Soft Power Policy Research Articles

Reshaping the Baltic Identity: Russian Soft Power and the Security Strategies of Latvia and Estonia

Purpose: This research paper delves into the crucial influence of Russian soft power policies on Latvia and Estonia's national identities and security strategies, with a particular focus on their Russian-speaking populations. Methodology: Utilizing a constructivist approach, the study conducts a comparative discourse analysis of security strategies and identity dynamics in the Baltic States before and after the annexation of Crimea in 2014 and the onset of the Russian-Ukrainian war in 2022. Main Findings: The analysis reveals how Latvia and Estonia construct their national identities in opposition to Russia, framing it as a negative Other while viewing the EU as a positive reference point. This dynamic significantly shapes their security policies. Implications: The findings of this research underscore the pivotal role of national identities in shaping security strategies. They also provide valuable insights into the broader implications for European integration in the face of ongoing geopolitical tensions. Novelty: This research offers a unique perspective on the interaction between Russian-speaking minorities and national identity formation in Latvia and Estonia. It contributes to a deeper understanding of security in the context of soft power dynamics, providing a nuanced view that is distinct from existing literature.

Issues of Increasing Motivation to Learn a Second Foreign Language (German) as an Integral Element of Soft Power Policy in The Context of a Reduction of External Political and Trade Contacts

Issues of Increasing Motivation to Learn a Second Foreign Language (German) as an Integral Element of Soft Power Policy in The Context of a Reduction of External Political and Trade Contacts

An unbreakable friendship: Soviet medical internationalism in Cuba in the 1960s

Locked in a struggle with the United States after its 1959 revolution, Cuba was a natural Soviet ally in the Cold War. The USSR offered Cuba lavish aid, including in the realm of medicine and health. The 1960s saw dozens of public health officials, medical instructors, and clinicians arrive on the island to help improve the health and wellbeing of Cuban workers and peasants. This article plumbs Russian archives and published Cuban and Soviet medical journals and newspapers to analyse the Cold War as a lived experience through a case study of Soviet cadres on the ground in Cuba. The USSR’s socialist solidarity project in Cuba exemplifies Cold War soft power policies designed to ‘win hearts and minds’. Moscow’s intent to build an ‘unbreakable friendship’ with Havana meant navigating a complex web of relationships. In illuminating the grassroots experience, we argue for the centrality of personal and interpersonal encounters as a window on the state and bloc politics that entangled the First, Second, and Third Worlds.

Reformy i ewolucja Wspólnej Polityki Bezpieczeństwa i Obrony Unii Europejskiej w latach 2016-2023

REFORMS AND EVOLUTION OF THE EU’S COMMON SECURITY AND DEFENCE POLICY 2016-2023: Achievements and Failures The aim of the article is to analyze the reforms of the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) of the European Union, with particular emphasis on the new EU External Security Strategy adopted in 2016 and its evolution, achievements and failures in the years 2016-2023. In addition, the European Union’s position on Russia’s aggression against Ukraine on 24 February 2022 and its impact on the evolution and reforms of the CSDP and the necessary changes to the EU’s foreign policy and security strategy for Europe will be shown. The main thesis here is that the previous reforms of the European Union’s WSDiO have been defensive in nature and should be radically changed in view of the current international situation. Among other things, the EU’s soft power policy should be supplemented with hard power measures. The decision making process on matters relating to the EU’s foreign and security policy should also change, and in particular the use of the EU veto requires urgent reform. This will not be easy to achieve, but it is necessary for the European Union to be able to respond quickly and effectively to emerging threats to the security of its members and peace in Europe.

Dialogue as a Counterextremism Policy: Lessons from the History of Early Islam—The Kharijites vs. the Authority

precis: Governments worldwide have made it a priority to combat religious extremism, resulting in various disciplinary and soft-power policies. This study focuses on dialogue as an effective way to counter and prevent religious extremism, using the Kharijites (the first extremist faction that mutinied against the caliphal authority) as a case study. Historical methodology is used to collect data, and a critical analysis is conducted using inductive and deductive methods to draw conclusions and insights for a proposed dialogue model. The essay argues that military power is ephemeral and sometimes counterproductive, so the emphasis should be on a long-lived "mind power." Further, given the embedded nature of religious underpinnings of extremists' ideologies, the study highlights seven key terms that form the foundation of the three-level dialogue model.

FEATURES OF RUSSIA’S SOFT IMPACT ON UKRAINE (UNTIL 2014)

The article considers the main features of Russia’s soft impact on Ukraine. The study is based on the application of the soft power concept of the American scientist J. Nye. The term soft power means to the ability of one actor to influence others using attraction (of one’s values, culture, politics, etc.), persuasion and involvement, as opposed to hard coercion and bribery (hard power). The Russian Federation’s soft impact on Ukraine, despite certain achievements, was generally inefficient, inconsistent and unsystematic. The reasons for this were: 1) stereotyped attitudes towards Ukraine as a constantly loyal and close country; 2) the predominance of the pro-Western national project in Ukraine, which is based on the opposition of Russian and Ukrainian development models; 3) the Russian Federation has not had a sufficiently attractive image for Ukrainians, taking into account the specifics of its political (authoritarianism) and economic (raw materials) systems; 4) insufficient institutional support for the soft influence policy, which is especially noticeable against the background of the Western non-governmental organizations’ activity in Ukraine; 5) the delay in implementing a targeted soft power policy at the state level. At the same time, it is worth noting certain successes in this direction of Russian policy related to the church, educational, cultural, information and economic areas. However, these achievements, mostly related to the previous common historical experience of the two countries, were often accumulated inertially, without the systematic and conscious use of soft impact’s tools. Russia’s use of hard power against Ukraine since 2014 has reversed all these gains.

Soft power and foreign policy of the Russian Federation: some aspects of the present

The article is devoted to the analysis of the development and transformations of the Russian Federation foreign policy. Since the beginning of hostilities in Ukraine, the policy of Russia is undoubtedly one of the most researching areas in modern political science these days due to many practical aspects. It objectively dynamically develops and transforms in accordance with the promising new role of this state on the world stage. The purpose of the article is to determine the involvement of Soft power elements in their modernization and transformation in the further implementation of Russian foreign policy in the world space in the short and medium term. As a result, the article attempts to determine the main conceptual changes in Russian foreign policy and certain forecasts about the directions of possible upgrades and improvements in the translation and promotion of Soft power by the Russian side in the foreign policy space. In the course of the analysis, the authors came to the conclusion that the main participants in the political confrontation on the world stage in the near future will actively develop and improve the Soft power technology in their foreign policy. Objectively, they will also receive a new impetus to the development of methods and technologies for counteraction, strengthening their constant application in practice. Thus, the leading countries, including Russia, are drawn into a kind of "arms race" in the format of the unarmed advancement of their foreign policy interests.

Թուրքիայի փափուկ ուժի կիրառման նավթային գործոնը Վրաստանի հանդեպ / Oil Factor of Turkey in applying soft power over Georgia

The main purpose of the article is to analyze the symbiotic relationship between Turkey and Georgia, explaining how the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline serves as the cornerstone of their bilateral relationship. Thanks to the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline, Turkey and Georgia have created a reliable energy corridor, strengthening their geopolitical importance and reducing their dependence on traditional energy routes. This cooperation not only strengthened their economic interdependence, but also increased their strategic importance in the broader regional context. The article reflects not only the steps envisaged for oil transportation, Turkey's soft power policy, but also the strong partnership between Turkey and Georgia and evidence of interconnected interests.

The Importance of Soft Power in Türkiye’s Foreign Policy in 2002-2022

After a difficult path of criticism and justification, the concept of soft power has found its place in the international academic environment and has given a new breath and creative motivation to important scientific research in the field of international relations, which aims to create new concepts that can respond to the challenges of the modern world order. Along with the world powers, this concept was thoroughly taken up by Türkiye, which had the historical, cultural and geographical resources to put it into practice. A large number of neighbors and a complicated history of relations force Ankara not only to rely on traditional ways of diplomacy, but also to find other forms for the successful realization of its foreign policy interests. Compared to Turkish foreign policy before 2002, Türkiye’s soft power has increased significantly since the Justice and Development Party came to power and has become one of the priorities of its foreign policy strategy. It is important to emphasize that state and non-state institutions, which are the main instruments of this policy, do not compete with each other but successfully complement each other. Türkiye has ambitiously sought to create its own original model of “soft power,” with an emphasis on historical heritage and cultural commonality. Türkiye’s toolkit for realizing its soft power is quite extensive. Türkiye adopts the best practices of leading international actors and actively implements its own approaches and understandings with a focus on culture, state and non-state organizations, and education policy. In this context, soft power policy for Türkiye has proven to be very viable and attractive. Türkiye’s soft power potential, which has been successfully manifested from the Balkans and the Middle East to the Caucasus and Central Asia, has serious cultural and historical foundations and contributes to the promotion of Turkish interests in areas of special interest. Over the past two decades, Türkiye’s soft power policy, which is based on historical-cultural and religious traditions, geographical and economic resources, has become one of the main directions of its foreign policy.

TÜRKİYE’NİN BALKANLARDAKİ YUMUŞAK GÜCÜ - KOSOVA ÖRNEĞİ

States have important effects on each other, factors such as history, language, culture, belief, geography, and common history are the main components that provide this effect. During the Ottoman period, a large Turkish population lived in the Balkans, the Balkans was very important for the Ottomans geopolitically. The young Turkish Republic embarked on reforms within the country after the War of Independence, failed to maintain sufficient connections and soft power in the Balkans during the Second World War and the Cold War, but the situation changed after the Cold War. With the disappearance of the Soviet threat and Türkiye's desire to pursue a more active foreign policy, the Balkans once again became very important. The Balkans has a dense Turkish population, is Türkiye's open door to Europe, and is closely linked to Türkiye by common historical and cultural ties.
 In the study, Türkiye 's efforts to increase its soft power in the Balkans after the Cold War was examined. While examining the study, the example of Kosovo, one of the most fragile countries in the Balkans, will be detailed. In the study, it is aimed to evaluate the results of these efforts by considering the policies implemented by Türkiye to be effective in the Balkans after the end of the Cold War, the activities of TIKA and Yunus Emre Institute, and Türkiye's soft power in Kosovo / efforts to increase this power.The policies implemented by Türkiye have made significant contributions to the stability of Kosovo, especially the Balkans, and to the development of mutual education, culture and social ties. This situation has had important consequences for Kosovo's integration with the Western alliances, and it is an indication that Türkiye uses its soft power policies as an effective tool in the Balkans.

A Complicate Aspect of Cultural Diplomacy. The Reopening of British Council in Romania

The paper explores the dynamic of cultural relations between Romania and the United Kingdom during the years of détente. It contributes to the exploration of soft power policies across the Iron Curtain by focusing on the activities of the British Council in Bucharest. In the spirit of détente, its representatives sought to bridge the ideological gap between the two states by gathering information about Romania and by providing Romanian citizens with a heavily curated showcase of the United Kingdom. At the beginning of the Cold War, the connections between Romania and the United Kingdom were frozen, limited only to diplomatic representation. By the second half of the 1960s, the situation changed significantly, as British interest in Romania increased rapidly. This shift must be seen as part of the redefinition of UK foreign policy, which adapted to the specificities of individual countries in Central and South-eastern Europe. My contribution shows that the study of cultural diplomacy beyond the East-West divide reveals the resilience of contacts and dialogue despite the vagaries of bilateral politics during the Cold War.

Impact of China's soft power policy and Mongolia

Abstract: As China's development and strength have garnered increasing global attention, concerns about this growth and development have also risen. Consequently, there is a growing need to better understand and promote China to the world, dispelling any apprehensions about its growth. To address this, China has been actively pursuing a soft power policy. The country places significant emphasis on its cultural aspects within its soft power policy, highlighting the promotion of its unique culture with a history spanning thousands of years, as well as the ideals and achievements of Chinese Marxist culture as key elements of its soft power strategy.
 This article briefly touches upon the primary component of China's cultural soft power policy, known as the "Going global" strategy. It discusses the use of Chinese language education, media, and cinema as instrumental tools for cultural diplomacy, and how this policy is being implemented in Mongolia, within the context of the industry.
 
 БНХАУ-ын Зөөлөн хүчний бодлогын онцлог ба Монгол Улс
 Хураангуй: Хятад орон хөгжин хүчирхэгжиж буй нь дэлхий нийтийн анхаарлыг татаж эхэлснээр энэ өсөлт хөгжлөөс айх болгоомжлох хандлага ч их болсон. Иймд Хятад улсыг дэлхий дахинд илүү сайн ойлгуулж танин мэдүүлэх, Хятадын өсөлтөөс айх хэрэггүй гэдгийг сурталчлах шаардлага тулгарснаар зөөлөн хүчний бодлого эрчимтэй явуулж байна. Хятад улс зөөлөн хүчний бодлогодоо “соёл”-ыг онцлон олон мянган жилийн түүхтэй өвөрмөц соёл болон Хятадын онцлогтой марксист соёлын үзэл санаа, ололт амжилтыг сурталчлахыг Хятадын зөөлөн хүчний бодлогын онцлог гэж үзжээ. Энэ өгүүлэлд Хятадын соёлын зөөлөн хүчний бодлогын гол стратеги болох “Соёлын гадагш гарах” стратегийн тухай товч дурдаж, хятад хэлний боловсрол, хэвлэл мэдээлэл, кино урлаг зэрэг салбарыг соёлын дипломат ажиллагааны арга хэрэгсэл болгон ашиглаж байгаа байдал ба Монгол Улсад энэ бодлого хэрхэн хэрэгжиж байгааг дээрх гурван салбарын хүрээнд авч үзэв. 
 Түлхүүр үг: Хятад улс, соёлын зөөлөн хүч, гадагш гарах стратеги, хятад хэл, хэвлэл мэдээлэл, кино урлаг

INDO–FRENCH DEFENCE PARTNERSHIP AND REGIONAL SECURITY BALANCE IN SOUTH ASIA

The article aims to describe the regional security challenges and major threats for India in South Asia. Since 1947, India has been suffering from external security threats such as a form of proxy warfare and terrorism from neighbouring countries. To this purpose, the article also examines recurring issues where India has major border issues with China in the Himalayan terrain to the Eastern region. India has been facing bigger security threats from China and Pakistan in the South Asia region. This article looks at defence cooperation between India and France through the prism of India’s serious security threats in the South Asian region. India’s soft power policy is reflected in a neo-realist approach and expanded by its long-standing defence cooperation with France. Therefore, India has been receiving support from the French government whenever the country needs defence equipment and other assistance. The article uses case studies and discourse analysis methods to answer the questions and draw the main findings and conclusions of the study. Finally, as a result of the study, India’s serious security threats in the South Asian region are pushing the country to purchase defence equipment from France. The relationship between India and France is strengthening bilateral cooperation at a broader level and shaping a strong strategic partnership by uniting in South Asia and the Indo-Pacific as well.

Indo-French Defence and Security Partnership

The article aims to describe the regional security challenges and major threats for India in South Asia. Since 1947, India has been suffering from external security threats such as, a form of proxy warfare and terrorism from its neighbouring countries. To this purpose, the article also examines recurring issues where India has major border issues with China, in the Himalayan terrain to the eastern region of India. This article looks at the defence cooperation between India and France through the prism of India’s security threats in the South Asian region. India's soft power policy reflected in a neo-realist approach and expanded its long-standing defence cooperation with France. Therefore, India has been receiving support from the French government whenever the country needs defence equipment and other assistance. The article uses empirical and discourse analysis methods to answer the questions, and to draw a proper conclusion to the study. Finally, as a result of the study, we can see that India’s serious security threats in the South Asian region are pushing the country to purchase defence equipment from France. The relationship between India and France is strengthening the bilateral cooperation at a broader level and shaping a strong strategic partnership by uniting South Asia and the Indo-Pacific as well.

The Competition of Regional Powers and its Impact on the Stability of the Middle East Region: (Iran - Israel as a Model)

The Middle East has become an area of regional and international competition as a result of differences between countries, which have taken on political and economic dimensions to achieve their interests and status on the regional and international arenas. This competition stems mainly from the strategic, geopolitical, and economic importance of the region, which prompted these regional powers or actors to formulate their policies and projects in a way that guarantees them the greatest expansion in the region at the expense of other countries.
 Some of the active regional powers in the Middle East are multinational states such as Iran, while others need to expand and eliminate or weaken Arab states that stand against them, such as Israel. Accordingly, its presence in the Middle East region is directly linked to defining the strategic concept of the great powers, led by the United States of America, by preserving its interests and the interests of its allies in the region in addition to containing the Arab countries that oppose it.
 These regional actors (Iran and Israel) have become influential actors in the Arab region as a result of several factors and variables, including soft power policy, economic strength, and high military capabilities. This competition and competition over the Middle East region is certainly supported by international actors. Israel was and is still supported by the United States of America. As for Iran, although its relationship with Russia most often reaches conflict, especially in terms of reducing its presence in Syria, it is a relationship based on cooperation. Regional competition is one of The most important challenges facing the Middle East region and still are, especially those that exist between regional actors in order to achieve their goals and strategies, and this competition has directly affected the stability of the region politically, economically, socially, culturally and security.

German and Russian Public Diplomacy Efforts in Kyrgyzstan: A Comparative Study of Norm Entrepreneurship

This article explores Russian and German public diplomacy efforts in Central Asia through the example of Kyrgyzstan. Due to a difficult economic and socio-political situation, Kyrgyzstan remains open to externally funded programmes and projects, including initiatives funded by foreign governments, and thus offers a unique environment for the study of public diplomacy. The article looks at transnational public diplomacy actors such as German political foundations and Russian-sponsored organisations active in the country. Overall, the article offers interesting insights into the nature and substance of the soft power policies pursued by Germany and Russia that are relevant for Kyrgyzstan and beyond.

Navigating the Politics of Soft Power: Taiwan and Korea’s Regional Approach in Comparison

ABSTRACT This article compares the ways Taiwan and South Korea have navigated the politics of soft power to gradually exert their influence in South and Southeast Asia. It then analyses Taiwan's self-declared ‘warm power' practices. The article is divided into five parts. The first highlights the conceptual evolution of soft power and new policy practices in Asia. The second discusses the transformation and strengthening from soft power to warm power. The third introduces South Korea's New Southern Policy through the lens of soft power. The fourth presents Taiwan’s New Southbound Policy, and the conclusion compares the impact and prospects of the two.

Soft power of European Union countries

There are two main diplomatic strategies used by states in International Relations: hard power and soft power. Hard power uses the tools of military force or other coercive strategies to achieve the desired result. Soft power, on the other hand, tries to achieve the desired result with persuasive tactics. In short, hard power uses force, while soft power uses charm and attractiveness or makes the other party do what you want.These days, political scientists and other experts have begun to emphasize the increasing effectiveness of using a combination of hard and soft power, or smart power. In International Relations, US foreign policy is often positioned as an example of hard power, as in some cases it uses military or economic pressure to achieve the desired result. The European Union, on the other hand, tends to implement soft power policies through the creation of European values and European identity in order to attract new members and gain new allies. In addition, the European Union exhibits values such as freedom, democracy, equality and the rule of law to the world. These values also help to increase the soft power of the European Union in the world. In this study, soft power policies and soft power activities of European Union countries such as England, France and Germany are examined.

The geopolitical future of Chinese soft power policy towards the Arab countries in North Africa

تعتبر دول شمال افريقيا من بين الأقاليم ذات الأهمية الحيوية لاستدامة النهوض والتنمية الصينية. واختارت الصين إستراتيجية القوة الناعمة مقاربة لتعزيز العلاقات بالدول الإفريقية، ومن آلياتها الشراكة الإستراتيجية. وتهدف مقاربة القوة الناعمة الصينية للنشر القيم الصينية من خلال العلاقات الثقافية والدبلوماسية العامة والتعاون الاقتصادي انتهجت الصين سياسة خارجية اتجاه دول شمال افريقيا العربية تبعا وتماشيا لتطورات الحاصلة على الساحة الدولية منطلقة و من أولوياتها و قيمها وكذا أهدافها. وقد اعتمدت العديد من الوسائل والاستراتيجيات التي هيأت تغلغلها في القارة من المساعدات التقنية و المالية للدول الإفريقية وقامت بتعميق علاقاتها معها في مختلف مجالات الحياة بدءا من المجال الاقتصادي والتقني فالمجال السياسي التشاوري الأمني و الذي من المؤكد كانت له أثار و انعكاسات لطرفين الصيني و الإفريقي. إن الحضور المتنامي للصين في دول شمال افريقيا العربية يعكس أولوياتها من الناحية الاقتصادية والسياسية، ومن الواضح أن الأمر يتعلق أولًا بضمان التفوق التجاري والتنمية الاقتصادية للصين، ويتطلب هذا التطور داخليًّا وخارجيًّا تأمين المواد الأولية الاستراتيجية. وثانيًا من الناحية السياسية، رغم أن القارة الإفريقية ذات أهمية صغيرة بالنسبة لأجندة السياسة الخارجية للصين، إلا أنها تلعب دورًا داعمًا إلى حدٍّ كبير في استراتيجيتها الكبرى، وبدلًا من النظر إلى إفريقيا باعتبارها "غاية" أو "أولوية"، يُنظر إليها باعتبارها "تكتيكًا" أو جزءًا من "الأساس" الذي تُبنى عليه طموحات الصين الاستراتيجية الأوسع نطاقًا.

REFLECTION OF THE HALLYU EFFECT ON TURKISH CONSUMERS' INTENTION TO PURCHASE KOREAN PRODUCTS

Popular culture has become the soft power policy of countries and has been used as an important tool for promoting their own culture in other countries. In this study, it is aimed to investigate the effect of the Korean effect (Hallyu/Korean wave) which is an element of popular culture, which is increasing in Turkey, especially on social media, in parallel with the world, on the purchasing behavior of Korean products along with the country image and cultural proximity. For this purpose, data were collected from 280 people in groups consisting of k-pop and k-drama fans on social media. All three hypotheses formed as a result of the analyzes were accepted as similar to the studies in the literature. As a result of the study, it was revealed that k-pop and k-drama elements and Hallyu effect, country image and cultural proximity significantly affect the intention to purchase Korean products.