for the North Korean defectors. Method: In this study, 100 South Korean police officers in 2020 were surveyed among the police officers of the security department who had work experiences related to the North Korean defectors, and among the trainees of the Police Human Resources Development Institute, the police institute of education in South Korea. The survey was conducted by the self-administration method, and 91 people’s questionnaires were used as valid samples, excluding the data with insincere responses or missing part of the survey information. Results: In terms of the difference in the perception of North Korean defectors according to the period of police service, the analysis demonstrated that there was a significant difference for the Q-22 question at the level of 5%. That is, it turned out that the longer the total police service period, the more the North Korean defectors had the perception to receive legal support for the purposes of visiting the police station. Furthermore, as for the difference in the perception of the North Korean defectors according to the period of the security police service, the analysis demonstrated a significant difference in the Q-24, Q-34, and Q-38 ques-tions at the 5% level. That is, it turned out that the security police perceived the problems of the North Korean defectors to be personal safety and understanding of the South Korean society, and perceived that the average monthly economic income of the North Korean defectors is stable. Conclusion: As the conclusion of this study, while the police generally perceive the work involving the North Korean defectors as a legal support and a business processing, the longer the service period of the security police, the difference in their perception turned out such that, the more problems with the personal safety of the North Korean defectors and their understanding of the South Korean society. Furthermore, in terms of the security police who are directly in charge of the North Korean defectors, they have a common perception about the North Korean society, such as problem solving through violence, awareness of and avoidance of damages according to the compliance of law, and the justification of individual sacrifice by groups. Hence, it may be interpreted as a result of recognizing it as a result of a lack of personal protection against violent crimes and a lack of understanding of the South Korean society.

Perspective towards North Korean Defectors according to the Educational Background, Rank, and Job Acquisition Path of South Korean Security Police Protecting North Korean Defectors

Purpose: In this study, after the North Korean defectors enter into South Korea and undergo education and training for a certain period, they are transferred to the police and take the first step towards their settlement in the South Korean society under the protection of the security police for a certain period of time. This means that the security police officers are playing and performing such a crucial role in the process of their settlement and social adaptation for the North Korean defectors. Hence, the purpose of this study is to analyze the perception and attitude of the security police towards the North Korean defectors and explore a policy related plan for the impact on the North Korean defectors successful settlement in the South Korean society. Method: In this study, the perception and attitude towards the safety awareness of the North Korean defectors was analyzed through the Self-Administration Method applied survey of 100 police officers in the security department of the Police Human Resources Development Institute, which is the police educational institution of South Korea. Among the main variables for measurement, educational background, rank, and job acquisition path were used. In particular, among the various characteristics of security police, the study has focused on how the safety awareness of the North Korean defectors varies according to the educational background and rank job acquisition path of the security police department. Results: As a result of the analysis performed, it turned out that the higher the educational background of the security police, the higher the safety awareness of the North Korean defectors. Across most of the questions which demonstrated statistical significance in terms of the job acquisition path, it turned out that the security police officers from the executive candidates evaluated the safety awareness of the North Korean defectors far more positively than the general police officers or special recruits. Conclusion: In order for the security police officers from the relatively low educational background and the general police officers to renew more voluntary and active safety awareness of the North Korean defectors, it is first necessary to improve the overall job acquisition path of the entire police organization, including the security police. The negative evaluation of the North Korean defectors by the security police officers with a relatively low educational background and general police officers may be a kind of negative reaction to the problem which the security police organization is constantly undergoing changes according to the government s political inclinations. Hence, in the future, the government, political circles, and the police leaders should not make abrupt changes to the security police organization according to the government s political orientation and microscopic changes in terms of the inter-Korean relations.

North Korean Refugees SAFETY: South Korean Security Police to Verify the Difference in Empowerment, Working Periods

North Korean Refugees SAFETY: South Korean Security Police to Verify the Difference in Empowerment, Working Periods

NORTH KOREAN Refugees: Empowerment by the Police s Gender and Age

Purpose: This study has analyzed the differences in the empowerment by gender and age of the police officers serving for the South Korean security police organization, which is dedicated to the North Korean refugees, who are increasing in number due to the economic downfall of the North Korean regime. In addition, it is sought to discuss the policy measures which can help improve the new empowerment of the North Korean refugees and the security police organization analyzed based on the results of this study. Method: In this study, to analyze the differences in the empowerment as per the gender and age of the police officers serving in the security police organizations, 100 police officers from the security department who have work experiences related to the North Korean refugees with the South Korean police officers as the group of re-cruitment in 2020 were targeted, and the survey was conducted by using the Self-Administration Method. Results: In terms of the differences in the empowerment as per gender, with Q-1 What I m doing is important to me , men demonstrated a higher level of significance than women at the significance level of 5%, and in terms of the differences in the empowerment as per age, 8 out of 20 questions demonstrated that empowerment was higher for those in their 50s or older than in those in their 20s, 30s, and 40s. Conclusion: The weight of the women police officers in the organizational culture of the security police for the expansion of the North Korean refugees ought to be increased. Among the North Korean refugees, women ac-count for twice as many as men, and the role of women police officers in counseling and managing them ought to be taken seriously. Furthermore, there is a need for an ambience where the empowerment possessed by the police officers in their 50s and older may be conveyed to the young police officers, and the values generated from the long experiences of working with the North Korean refugees, that is, a strong sense of the view of nation, ought to be well conveyed to the young police officers.

South Korea’s Strategic Culture and China’s National AI STRATEGY: A Neoclassical Realist View

Purpose: South Korea s foreign policy executives need to make security policy choices about China s AI as a security threat with normative nature. The purpose of this article is to identify the ideas of the South Korean security policy executives and to analyze the role of the policy elites’ perception in foreign policymaking about China s artificial intelligence as a newly emerging security challenge. Together with this, it is approached to evaluate the strategic perception of Moon Jae-in s foreign policy executive in connection with China’s artificial intelligence. Method: The article examines the document and speech of the foreign policymakers of Korea and China as well as the media coverage of the two countries by utilizing Kitchen’s neoclassical realism with a focus on the elites’ perception as an intervening variable, international systemic pressure as an independent variable, and foreign policy outcome as a dependent variable. Chapter 2 reviews the strategic culture of a middle power. Chapter 3 finds China’s AI strategy as a systemic threat. Chapter 4 explores the former Korean governments’ strategic ideas for China. Chapter 5 finds Moon Jae-in government’s idea of the China AI strategy. Results: The article reveals the nature of China’s AI, the role of Korea’s strategic culture, and the capacity of policy elites to emerging security. First, China s AI has the nature of systemic pressure. Sec-ond, the foreign policy executives of Korea differently respond to China’s systemic pressure. Third, the Moon Jae-in government’s policy elites have autonomous power against the international systemic pressure and consider the economic interest as important. Conclusion: This article concluded that the foreign policy elites’ perception intervenes between the international systemic pressure and state foreign policy-making. The elites induce the discussion of AI from the view of middle power multilateralism rather than that of AI from the view of ethical and geopolitical context. The article also says that Korea s foreign policy elites can operationalize the ideas in considering the balance of interest with China.

혼종 식민성(Hybrid coloniality) : 탈식민주의로 바라본 한국의 외교안보정책

혼종 식민성(Hybrid coloniality) : 탈식민주의로 바라본 한국의 외교안보정책

Command Coordination and Tactical Effectiveness in Counter-insurgency Operations: Lessons from the South Korean Campaign

This article analyzes the causes of combat effectiveness of the South Korean security forces through the course of its various counter-insurgency (COIN) operations from 1948 to 1953. We argue that improvements in two interrelated aspects ultimately resulted in higher operational and tactical level performance: unified operational command structure and the subsequent improvements in tactical efficiency under the guidance of the US advisory mission. Through an in-depth case study on how a nascent army improved its capacity in combating homegrown insurgencies, we demonstrate how the actual conduct of operations itself remains just as significant in the assessment of overall COIN outcomes.

Realism, critical theory, and the politics of peace and security: Lessons from anti-base protests on Jeju Island

AbstractDrawing on insights from International Relations and social movement theories, I explore anti-base protests on Jeju Island and the ensuing politics of peace. I find that the clash between activists and policymakers is fundamentally tied to different views regarding the legitimacy of state actions on security policy and whether actors see states or people as the primary object of security. These real-world differences are mirrored in realist and critical perspectives of international politics. Policymakers tend to view the naval base as a means of protecting national interests and enhancing maritime security. Meanwhile, anti-base activists seek emancipation from an illegitimate state project uprooting a peaceful community. However, the perpetuation of a powerful realist discursive structure within the South Korean security and foreign policy establishment presents significant hurdles for anti-base movements in advancing their cause. My findings are based on ethnographic research in Gangjeong village in July 2012, interviews with activists and policymakers in South Korea, and an analysis of state and activist discourse in both Korean and English language sources.

South Korean views on Japan's constitutional reform under the Abe government

ABSTRACTIn this Special Section, this article reviews South Korean views on Japan's ‘peace’ Constitution and the Abe government's attempts at constitutional reform. It identifies three different understandings among South Korean academics on why Japan is escalating attempts to revise the Constitution under the Abe government. An in-depth analysis demonstrates that all three perspectives pay specific attention to Japan's constitutional reform in relation to security policy changes. However, they differ in assessing the impact of Japan's constitutional reform on South Korea as well as how South Korea should deal with such a change. A minority opinion considers Japan's ‘remilitarisation’ through constitutional revision as conducive to South Korean security interests by increasing deterrence against North Korea, whereas the dominant opinion is that any attempt to revise the Constitution could be in and of itself a potential threat to South Korea's security due to a lack of trust attributed to unresolved historical conflicts between Korea and Japan. However, all three approaches pay hardly any attention to the positive role of Japan's peace Constitution while Japan's peace Constitution might provide a regional peace model in Northeast Asia.

The Expectation and Reality Gap in South Korea’s Relations with China

This paper identifies a gap between expectation and reality in South Korea-China relations. It applies the theory of “Autonomy-Security Trade-off” and analyzes incidents such as North Korea’s sinking of the Cheonan, its bombardment of the Yeonpyeong Island, and the deployment of the U.S. THAAD system in South Korea. As a result, this paper concludes that South Korea expected more from China than it merited. Contrary to South Korean expectations, China was not ready to help South Korea on security issues. The Strategic Cooperative Partnership, which was signed in 2008 between the two countries, appeared to be just a friendly gesture, although South Korea expected cooperation in security sector. South Korea should recognize that its partnership with China cannot replace its alliance with the U.S. It should settle for economic, social, and cultural cooperation with China and maintain security cooperation with the U.S. If South Korea reminds China of this limitation in its mutual relationship, China could also settle for its cooperation with South Korea on sectors other than security. China would therefore not intervene into South Korean security decisions as we witnessed over the deployment of the U.S. THAAD system.

The development of the private security industry in South Korea: history, progress, and critical issues, 1950-2014

Purpose – The literature on the growth and regulations pertaining to private security has been largely confined to western countries, with very little published on other jurisdictions including South Korea. The purpose of this paper is to provide a general account of the development of the South Korean industry and an assessment of regulation, covering the period from 1950 to the present day, and to explore areas of possible improvement in regulation. Design/methodology/approach – A research synthesis method was utilised to identify and integrate qualitative materials on turning points and regulatory changes, with the addition of a gap analysis based on established concepts of best practice in industry regulation. Findings – The security industry in South Korea has grown exponentially, worth over $2.7 billion per annum. Notwithstanding this, regulation evolved through piecemeal rather than comprehensive changes. The problem is similar to those found in many other countries. However, in South Korea, over-reliance on market mechanisms of regulation, combined with the government’s lukewarm stance on stimulating the non-public security sector, means that there are inadequate guarantees of baseline competence and integrity. Practical implications – The study demonstrates the need for governments to be more proactive and consultative in regulating the burgeoning security industry, and move away from ad hoc responses to industry problems. Regulation should be comprehensive in covering all relevant operational aspects of security work that are reflective of a growth profile. Regulatory agencies should actively explore training programmes linked to career path development and professionalisation. Execution of regulatory enforcement should be independent from political or third-party influence. Regulators should be innovative in applying and evaluating research-based regulatory strategies. Originality/value – The study provides a comprehensive overview of the South Korean security industry and regulatory issues, adding to a more international understanding of regulatory challenges in security.

The Added Value of Partnership with NATO for South Korean Security

Although NATO was originally created to address regional security concerns, since the end of the Cold War it has expanded its role and partnership to take on new security challenges. In this article, we examine what security gains South Korea could expect to achieve from engaging in NATO's global partnership security cooperation framework. Our analysis focuses on the possible benefits of security cooperation between the two partners at three different geographic levels, namely, the Korean Peninsula, Northeast Asia, and the global arena. We conclude that South Korea could draw security gains from cooperation with NATO at all three levels. First, partnership with NATO is likely to contribute to peace on the Korean Peninsula. In particular, NATO could participate in post-Six-Party Talks, which have failed to solve the North Korean nuclear problem. NATO would also be able to engage in humanitarian intervention if a crisis arose in North Korea. Second, NATO could contribute to peace in Northeast Asia. Security tensions in the region are currently increasing, as China is pursuing an assertive form of diplomacy while Japan is seeking to actively engage in military conflicts abroad. NATO could also provide support for the United States, which is having difficulty deterring these regional powers. Third, South Korea could cooperate with NATO in peacekeeping operations at a global level. Cooperation with NATO would enhance the effectiveness of South Korea's peacekeeping operations.

Reciprocity in South Korean Security Policy Vis-à-vis North Korea and the United States

I review the principle of reciprocity in South Korean security policy with regard to North Korea and the United States and analyze how the principle fits with US security policy concerning South Korea. Diffuse reciprocity shaped Korean security policy starting with President Kim Dae-jung's Sunshine Policy. The Lee Myung-bak government's hard-line approach increased military tension and economic anxiety on the peninsula. The new South Korean government under Park Geun-hye should devise achievable policy measures rather than place excessive pressure or unrealistic demands on North Korea.

Implications of U.S. Defense Strategic Guidance for South Korean Security: Relations to the Balance of Power in Northeast

Implications of U.S. Defense Strategic Guidance for South Korean Security: Relations to the Balance of Power in Northeast

Cultural Identity and Securitising the Korean Peninsula: Transformations in the South Korean Security Narrative

The paper discusses South Korea's ‘brand Korea’ initiative and the impact of cultural transformations on the South Korean national security narrative. The paper considers the practices of identity and security representation in South Korea and outlines how cultural transformations in a country which has built its national security on an assumption of racial and ethnic homogeneity are affecting relations between South and North Korea. The paper argues that these issues can be explored through a critical geopolitics perspective and that the key relationship resides in the narratives and representations of threat and ‘the foreigner.’ The paper discusses critical geopolitics within a non-Western context and explores how cultural transformations are creating new narratives and new representations of the relationship between foreigner, national identity and national security.

ROK–U.S. cooperation in preparation for hostile actions by North Korea in possession of nuclear weapons

Abstract Can the United States' extended deterrence guarantee the security of South Korea against nuclear threats posed by North Korea? North Korea manipulates its nuclear capability not only as a means of deterrence but also as a military leverage to threaten the very existence of South Korea. Considering the current pattern of North Korea's behavior and the geopolitical and strategic implications for the Korean peninsula, the U.S. promise of extended deterrence for South Korea appears to have many limitations. In fact, as demonstrated in the sinking of the ROK naval frigate Cheonan incident, North Korea, with its nuclear capability intact, now threatens South Korean security more openly. Accordingly, measures to increase the credibility of America's extended deterrence become ever more imperative such that it will act as a stronger deterrence against further aggressive actions by North Korea and give greater assurance to South Koreans. The U.S. extended deterrence statement in its Nuclear Posture Review...

Nuclear Sisyphus: the myth of denuclearising North Korea

Is North Korea ready and willing to give up its nuclear weapons? Proponents of arms control and sustained engagement with North Korea maintain that Pyongyang's desire to acquire nuclear weapons stemmed from ingrained insecurity vis-à-vis the United States or more specifically, the threat that the US poses to fundamental regime security. However, the primordial source of Kim Jong Il's existential insecurity stems largely from the abnormal, structural idiosyncracies of his regime and not, as many naively believe, the hardline policies of the Bush administration. Accordingly, the Kim Jong Il regime's fundamental dilemma boils down to the fact that the domestic political costs of giving up its nuclear capabilities are just as high as the costs of retaining them. Debunking the myth that the US, rather than North Korea, poses the greater challenge to South Korean security is as important as ensuring that North Korea dismantles its nuclear arsenal.