South Carolinians Research Articles

Religion, Gender, and the Lost Cause in South Carolina's 1876 Governor's Race: "Hampton or Hell!"

GENERAL WADE HAMPTON, THE CONFEDERATE CAVALRY HERO, RODE again on October 7, 1876. Flanked by the paramilitary arm of the South Carolina Democratic Party--which was made up of local groups known as rifle clubs--Hampton entered the midlands town of Sumter, South Carolina, an important stop in his gubernatorial campaign tour. In the center of town, speakers' stand had been erected, and on it black-robed figure, bound in chains, stood solemnly before crowd of farmers and townspeople. As the hopeful candidate assumed his position on the platform, the shadowy figure flung off its chains and cast aside its robe of mourning, revealing beautiful young woman, with skin and dress of white, wearing tiara emblazoned with the words South Carolina. The journalist Alfred Brockenbrough Williams witnessed the crowd erupt at this performance, with many of the men openly weeping. Late into the night, Williams reported, frenzied horsemen rode through the town crying out or Hell! The candidacy of Wade in the 1876 governor's race seemed to these white South Carolinians to be the chance to restore South Carolina to home rule. (1) The historiography of southern has tended to focus on the ways in which conservative whites used fraud and violence to overturn Reconstruction regimes. Whether the story is told as heroic narrative of redemption or as dream of democracy deferred, the emphasis has centered on votes--whether bought, coerced, or fraudulently counted. (2) No new evidence challenges the role of intimidation and violence in this and other Redemption contests. Former Confederate brigadier general and leading straight-out Democrat, Martin Witherspoon Gary, certainly believed that for the campaign to succeed without compromise or cooperation with Republicans, every Democrat must feel honor bound to control the vote of at least one negro. (3) This article, however, also takes into account Gary's contention that the campaign must get up all the enthusiasm we can among the masses. (4) South Carolina Conservatives, like Gary, recognized that these white masses were the key to Democrats' regaining power in postbellum society. They understood, moreover, that power functioned best in context of cultural consensus. If Conservatives could control the tenets of that consensus in such way that the white masses acquiesced to domination by the Democratic elite, then Conservative rule would certainly be assured. To this end, in the 1876 campaign Conservatives successfully created and celebrated public spectacle that drew upon the racial and gendered obsessions of white Carolina culture. The ritual and rhetoric that accompanied the so-called Days of September and October 1876 depicted the conflict between Democrat Wade and Republican incumbent Daniel H. Chamberlain as religious struggle between good and evil (between Hampton and Hell) and preyed upon white anxieties about ideas of race and gender. As public representations of cultural ideology, the Days celebrations bring us into tightly woven network of memory and myth. A close examination of this ideology's manifestation as public spectacle in the campaign promises two important results. First, it opens window to the vexed question of southern conservatism. The attempt to define the conservative worldview of the South has generally focused on the lineaments of proslavery ideology or on the planter's relationship to bourgeois capitalism. Eugene D. Genovese's skillful explication sees southern conservatism as a variant of transatlantic traditionalism that expresses belief in transcendent order and accepts social stratification as necessary and proper. (5) But this ideology, as the Days celebrations suggest, lived in public spectacle as well as in the writings and ruminations of the southern learned divines and public intellectuals who populate the pages of Genovese's work. …

The Louisiana Purchase and South Carolina's Reopening of the Slave Trade in 1803

In the fall of 1802, Governor John Drayton mobilized the South Carolina militia to defend the state's coast against an invasion. The source of his terror was not Napoleon's navy or the British fleet, but merely a rumor that ships carrying slaves from St. Domingue might dock at the Charleston harbor. As of 1802, the brutal slave revolution in St. Domingue had been raging for eleven years, and the violence had just reached a new terrifying peak. Based solely on the sighting of one black foreigner in Georgetown, this rumor erupted into a security crisis.1 Back in 1787, at the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia, South Carolina had fought to preserve the states' right to import slaves; in fact, the state had sacrificed other interests to win a twenty-year barrier against congressional regulation of the slave trade. But soon after this compromise, in 1792, anxious about slave revolts and financial concerns, South Carolina voluntarily closed its foreign and domestic slave trade. Over the next ten years, overwhelming majorities in the South Carolina state legislature extended this ban: by 1802 the antislave trade majority stood at eight-to-one in the house, and support in the senate was so strong they did not bother to call the roll.2 However, just one year after these sweeping majorities voted to keep the trade closed, and just one year after Governor John Drayton mobilized the militia in order to prevent slaves from landing at the state's ports, South Carolina's legislature reopened the African slave trade. Drayton himself had supported the ban in his three years as governor, but as a state legislator in 1803 he suddenly reversed his stance and voted to reopen the slave trade. From 1804 to 1808, traders flooded Charleston with 39,075 African slaves-over one tenth of the total number of slaves brought into all of British North America over the previous 200 years-probably the strongest surge in the history of the global slave trade. Meanwhile, all of the other states maintained their prohibitions.3 Historians have generally offered two explanations for South Carolina's stunning reversal. First, the invention of a successful cotton gin created new opportunities for cotton production and a corresponding increase in the state's demand for slaves. Second, the illegal slave trade from the volatile Caribbean terrified white South Carolinians, prompting them to seek as an alternative a legal and supposedly more docile supply of slaves from Africa. However, South Carolinians had been aware of the cotton boom and illegal slave smuggling for many years before 1803, and yet they consistently extended the prohibition. Furthermore, the evidence suggests that the first few years of the nineteenth century produced no significant increase in these factors.4 Certainly, both the cotton boom and the illegal slave trade contributed to the 1803 reversal, and they probably were necessary causes, but they were not quite sufficient. In fact, the apparent trigger lay beyond South Carolina's borders: the Louisiana Purchase, the truly revolutionary event of 1803, which doubled America's territory. Jefferson's acquisition of Louisiana literally transformed the political landscape and heightened a fascination with the frontier, and it seems to have been a catalyst that broadened concerns about illegal slaves entering the frontier and expanded an interest in western cotton production. Because South Carolinians had first-hand experience with these issues, and because they already were absorbed with the frontier, they would have been more attuned to the impact of the purchase. Throughout the early years of the republic, South Carolina's politicians played important national roles in opening up the frontier to American settlement and American slavery. News of the negotiations with Napoleon heightened this widespread excitement about the frontier. Throughout 1803, Charleston's newspapers trumpeted the importance of this new frontier for national expansion and agriculture. …

Edward A. Pearson, editor, Designs against Charleston: The Trial Record of the Denmark Vesey Slave Conspiracy of 1822, Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999. Pp. xiii + 387. $49.95 (ISBN 0-8078-2446-1).

Edward A. Pearson, editor, Designs against Charleston: The Trial Record of the Denmark Vesey Slave Conspiracy of 1822, Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999. Pp. xiii + 387. $49.95 (ISBN 0-8078-2446-1). - Volume 20 Issue 3

Exposure of South Carolinians to commercial meats and fish within their meat and fish diet.

There has been considerable interest in the public's exposure to a variety of contaminants through the consumption of wild fish and game, yet there is little information on consumption of commercial meats and fish, or the relationship between commercial and self-caught fish. We conducted a dietary survey in 1999 to estimate exposure levels of 464 individuals from people attending the Palmetto Sportsmen's Classic. Mean consumption was similar for beef, chicken/turkey, and wild-caught fish, and much lower for pork and store-bought fish, and still lower for restaurant fish. There were no ethnic differences in the consumption of most commercial fish and meats, although the differences for chicken approached significance. There were significant ethnic differences in consumption of wild-caught fish. Women ate significantly less of all meat types, except store-bought fish. People over 45 ate less beef than younger people, and people younger than 32 ate significantly more chicken than others. There were no significant differences in consumption patterns as a function of income, except for chicken and wild-caught fish; people with higher incomes ate more chicken than others, and people with lower incomes ate more wild-caught fish than others. When all wild-caught and commercial fish and meats are considered, there are significant differences only for ethnicity and gender. Blacks consume significantly more fish than Whites, and men consume significantly more than women.

The Case for Cultural Sensitivity in (Economic) History : The Profession

The Casefor CulturalSensitivity in (Economic) History THE PROFESSION by DavidMoltke-Hansen !economic history is stilla battleground. George C. Rogers made thepoint in his commentary on several econometricpapers some two decades ago. Observing "It is names, not numbers, that count, " heflashed on the screen a slide ofa mid-eighteenth-century waterfront view ofCharleston, South Carolina. He then went down the row ofwharves and after naming their owners, explainedtheir ties across theAthntic, down in the Caribbean, andalong theAthntic seaboard. It was a bravuraperformance. Historyfor him was about people, not simply their statistical shadows andpatterns. Itfrustrated Rogers that his subject had been lost to view in thepapers on which he was commenting. Why not, he in effect was asking render the understandings derivedfrom statisticalanalysis in such terms as his reading ofthe Charleston waterfront suggested? Rogers'commentary was aho substantive. South Carolinians in the eighteenth century lived within the worldeconomic system. The meanings andfunctions ofthis system, however, werepersonalas wellas local, notjust statistical orglobal. The same is true, it can be argued, when the subject is the American Souths industrialization in the half-century before or the half-century after the Great Depression. One needs to grasp the nature of the challenges and changes facing the Souths leading modernizers, this argument goes, to see broadly the contexts and constraints within which these men operated. That said, the story is still the achievement of relative economic success in a relatively backward area, and that story should, the argument continues, take us back from numbers to names and from economics to culture. From this perspective, much of the interest of the story lies in the ways in which modernizers defined and pursued their goals culturally as well as economically. These men were not simply importing, but adapting, as well as adapting to, norms and practices originally developed elsewhere. In doing so, they were taking into account issues of race, class, and gender that had specifically regional, not only national, dimensions. The argument has present application . Although Mississippi and North Carolina are now the most industrialized states in the union, labor does not have nearly the organized presence there that it developed in the North. This matters, as do the differences in worker culture between North and South. As a machinist from New Jersey recently observed, living in Charlotte is not like living in Newark or Chicago. He was talking about more than prevalent accents and diet. He found education, productivity, and professional associations as well as pace of life, neighbors' attitudes, and entertainment opportunities very different. "You can take the Yankee out of the North," he said, "but you can't take the North out of the Yankee." Many southerners would agree. There are still cultural as well as economic differences between North and South, although they are diminishing. continued on page IO ??????????G z^ÏHi X E — ? z G. Z u. : ? BllRAL SENSITIVITY ronmmnifrompay 9 What scholars need to remember, the culturally sensitive insist, is that the Souths industrialization began as southerners were consciously reframing their cultural identities after the Civil War. In important ways the economic and cultural development of the region were intertwined. The contrasting argument is that an area's long-term economic success is to a large degree situational and circumstantial, not cultural or social or moral. The small initial advantages ofsome communities or regions become magnified with the passage of time. Success breeds success. Little differences become big differences. Such economic success, however, is not predestined or permanent. The plantation economy propelled much of the Old South's wealth but then mired the region in colonial dependence on an industrializing North in the wake of the Civil War's devastation. Scholars inclined to this culturally insensitive approach ignore the arguments of Max Weber and Richard Tawney in, respectively. The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit ofCapitalism and Religion and the Rise ofCapitalism. Weber and Tawney sought to explain the motives and behaviors of the participants in the take-offs ofthe economies of Northern and Western Europe. They observed that Protestantism arose in these same areas of future economic development at a time and among people important in that development. Their conclusion was that the culture and elements of the ideology of Protestantism...

Throwing a Bone to the Watchdog

Bioethics is now taken seriously. Is there a danger of its being taken in or taken over? Might it be influenced in other ways, less visible and less easily avoided? As private corporations and bioethicists build relationships with each other, bioethicists must ask themselves about the opportunities, the constraints, and the subtle shifts in attitude and focus that such ties might create. Last fall sat in on a conference session about corporate funding of bioethics at the annual meeting of the American Society of Bioethics and Humanities in Salt Lake City. The issue up for discussion was whether bioethicists might legitimately accept money from the bodies whose actions and policies they were commenting upon in their teaching, writing, consulting, and policymaking. Many people in the room seemed enthusiastic about the prospect. Here is a way for bioethics to make a real difference in the world, it was said. Here is a way to have an impact. We all get our money from somewhere--universities, grants, hospitals, managed care organizations. Few of us are so unsophisticated that we would allow money to corrupt our moral judgment. Pharmaceutical and biotechnology corporations need bioethicists. They are aching for moral guidance. So deep are their moral and spiritual needs that they are willing to give ethicists gifts, contracts, honoraria, consultation fees, and stock options. thought about this argument as traveled from Salt Lake City to a funeral in South Carolina. Driving down through the Lowcountry to the funeral home, found myself sitting in traffic behind a pickup with two stickers on the back. One said: I give to the South Carolina Sheriff's Association. Another one said, Support your state trooper. remember these stickers from when was growing up. You got them in return for a donation. You put the stickers on your car in the hope that if you were stopped for speeding or drunk driving or some other violation, you would get special treatment from the police. Did the stickers work? don't know. South Carolinians are not as sophisticated as bioethicists. As long as the police were selling the stickers, we figured they were worth the donation. Bioethicists are not police officers, and a donation is not a bribe. Nor are consultation fees, honoraria, annual gifts, seats on corporate boards, and trips to exotic locations. Bribery, according to the conventional definition, is giving a person money in order that she will violate the duties that go along with her position. It is easy to see what that means when you want to buy a judge or a police officer. But what does it mean to buy a bioethicist? Most of us who teach and write about ethics have a fair degree of academic freedom. We can make any argument we want, teach the texts we want, write on any topic that interests us, vote the way we wish on IRBs, try to influence policy in any way we see fit. We are bound by our consciences, of course, but like the beetle in Wittgenstein's box, there is no independent way of verifying what our consciences tell us to do. If we are influenced by the money we take, how would anyone know? How would we ourselves know? Paid Apologists Last year helped put together an issue of this journal called Alienation, and the Self. Some of the papers in that issue were critical of the way Prozac is prescribed and marketed. Shortly after that issue was published, Eli Lilly, which manufactures Prozac, withdrew its annual contribution to the Hastings Center. Lilly was the Hastings Center's largest annual corporate donor. Some people have seen this episode as confirmation of their worst suspicions about industry funding. These are the people who think that every gift comes with strings attached, and that those strings lead directly back to corporate headquarters. For others, the Lilly episode showed just the opposite: that corporate pressure cannot influence good people. The editors of the Report seemed as surprised by Lilly's move as was, and there was never any hint that a corporate donor might influence what they published. …

Possible relationship between birth weight and cancer incidence among young adults

PURPOSE: Fetal and early life events have been associated with diseases that develop later in life. Low birth weight and the adult onset of hypertension, coronary heart disease, cerebrovascular disease, and non-insulin dependent diabetes have been identified. As well, associations with breast, ovarian, and prostate cancer to high birth weight have been found. An assessment of birth weight and cancer incidence was conducted in a cohort of black and white residents under the age of 46 years.METHODS: Cases were obtained from the Savannah River Region Health Information System cancer registry incident cases (1991–1995) and were limited to South Carolinians born in 1950 and later. Controls were obtained from birth certificate records by choosing the next two records after a cancer case record that matched on year of birth, race, and sex. Results were obtained for 117 cancer cases and 238 controls.RESULTS: After examining the birth distribution, the births were split into two groups based on mean birth weight among controls (3215 grams). Conditional logistic regression (CLR) showed that individuals with higher birth weights (> = 3215 g) were 1.65 (95% CI = 1.03–2.64) times more likely to be cancer cases than those with lower birth weights. When weights were categorized into 500 g increments, a CLR Score statistic showed there was a significant trend (p = 0.0006) of increasing proportion of cancer cases with increasing birth weight. Eight out of the eight cases of lymphoma had birth weights greater than 3579 g.CONCLUSIONS: The results of this preliminary study suggest that cancer incidence among the young may be associated with higher birth weights. One possible reason for this finding, which requires further investigation, might be that larger infants are exposed to higher levels of hormones and/or growth factor than smaller infants in utero that might increase the risk of certain cancers later in life. This may be suggestive of possible environmental factors affecting early growth. These findings support the need for additional study of this association.

South Carolina: A History.

In the first comprehensive history of South Carolina published in nearly fifty years, Walter Edgar presents a sweeping narrative of a state with an illustrious, sometimes infamous, past. He describes in very human terms 475 years of recorded history in the Palmetto State, including the experiences of all South Carolinians - rich and poor; male and female; those with roots in Africa and in Europe as well as Native Americans. In an eminently readable presentation, Edgar uses letters, diaries, and other writings to let voices from the past take part in telling the state's fascinating story.

"A Separate People": Becoming and Being Choctaw and Cherokee

Between 1759 and 1761, Cherokees and colonial South Carolinians were at war with each other. Like many other conflicts in British North America, the three campaigns that together constituted this war left some communities in ashes, a number of participants on each side dead, and little change in the political or geographic status quo. Still, Carolinians could have at least hoped that imperial officials in London would see that the colonists had fought the good fight against a legitimate and threatening enemy. Imagine what those men and women must have thought when they received news that a delegation of three Cherokees had traveled to London in the summer after the war ended to, in the words of Lloyd's London Evening Post, pay their respects to the King of Great Britain, for whom they express the greatest veneration. To make matters worse, that same newspaper later carried reports that perhaps ten thousand Britons went to Vauxhall Garden to see the visitors.' If the Cherokee travelers were greeted as loyal, if alien, members of the empire, what did that mean about the Carolinians who had gone to war against them? Such a question lies at the heart of Tom Hatley's excellent book on eighteenth-century relations between the peoples of territory that had become the southeast of colonial mainland North America. To ask the

FREQUENCY & DURATION OF WEEKLY PHYSICAL ACTIVITY

15 Social marketing strategies suggest that targeted interventions are most effective among people interested in changing desired behaviors. For physical activity (PA), these people are irregularly active. They do some PA, but with insufficient frequency (F) or duration (D) to meet PA guidelines. The purpose of this study was to identify the PA characteristics of irregularly active South Carolinians, ages 18-99 years. Data were obtained from the 1994-96 SC BRFSS (N=6,023). Population prevelances were calculated with SUDAAN. Regular PA was defined as F ≥ 5 d/wk & D ≥ 150 min/wk for all activities(n=996). Irregular PA was defined as: (1) F≤5 d/wk & D≤150 min/wk(n=2,007); (2) F≤ 5 d/wk & D≥150 min/wk (n = 191); (3) F≥5 d/wk & D≤150 min/wk (n=873). Data are in [horizontal bar over]x± SD and percent for each group. There were few differences between groups for age ([horizontal bar over]x = 42-48 years),% women (53-63%),% employed (69-80%),% high school education or higher (79-86%). PA was similar for groups with adequate frequencies (about 6 days/wk) and/or durations (over 300 min/wk). TableTableIntervention efforts should focus to help irregularly active people increase the frequency and/or duration of PA they are already doing to obtain recommended levels of PA for good health.

Hypertension in community-dwelling elders from a statewide study: implications for nonpharmacologic therapy.

This study used multivariate analysis to determine the sociodemographic variables that predict whether hypertensive elders who are aware of their disease deliberately make lifestyle modifications aimed at controlling their hypertension. The data are from the 1990 Panel Study of Older South Carolinians (n = 6,473). The researchers performed five separate logistic regressions, each to predict the odds that the elders made specific lifestyle changes to reduce their hypertension. The dependent variable in the first regression was 1 = quite smoking to reduce hypertension and 0 = did not quite smoking to reduce hypertension. Changing diet, exercising, taking medication, and using stress management techniques were the dependent variables in the second, third, fourth, and fifth regressions, respectively. Significant determinants included age, gender, marital status, socioeconomic status, previous medical history, and social participation. This paper discussed implications for prevention programs.

Between a Rock and a Hard Place: South Carolina's Republican Presidential Primary

ESSAY Between a Rock and a Hard Place South Carolina's Republican Presidential Primary by Cole Blease Graham Jr. Strom Thurmond at the 1968 Republican Party convention in Miami, Florida. Reprinted courtesy ojAP/Wide WorldPhotos. 43 he "rock" in this case is the Granite State of New Hampshire; the "hard place" is the South, where Republican candidates for any office have had a hard row to hoe over the last century. How could a Republican even get on a ballot after "Mr. Lincoln's Party" interfered with the region's effort to form its own nation? Between 1920 and 1950 in South Carolina, not one Republican candidate for governor, the U.S. Senate, or the U.S. House of Representatives received more than 5 percent of the popular vote. Republican presidential candidates fared about as poorly. In the 1940s, J. Bates Gerald, chair of South Carolina Republicans , gave the party's meager funds to gop candidates in other states. Over time, however, Republican fortunes have begun to change in South Carolina and in the South as a whole. In 1988, South Carolina Republicans scheduled for the first time a March presidential primary as a way for nominees to test their potential success across the region. The primary has become for Republicans in the South what the New Hampshire primary has long been for both parties in the nation. THE DEMOCRATS LOSE THEIR GRIP It is still a relatively new thing for a white southerner to be a Republican. From Reconstruction to the 1960s, many southerners and most South Carolinians wallowed in the "raw deal" ofsubsistence cotton agriculture or marginal employment in cotton-related manufacturing. A social and intellectual vacuum guaranteed South Carolina's isolation. Memories ofJohn Calhoun's fears ofnational political power and outside influences coupled widi white apprehension ofAfrican American political power created a politics ofsuspicion that resisted political change. White southern ties with national Democrats began to loosen in the 1930s and 1940s in reaction to the New Deal. For one thing, federal purchase of eroded cropland seemed to destroy a way oflife. New jobs were created by highway construction or defense spending and were protected by wage and hour laws; but for some people, programs like rural electrification, public housing, or more education smacked too much of "northern meddling" or European socialism. Such ideas left litde doubt in the minds ofmany southern leaders that fdr Democrats were being overtaken by big labor, big government, and, perhaps most ominously , by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. V. O. Key Jr., the foremost student of southern politics at mid-twentieth century , noted that the poor condition of South Carolina's economy was overshadowed by its preoccupation with race. In the aftermath ofReconstruction and economic collapse, South Carolina Democrats emerged to keep the state in the clutches of a one-party system that emphasized states' rights and racial segregation , albeit with a faint undercurrent ofagrarian liberalism. 44 COLE BLEASE SRAHAM JR. Democratic political leaders came from an agrarian middle class offarm owners and professionals—the law-They Were Rejet , the doctor, the teacher, the preacher. With few ex-.?/·j ceptions, they advocated or tolerated the status quo in a ¿ political culture that restricted the vote or political influ-the skin, but they ence of cash wage earners, farm tenants, laborers, andJ1 , ¦ · u u ? ? tuu u ? ur could not win a household workers. I hey may have been RepublicansJ under the skin, but they could not join a party identified party identified with the destruction of the South.· .1 .i 1 , ~, ..., , . c __ with the destrucThe nominating primary was the mechanism tor Democratic political dominance. Since Republicans seldom tlOn ofthe South. had a candidate in the general election, a primary victory resulted in election. In southern states, it was customary for African Americans not to participate in the primary, thus losing any meaningful role in the election. After the U.S. Supreme Court declared the white primary unconstitutional in 1944, South Carolina repealed its primary laws and redefined the state Democratic Party as a private organization that could nominate political candidates. This maneuver also failed, and inJuly 1948, the South Carolina Democratic Party began enrolling African Americans. Southern...

Ebonics and Academic Achievement: The Role of the Counselor

A primary purpose of the school is to foster academic achievement, and a primary goal of the school counselor is to support the overall achievement of students by addressing problems and concerns that present impediments to their education. Regarding the language development of Ebonics-speaking African American youth, this article contends that school counselors must assume the role of consultants to and collaborators with teachers and students toward the fulfillment of two objectives: (a) increasing and improving students ' use of Standard English without depreciating their culturally based dialect, and (b) improving the teacher-student relationship in the language learning process. INTRODUCTION Successful communication between counselor and client is the modus operandi of effective counseling and helping. Communication is even more important in cross-cultural counseling situations such as when the counselor and the client come from different cultural backgrounds that suggest language or dialect differences. Bankart (1997) highlights the historical importance of language and culture in the dyadic counseling relationship, concluding that it is important not only for counselors to understand their clients' cultural world view but also to understand the linguistic system clients use to communicate that world view. Proficiency in Standard English is a legitimate and viable learning goal for African American school youth. However, these students' common engagement with and fluency in Ebonics, or that dialect of English peculiar but not limited to African Americans, suggests that Ebonics is a real and legitimate community-based language system that cannot be ignored or devalued. Thus, whereas African American school youth should be expected and required to learn Standard English, Ebonics should be allowed in certain school-based learning activities. Moreover, as affirmed by the resolutions of the Oakland (California) Unified School District's (OUSD) (1996,1997)1 and the Linguistic Society of America (LSA) (1997), African Americans' use of Ebonics should be incorporated into these and other school activities without demeaning, discrediting, or repudiating its users. This position applies equally to issues related to Ebonics and Ebonics-speaking students in the school counseling setting. The present article focuses on the school counselor's role as it relates to two areas: (a) effective counseling of African American students who speak Ebonics; and (b) consulting and collaborating with teachers to facilitate the effective teaching of Standard English to Ebonics-speaking students while preserving the integrity of these students' indigenous language system. Although the primary focus of this discussion is urban African American youth from preschool through grade 12, there are important secondary implications for African American higher education and adult learners. THE NATURE OF EBONICS Contrary to the Oakland school board's controversial 1996 resolution, which stated that language use, specifically that of African American students in urban settings, was genetically based, language is learned or culturally based. (The OUSD's amended January 15, 1997, resolution acknowledges this and omits references to language as having any genetic basis.) Black English-speaking persons from different parts of the world speak varieties of English that are peculiar to their cultures or nationalities. Thus, the English spoken by Blacks in Nigeria differs in rules, sounds, and meanings from that spoken by Blacks in Jamaica. Similar disparities are evident in the English of Black South Africans and Black South Carolinians. Correspondingly, the dialect of English spoken by Whites from the Appalachian Mountains region of the U.S. differs from that spoken by Whites in Ireland, the United Kingdom, and Australia. Variations within English, or any other language for that matter, often result from a combination of social, political, historical, geographic, and socioeconomic factors (Beaman, 1994). …

A TECHNICAL COLLEGE'S RESPONSE TO THE NEED FOR INTERNATIONALIZING EDUCATIONAL PROGRAMS AND SERVICES

Part of the mission of the American Association of Community Colleges addresses the need for a curriculum emphasis on international and intercultural education (Wismer, 1994, p. 77). Considering that (a) 2‐year colleges exist primarily to prepare students for jobs, (b) many American businesses operate in an international environment, and (c) a growing proportion of companies in the United States are foreign affiliated, the internationalization of our curriculums is necessaryforthe fulfillment of institutional missions of preparing the workforce for businesses. However, to fully internationalize college programs and services, the focus must be on more than courses and curriculums. The everyday life of college students, faculty, and staff must present evidence of cultural diversity. Internationalization, therefore, must be infused at every level of college activity. Such an infusion is occurring at Florence‐Darlington Technical College in Florence, South Carolina. There are four broad categories within which activities are planned or are underway: (a) resource development, (b) awareness development and information dissemination, (c) faculty and staff development, and (d) curriculum development. The importance of the need for this South Carolina college to undertake internationalizing initiatives is underscored by the multicultural business environment that exists in the state. For many years, international investment has created record levels of new employment opportunities for South Carolinians and has contributed significantly to statewide economic and industrial growth. The economic impact of international business in the state is apparent. However, there is also a cultural impact that is less obvious, yet profound. These factors present some definite implications for the need to internationalize technical college programs and services.

The Panic of 1751: The Significance of Rumors on the South Carolina- Cherokee Frontier

H ' T ISTORIANS of early America who study Indians have reason to approach their sources with extreme care. In a particularly frank but by no means unique assessment, Daniel K. Richter observes that almost all the surviving documents were written by Europeans and EuroAmericans and preserve only an occasional isolated word in a native language. He warns that even the best records, the minutes of treaty councils that seemingly record Indian voices, the biases and inadequacies of other sources: all were recorded by Europeans . . . all were translated by amateur linguists . . . a few were deliberately altered to further colonizers' designs. It hardly stretches the point to say that students of Indians in early America work with hearsay. Historians have long recognized this problem.1 Less recognized is that historians share the problem with the Indians and colonists of early America, who faced it with far greater urgency. Even among long-term allies, and during periods of relative peace, the lack of reliable information about one another could create extreme anxiety. Certainly it did so among Cherokees and South Carolinians in 1751. From

Portraits of Conflict: A Photographic History of South Carolina in the Civil War (review)

book reviews175 General Lee ( 1 878), which reprinted parts of twenty or so of these letters, revised some of thesejudgments and included many episodes not mentioned in his correspondence. To get the full story of Lee and the Confederates' war through Taylor's eyes, military historians will have to weigh the two volumes together. Cultural historians may also feel a bit shortchanged, for in the end this is a love story—and a pretty good one—with only one side told. Bettie Saunders held out for a decade; Taylor won her not with bold strokes like his hero Stonewall Jackson but with dogged persistence like his enemy General Grant. Even then she made him burn her letters, although she later wrote a reminiscence of their dramatic, tearful wedding in Richmond the night before the Confederate capital fell (reprinted as Appendix 1 in Lee 's Adjutant). Still, half a loaf is better than none, especially since Taylor's letters, with their expressions of personal piety, idealized romance, and military bravado, are textbook examples of the Old South's chivalric code. Carl J. Guarneri St. Mary's College of California Portraits of Conflict: A Photographic History of South Carolina in the Civil War. By Richard B. McCaslin. (Fayetteville, Ark.: The University of Arkansas Press, 1994. Pp. xi, 345. $68.00.) When the Civil War began, few South Carolinians described themselves as professional photographers. Three who did—George S. Cook, Charles J. Quinby , and Richard Wearn—left a treasure offine photographs, many of which fill the pages ofthis excellentbook. Theirphotographs, the authorbelieves, compare favorably in quality and concept with those of Mathew Brady, widely praised as the greatest ofCivil War photographers. To their body ofwork McCaslin has added the contributions of a handful of small-town South Carolina photographers , such as Yorkville's John R. Schorb, as well as the pictures of photographers who accompanied the Federal armies that invaded the Palmetto State by land and by sea. Portraits ofConflict is largely a volume of photographs ofCivil War soldiers posing before a camera, either in a studio or in the field. Consisting primarily of busts or standing soldiers displaying their weapons and looking directly into the camera, Portraits ofConflict represents the artistic standards of Civil Warera photographers. Smileless, melancholy faces, young and old, display the deadly seriousness with which these men engaged in Civil War. Gun emplacements , Union blockading vessels, camp life, and scenes ofdestruction comprise the remainder of the photographs. Battlefield scenes detail the ineluctable destruction of Fort Sumter, the blackened ruins of Columbia, and the mounting rubble ofCharleston. Notably absent are photographs of the battlefield dead. 176civil war history McCaslin's contributions to this volume consist of thoughtful, straightforward introductions to each of the eight chapters and short biographies of individuals pictured or descriptions of each scene depicted. The introduction to chapter 1 identifies the photographers and traces their careers. When known, McCaslin lists the photographer's name for each picture included. The introductions to the next six chapters describe in general terms the participation of South Carolina troops and their adversaries in the various Civil War military theaters. Chapter 8, a portfolio on Reconstruction in South Carolina, carries the pictorial story to 1877, slightly beyond the title. The 200- to 300-word biographies and scene descriptions, in addition to placing soldiers in battle and camp, are supplemented by Appendix A, which traces the post-Civil War careers of those pictured. When taken altogether, the introductions, the biographies , and the appendix represent considerable research on the part of the author. A thorough index helps readers check on individuals of particular interest. Portraits of Conflict is a sensibly priced, beautifully produced photographic history. The weaknesses are minor. A short glossary of early photography terminology, perhaps at the end of the introduction to the first chapter, would have assisted readers, and a few may complain that some of the photographs previously appeared in print, but such are minor considerations. Portraits of Conflict is a valuable addition to Civil War and South Carolina history . Marion B. Lucas Western Kentucky University Baptism ofFire: The Republican Party in Iowa, 1838-1878. By Robert Cook. (Ames: Iowa State University Press, 1994.) Pp. xiii, 310. $34.95.) Robert...

The South Through Time: A History of an American Region (review)

BOOK REVIEWS1 85 well, and his career reminds historians that landmark cases were rare and that effective lawyering usually involved diligence rather than brilliance. Petigru's famous case against South Carolina, or vice versa, obviously figures prominently in any appraisal of the man. Nowhere except in South Carolina would Petigru's conservative, Whiggish, Unionist principles have been so objectionable to so many, and the Peases devote two chapters to Petigru's tilts against radicals in the nullification and secession crises. The Peases are, however , at a loss to explain how, exactly, Petigru became a political pariah. Their conventional narrative of events never explores the peculiar political culture of South Carolina or Petigru's own opinions fully enough to allow readers to fathom why Petigru differed so dramatically from the average planter-lawyerpolitician in his native state. Basically, the argument goes, Petigru being what he was, and other white South Carolinians being what they were, a clash was all but inevitable. True, maybe, but not very helpful. References to the Calvinist conservatism of Moses Waddel's academy, to experiences with back-country lawlessness, and to an almost innate fear of disorder hardly suffice to explain Petigru's renegade course— did not John Calhoun have nearly the same schooling , experiences, and traits? The Peases hint that Petigru may have had qualms about slavery, and they mention his occasional laments about not removing to the North, but they pursue neither lead very far. Instead, in summing up Petigru's existence, they stress the "ambiguity of his life and of the legends it spawned" (176). Scholars will consult this ambiguous biography of a perhaps ambiguous figure for facts about James Louis Petigru and for examples of nineteenthcentury legal practice. Both the inmate and the asylum, however, require further analysis. Anthony Gene Carey Auburn University The South Through Time: A History ofan American Region. By John B. Boles. (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 1995, Pp. xvi, 569. $33.50.) In The South Through Time John B. Boles once again demonstrates his mastery at synthesizing the literature of Southern history. Intended for "the advanced undergraduate reader and the large public of lay historians" (xi), the book deftly combines a straightforward narrative of events and an even-handed treatment of recent historiography. Experts are certain to quibble with the fine points, but there is no denying the book's remarkable range and depth. A word about the work's organization is in order before turning to its treatment of the Civil War era. Boles divides the entire sweep of Southern history into five massive chapters. Chapter 1 , "The Southern Colonies," covers pre-Columbia times to the mid-eighteenth century; 2, "The National South," spans the struggle for independence through the War of 181 2; 3, "The Southern i86civil war history Nation," treats the Old South through the Civil War; 4, "The Colonial South," explores the years between i860 and 1940; and 5, "The American South," discusses developments from World War II to the present. The two shortest, the first and the last, are approximately eighty pages long; the longest, the third, is double that length. Topical sections two to sixteen pages in length comprise the chapters. Boles's treatment of the Middle Period holds few surprises. Slavery was the source of sectional controversy, he properly notes, but it was the North rather than the South "that moved in new directions" (178). He rejects the tendency to generalize about "the metaphorical South as a whole" (1 86) based on perceived levels of involvement in the capitalist world market. Opting instead to summarize the significant economic differences among subregions adds a useful perspective. In that spirit, it is disappointing that Boles likens racism to gravity, "a force always present in southern white society" (193) and trucks in bogus "ruling race" currency (194). Such characterizations leave no room for historical change or for the subregional differences that so usefully illuminate economic affairs. Boles covers secession and the Civil War somewhat unevenly. He employs regionalism to good effect in understanding secession and delineates the subtleties of Confederate politics with insight and economy. Yet his discussion remains largely focused on battles and leaders. As a result, the recent work exploring life...

Death in Charleston, South Carolina A Retrospective

Over the past 324 years, Charleston, South Carolina, has triumphed over rampant infectious disease only to be overcome by more modern plagues: heart disease, neoplasia, homicide, and suicide. Examination of death records of the state of South Carolina, Charleston City, and Charleston County provides us with a glimpse of the medical challenges of our recent past; it also reminds us of the scourges that still ravage underdeveloped countries. The 18th- and 19th-century South Carolinians were besieged by tuberculosis, diarrhea, and a myriad of fevers. These diseases, though prevalent in other parts of the world, result in limited mortality in the 20th-century United States. A review of the historic trends in mortality in Charleston is presented; current significant causes of death, with emphasis on recent trends in homicide, are also discussed.

Review: The Dividing Paths: Cherokees and South Carolinians through the Era of Revolution, by Tom Hatley

Review: <i>The Dividing Paths: Cherokees and South Carolinians through the Era of Revolution</i>, by Tom Hatley

The Dividing Paths: Cherokees and South Carolinians through the Era of Revolution.

The Dividing Paths: Cherokees and South Carolinians through the Era of Revolution.