Socio-political Movements Research Articles

Insurrectionary Movement in the Cossack Regions of the South of Russia: Causes and Political Forms in 1920—1924

On the example of the insurrectionary movement of the Cossacks and peasants of the Don and Kuban in the early 1920s, one of the most difficult issues in the history of the transition from the policy of war communism to the new economic policy is considered. The reasons and manifestations of the insurrection in the South of Russia in 1920—1924, its influence on the content of reforms in the region are revealed. The features of the “white-green” movement in the southern Russian stanitsas, conditioned by the historically established order of land use, the forms of stanitsa self-government, the estate and class composition of the population, are established. It is noted that the relevance of the study increases in the context of rethinking the reforms of Russian society, the need to strengthen the social base of reforms and conflict resolution. The novelty of the study is seen in the fact that for the first time we consider the insurrectionary movement not as a class confrontation, but as a confrontation between the authorities and the South Russian community, represented by various estate, class groups and socio-political movements. The factors for regulating the conflict during the transition to NEP have been established. The author comes to the conclusion that the “pacification” of the Cossack regions of the South of Russia took place not only through the active use of the regular units of the Red Army and security forces, but also through compromise decisions that became the basis for the start of economic reforms.

The Dynamic Relationship between Immigrant Politics and Urban Policy Making: Protecting the Rights of Undocumented Immigrants in Boston and Amsterdam

With the advancement of comparative studies within the field of immigration and sociopolitical movements, scholars have attempted to understand how politico-institutional contexts influence the mobilization strategies of immigrant rights organizations at the local level. In this article, I make use of a field approach to explain how these organizations face different group-and issue-specific conditions regarding their involvement in local policy-making processes. Empirically, I examine the advocacy work of immigrant rights organizations in their aim to protect the rights of undocumented immigrants in Boston (USA) and Amsterdam (the Netherlands). By approaching power and resistance as relational phenomena, the results indicate that the intersection of distinct institutional and organizational mechanisms has differently impacted the local fields of immigrant politics. Taking different routes, in both cities immigrant rights organizations have found ways to constitute an affirmative institutional and discursive counterpower that challenges the national exclusionary citizenship regimes from the ground.

PLASTIC WASTE AS BOTH SOURCE OF INSPIRATION AND MEDIUM FOR CONTEMPORARY ARTISTS

Amidst the technological, social, economic, and cultural developments of the past few decades, the notorious environmental problem seems to be exacerbated, overshadowing any glimmer of optimism about the future of planet Earth. This is largely attributed to the thoughtless production and use of plastic products, but mainly to their reckless management as waste. Oceans, rivers, lakes, and many terrestrial areas of the planet suffocate under the masses of synthetic objects that displace any form of life. The voices of despair are getting louder and louder all over the world, but governments in many countries pretend to hear nothing. Nevertheless, protest reactions coming from the world art and design community constitute an important visual, functional, as well as a sociopolitical movement with multiple goals.This article does not simply aim at describing and analyzing the environmental problem through the aggravating presence of plastic waste. Its main purpose is to comment on and decode the works of selected artists from all over the world, works which are exclusively inspired and made of plastic trash. Overall, their work constitutes a form of artistic innovation and, at the same time, a form of severe protest and activism which aims at awakening the world aesthetic, and mainly environmental consciousness.

Civil identity in situation of social uncertainty as an object of research in socio-human sciences

The intensification of socio-political movements within Ukraine and in the world as a whole at the beginning of the 21st century led to an appeal to the civic consciousness, position and identity of the individual and his role in the building of democratic states. The scientific community did not stay away from these processes and began to actively discuss the nature of civic identity, its levels and structure.This article presents a representation of the concept under study in the discourse of the social sciences. The authors made an attempt to analyze and summarize the available domestic scientific research on the problem under study. The research material was scientific articles and dissertations presented in the database of the Vernadsky National Library.The results made it possible to conclude that there is a diversity of approaches to defining civic identity in the social sciences. It is established that the definition of the essence of the concept should be made by comparing it with ethnic, national, gender-role, professional, social and cultural identities.It has been found out that civic identity is considered by scientists as a dynamic system of citizens' perceptions of themselves and related experiences and value-meaning-filled ones, which are formed as derivatives of the awareness of a citizen of a certain state and at the same time a member of the community of citizens.It is revealed that civic identity is based on the typicality (community) of problems of social self- realization of the individual in the organizational space of the state. The conditions of social self- realization, which exist in the organizational space of the state, unite people on the basis of thecommon values existing in the axiological space of the state. In this way, civic identity differs from a national identity close to it, oriented more towards national culture and traditions, as well as national interests in politics.

Henri Lefevbre’s second life. The real utopia of the right to the city in contemporary Poland

ABSTRACT The category of the right to the city, conceptualized over five decades ago by the French Marxist philosopher and sociologist Henri Lefebvre, is currently experiencing its second life. It has become a significant political slogan, which – in its counter-hegemonic aspirations towards social change and transgressing the existing order, primarily in the fight against the reality of neoliberal urbanization – rallies together various socio-political movements most often defined under the umbrella term of urban social movements. In my analysis of Lefebvrian notions, I utilize the increasingly widespread category of ‘real utopia’. Additionally, this real utopia treats the right to the city in epistemological terms: as a peculiar type of knowledge co-produced at the intersection of academia and social activism, which remains a relatively rare interpretation among readers, interpreters and practitioners following Lefebvre. I search for these themes both directly in Lefebvre’s work as well as that of his continuators, observing the practices of producing knowledge useful to contemporary Polish right to the city movements.

‘Madat makan orang’; opium eats people: Opium addiction as a public health issue in late colonial Java, 1900–1940

By the 1890s the Dutch had noticed the escalation of opium addiction in colonial Indonesia. They believed that opium consumption had brought about health problems and other negative socioeconomic effects. Yet, the profitability of opium took precedence over its negative social effects in the Dutch East Indies government's policy, which until the end of the 1920s made almost no substantial efforts to address addiction. It was nongovernmental organisations which took the initiative to install medical facilities for addicts and launch diverse anti-opium campaigns. These organisations marked the rise of modern philanthropic activism in the field of public health as part of the flourishing sociopolitical movements of that time. They also represent the nascent civil society in late colonial Indonesia.

Rethinking powers of political: The national emergency and the J. P. movement in Rahi Masoom Raza’s Katra Bi Arzoo

In this reading of Rahi Masoom Raza’s Katra Bi Arzoo (1978), the article proposes that the imposition of the National Emergency in India on 25–26 June 1975 should be perceived in the light of the politics of the preceding decades. The 1960s and early 1970s were riven by social movements such as the Naxalite movement, the women’s movement, and especially the J. P. movement. In highlighting this context, the article argues that Raza’s novel cognitively registers the making and unmaking of these sociopolitical movements to contest the dominant trajectories of Nehruvian developmentalism and its attendant processes of nation making. The fiction inscribes an alternative, performative aspect of the nation which has been marginalized by the grand rhetoric and dominant historiography of the nation state. Such an engagement will help locate the selected fiction in the interstices between ethics and politics so pertinent to the discourses on and around the social movements of 1970s. As Jessica Berman suggests: “Ethics as an attitude or activity within the sphere of community, rather than a set of common principles or a narrative domain, becomes essential to the ordering of our lives together, and to the ‘ensemble of human relations in their real, social structure’ that we might call politics” (2011: 25).

On the deliberative initiation of macro-social change: The case of the round table negotiations in poland from the perspective of a participant

The Round Table (RT) Talks in Poland in February-April 1989 initiated rapid transition from an authoritarian political system and a centralized, state-controlled economy to democratic capitalism. They also triggered a cascade of changes across the whole of Eastern Europe (the former Soviet block). In this paper I analyze the psychological factors that contributed to success of the talks. During the RT talks, the representatives of the ruling party in Poland („communists”) negotiated with the representatives of „Solidarity” (“democratic opposition”) - the very broad socio-political movement representing Polish aspirations to democracy and sovereignty, separate from the Soviet Union. The paper describes the organization of the negotiations (a complex structure with about 700 participants) and the sources of an initial deep antagonism between the two sides. It addresses the main psychological factors that made it possible for this antagonism to be overcome and for the development of an agreed plan to democratize the Polish political system. This includes an analysis of: the general approach to negotiations; the initial definitions of the negotiating situation and the ways in which these definitions changed; the psychological characteristics of the negotiating situation which fostered cooperative attitudes amongst the negotiations, including in particular the role of group forces. The paper also discusses more generally the relationship between psychological factors and objective conditions in achieving (or impeding) positive outcomes to negotiations around entrenched, seemingly untractable, political conflicts.

Psychedelic Birth: Bodies, Boundaries and the Perception of Pain in the 1970s

Psychedelic Birth: Bodies, Boundaries and the Perception of Pain in the 1970s

Devout Neoliberalism?! Explaining Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood's Socio-economic Perspective and Policies

AbstractHow can we explain the neoliberal orientation of Islamist movements in the Middle East? This paper attempts to answer this question by exploring the case of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt. It analyzes in depth the Brotherhood's socio-economic vision and policies when it was in power between 2012 and 2013. It argues that the Brotherhood adopted a market-oriented vision, which encouraged the private sector, liberalized the economy, and appealed to foreign investments. As a socio-political movement, the Brotherhood attempted to strike a balance between its constituency, which is rooted in the lower, middle, and upper-middle classes, and its commitment to neoliberal policies. However, this paradoxical balance burdened the movement and affected its popularity. The article also contends that the Brotherhood's neoliberal leanings can be explained by three key factors: the movement's pragmatism, its “devout” bourgeoisie, and the appeal for international acceptance and recognition.

Petro‐masculinity and climate change denial among white, politically conservative American males

AbstractWhite, politically conservative males in the United States have been widely found to maintain petro‐masculine attitudes that include aspects of racism, misogyny, and climate change denial. These beliefs and their associated behaviors, including climate destructiveness, can be conceptualized as compensatory reactions to modern‐day racial, gender, and climate‐related anxieties that are experienced as threats to traditional white male privilege and power. They then manifest as and energize authoritarian desires and their associated sociopolitical movements, including the current Republican effort to Make American Great Again. This paper utilizes psychoanalytic concepts concerning individual and large‐group identity, group psychodynamics and processes, and the intergenerational transmission of idealized myth and fantasy to further elucidate and expand upon these complex phenomena. It then suggests specific strategies for disentangling the strong links between white hegemonic masculinity, fossil fuel use, and climate change denial, thus opening doors to alternative, non climate‐destructive yet still empowering notions of individual, large‐group, and national identity that are, instead, based in communal concern and climate care.

Las Kellys y el turismo: de la invisibilidad del cuidado a la visibilidad política

El trabajo desarrollado por las kellys o camareras de piso se caracteriza por encontrarse dentro de lo que se podría denominar como «trabajo de cuidados», aunque se inscribe de lleno en el campo productivo y es una parte vital del sector turístico. Su caso es un claro ejemplo de la intersección entre la precariedad y la invisibilidad de unas tareas que han sido histórica y culturalmente asignadas a las mujeres y condenadas al menosprecio social. En un contexto como el actual, cabe preguntarse sobre las condiciones sociales que subyacen a este colectivo y las implicaciones que se derivan de su situación de invisibilidad en un sector tan precario como el turístico dentro del Estado español, así como sobre el papel de Las Kellys –como asociación– en la reivindicación de los derechos laborales de las trabajadoras. Analizaremos su caso como una muestra de movimiento político y social que lucha por la visibilización de las tareas de cuidados y que contribuye a la repolitización de dichos trabajos en el ámbito público.

Two approaches to analyzing sociopolitical movements as a manifestation of the modern civilization crisis

In social science, there are two approaches to analyzing sociopolitical movements as a manifestation of the modern civilization crisis. The difference between them lies in understanding of the human development process. The substantial approach seeks and finds a single basis in the historical process, and then deduces all social life phenomena from it. The non-substantial approach, on the contrary, considers that such a foundation (substance, essence) does not exist and, therefore, its search is meaningless. Following opposite methodological positions, the representatives of these two approaches variously explain the phenomena of social reality. For instance, from the standpoint of the non-substantial approach, the modern civilization crisis is declared to result from a combination of random factors: technological changes, the hegemony of one or another discourse, the change of the world hegemon in the core-peripheral relations, etc. Hence, from this point of view, the crisis becomes fundamentally inexplicable. Changes that have occurred in the nature of the organization, the forms of activity and the ideology of sociopolitical movements in this case also become random and, as a result, cannot be comprehensively explained. The substantial approach considers the modern crisis to be a result of objective processes taking place in the very foundation of society (primarily in the development of universal labor). Consequently, sociopolitical movements are a form of manifestation of this crisis. The paper emphasizes that differences of these approaches do not have a purely theoretical character, because it is about developing a strategy to overcome the current crisis of civilization, i.e. about the future of mankind.

Pedagogical Curricula and Educational Media: The Malignancy of Saffronised Otherisation in India

Saffronisation, a neologism that is derived from the saffron robes worn in particular by holy Hindu men, is used to denote the conflation of linguistic, semiotic and political actions taken by the far-right Hindu nationalist brotherhood in India to mechanically alter Indian history so that it resonates with the rest of the Hindu nationalist propaganda and policymaking. The process of Saffronisation, when coupled with westernised pedagogical curricula, has been inculcated within and beyond the periphery of educational institutions since the early twentieth century. While education in India has remained a concentrated resource in the hands of the communities that constitute the upper castes within the social hierarchy, the exclusivity of available academic resources and intellectual capital in the hands of a selected few has come off as the result of intersectional crises that collectively act as a bridge in connecting class and caste politics. This paper explores the impact of Saffronisation as a socio-political movement on educational institutions, the changes that have been made in textbooks in the recent times and in a holistic sense, attempts to analyse the effects of a neo-Fascist governance on schooling and how it affects students hailing from backgrounds that have been marginalised for generations. It is also an exploration of the role of the saffron propaganda in enabling otherisation of non-Hindu identities in higher education institutions.

Child of the Revolution: Finding a Voice in Activism and Academia

Child of the Revolution:Finding a Voice in Activism and Academia Rita Faire (bio) In November 2016, the young students of St. Scholastica's College in the Philippines gathered outside their Manila campus grounds to protest the order allowing the burial of former dictator Ferdinand Marcos in the Libingan ng mga Bayani (Heroes' Cemetery). Clad in their instantly recognizable navy blue and white pinafore uniforms, carrying handmade posters and placards, the children raised their fists to the air, and chanted in perfect unison: "MARCOS IS NO HERO!" (Occeñola). During the presidential elections of 2016, Rodrigo Duterte declared his support for the burial, citing that there was no legally sound argument to oppose it—Marcos was, after all, both a former member of the military and a former president. Thus, upon being elected to the country's highest political office, he announced approval of the order and sparked numerous protests from Filipinos all around the world. A burial in the Libingan ng mga Bayani has been an honor for deceased military personnel and national figures in the Philippines since its establishment in 1947. The order to provide Marcos with that honor was particularly controversial due to the brutal nature of Marcos' fourteen-year period of authoritarian rule, known as Batas Militar, or Martial Law. Those who supported the burial cited it as an important and symbolic step toward national healing (Reformina). But those who opposed the move—a camp led by survivors of the era's definitive human rights abuses—argued that the Marcos burial would only serve to further the rampant efforts toward historical revisionism that bolstered the continuing, if not thriving, political and public careers of various members of the Marcos family (Obordo; Torres-Tupas). In Edinburgh, I stood across from the Balmoral Hotel with a small contingent of local Filipinos and protested the Marcos burial in solidarity with our countrymen half a world away. Our demonstration went largely [End Page 191] unnoticed. We carried placards, chanted familiar lines, and sang old protest songs, but it mostly felt like we were speaking to a public who neither knew, nor wanted to know, about what was happening in a small, far-off Asian country. The only people who took photos were the protest organizers and the only people who rallied to our cause were our fellow Filipinos who 'liked' these photos through social media platforms. The same could not be said of the St. Scholastica protests. Theirs were demonstrations that demanded attention, not just because of their cause but also primarily because of how young they were1—for despite how strongly young people associate themselves with sociopolitical movements and participate in protest,2 adults often perceive young people as apolitical (Rodgers 239). Their most high-profile criticism was from the Mocha Uson Blog, a collectively run self-identified pro-Duterte Facebook page fronted by the eponymous celebrity blogger turned political pundit and government official. The page posted numerous denunciations of the 2016 St. Scholastica protests. Some were in the form of reposted photos of the girls in action, captioned with hashtags like "#galawangDILAW" (#YELLOWmovement)3 (Mocha Uson Blog, "Pinlit") or accusatory statements implying that the children were just serving the opposition party's agendas (Mocha Uson Blog, "We"). One of the platform's opinion pieces claimed that its own views on the issue were devoid of political motivation, and that their main concern was St. Scholastica College betraying its responsibility as an educational institution by allowing students to take part in an activity that would put them in harm's way; patriotism, the piece argued, was better demonstrated and taught by studying history in the classroom, not by protesting in the streets (Mocha Uson Blog, "Ito"). Like-minded critics rallied to the blog's comments section and their own social media spaces, and even labelled the school's and parents' alleged "complacency" in the matter as child abuse. Others cited the fact that these protesting children were not even born during martial law and thus couldn't possibly understand what they were fighting for. Some even said that the children were brainwashed by the Catholic Bishop's Conference of the Philippines (CBCP), who at the time vehemently opposed...

Теоретичний вимір політичної опозиції як сучасного феномену

Substantiation of the modern phenomenon of «opposition», its forms, types of manifestation and functioning is an important theoretical and methodological problem, the solution of which is necessary not only and not so much political science as political practice.The relevance of the chosen topic lies in the need to define political institutions, practices and processes that outline the parameters of efficiency and institutionalization of the political opposition in the political and legal context in its theoretical justification and measurement.Political science in the context of political opposition has become much more heterogeneous since the 90s of the twentieth century, because it was at this time that it began to focus on the phenomenon under study analytically, comparatively and on the example of a growing number of cases.In the context of the Visegrad countries, this was especially relevant, because, on the one hand, they have now acquired the format of the process and inter-institutional relations, which has expanded understanding of the nature and types, forms and indicators, and the general structure of political opposition, including at the expense of the Visegrad countries. This course of events has also played a huge role in the development of regional studies on the political opposition, even though they are still relatively underrepresented and unsystematized. The fact is that the fact of democratization of the region was a kind of divide between studies of the proto-opposition (including resistance, dissent and socio-political movements and organizations) or political opposition (including systemic, especially parliamentary and anti-systemic) in conditions, respectively, autocratic and democratic political regimes.It should be noted that a similar situation, especially against the background of Western political science, is typical of Ukrainian political science, in which the issue of political opposition is still mainly theoretical and descriptive, but very little analytical and comparative, and therefore not multifaceted. In view of this, it is justified that further progress should be made on the understanding, structuring and typology of the political opposition, both theoretically and methodologically and practically empirically.

ГРОМАДСЬКІ ТА ОСОБИСТІ ВЗАЄМИНИ ЛЕСІ УКРАЇНКИ І БОРИСА ГРІНЧЕНКА: ПОПЕРЕДНІ НОТАТКИ ЗА ЛИСТАМИ ПОЕТЕСИ

The article examines the public and personal relations of prominent figures of the Ukrainian national revival of the late XIX - early XX centuries Lesya Ukrainka and Borys Hrinchenko based on documents of personal origin (ego-documents), first of all Lesya Ukrainka's epistolary heritage. It is established that the preserved and published array of the poet's letters is an important source for covering their relations. It is proved that the use of epistolary contributes not only to the reproduction of facts, but also to a better understanding of the atmosphere of events and the conceptual understanding of the Ukrainian socio-political movement and its individual figures. The stages of development of the relationship between Lesya Ukrainka and Borys Hrinchenko are defined and characterized against the background of the author's individuality, her personal understanding and vision of the Ukrainian movement, attitude to the described people and events, as well as the circumstances of the social context.

Движение за демократию в Республике Корея (1970-е–1990-е гг.)

Author analyzes the pro-democracy movement in the Republic of Korea at authoritarian and post-authoritarian period. The paper analyzes the prerequisites for the formation of the movement, its participants, their main ideological attitudes and group interests, as well as the process of institutionalization of the socio-political movement in the Republic of Korea in the post-authoritarian period.

Editorial Comment: Transnational Performances and Ad Hoc Communities

Editorial Comment: Transnational Performances and Ad Hoc Communities Sean Metzger Drafting words into sentences into paragraphs into pages is for many scholars a solitary task, but I tend to dwell on the social aspects of this process: collective generation of ideas, debate with interlocutors, citation, and revision with audiences and co-creators both real and imagined. Therefore, I come to Theatre Journal as coeditor energized by the possibilities of collaboration. I am especially committed to passing on the mentor-ship of former editor Harry J. Elam Jr., who drove me when I first submitted an article to this journal toward a particular kind of rigor: articulating with precision and verve new ideas that advance knowledge across multiple fields of inquiry. In this issue, four authors who have never previously published full-length essays in these pages expand the transnational dimensions of theatre and performance studies. Colleen Daniher’s essay examines E. Pauline Johnson, a Mohawk writer whose poetry performances attracted large audiences at the turn of the nineteenth to the twentieth centuries. Daniher reads Johnson’s embodied recitations of her verse within the context of American Delsartism to argue that Johnson’s gestures worked in combination with her costumes to negotiate Indigenous self-fashioning with the contemporary sociopolitical movements of white settler women. Moving across and between processes of myth-making for Canadian and Indigenous subjects, Johnson deconstructs such binary formations to suggest how an Indigenous modern woman might be seen. Daniher turns to the extant portraits of the Cochran Studio in Ontario to support her article’s claims. She contends that attention to gesture and photography may shape performance historiography in order to complicate stories of nation, gender, and race and see through their fissures rather than accepting those terms as grounds from which an analysis might begin. The attention to women and their contestation of national projects continues in the essay by S.E. Jackson, who takes us to Germany where she explores the tensions among different actresses’ embodiments, directorial materializations, and textual variants of the Lulu plays. Jackson’s historically wide-ranging analysis focuses on three post-millennial productions within the context of Germany’s Regietheater tradition. In each of the performances, the dramaturgy works in excess of Wedekind (understood as what Michel Foucault would have called an “author function”). The three examples all pair a well-known leading actress with a celebrated male director: Lulu / Pandora’s Box / A Monster-Tragedy by Frank Wedekind / Urfassung at Thalia Theatre in 2004 (Fritzi Haberlandt and Michael Thalheimer); Lulu Tragödie in 5 Aufzügen mit einem Prolog at the Berliner Ensemble in 2011 (Angela Winkler and Robert Wilson); and Lulu at the Volksbühne in 2019 (Lilith Stangenberg and Stefan Pucher). Each female lead complicated and sometimes contradicted textual and/or directorial authority to different ends. The intense foregrounding of different production elements in each case leads Jackson to mark a dramaturgy of excess that illuminates how actresses might obtain creative agency in and/or be circumscribed by the tradition and ever-expanding meanings of [End Page ix] Lulu and the source texts from which she emerges. Jackson articulates the stakes of gender for reading and performing plays particularly within the German-language dramatic canon. Daniher and Jackson also speak to feminism writ large. The two essays call attention to how women performing onstage matter especially during periods of societal upheaval. The texts demand that we consider what happens when women serve as fulcrums for national traditions or as emblems of the state, whether Canadian, German, or Haudenosaunee. Ali-Reza Mirsajadi’s essay picks up concerns with textual migrations and their transformations through embodied production. Written in part as a response to Stephen Greenblatt’s article “Shakespeare in Tehran,” Mirsajadi’s writing focuses on three recent Iranian productions of Hamlet as he provides a survey of Shakespeare’s Persian uptake to debunk some of Greenblatt’s suggestions. The essay offers a critique of the politicization of Muslim art through flows of neoliberalism. Like Jackson, Mirsajadi also investigates a trio of productions to illustrate different aesthetic forms and the ways in which they express the antinomies of cultural politics. Shohran Ahmadzadeh’s Hamlet (2014) directed by Arash Dadgar, Mohammad...

SOCIO-POLITICAL ACTIVITIES OF VOLODYMYR KOKHAN IN THE 1920-1960S

The main directions of Volodymyr Kokhan's public and political activities in the 1920-1960s are analyzed through the prism of socio-political processes in the region. Attention is focused on the features of the formation of his worldview. V. Kokhan's expressive national and patriotic consciousness was based on family values and was laid down by educational and public institutions of Halychyna, which carried out active awareness-raising work among the Ukrainian people of the region. The politician's contribution to the activity of the Ukrainian Military Organization (UMO) is considered, his circle of like-minded people is singled out, among them - the future leaders of the national-state parties and national-cultural organizations of Halychyna. While in the UMO during the national liberation struggle, the Polish-Ukrainian war of 1918–1919, he made considerable efforts to protect the national, cultural, and socio-political rights of Ukrainians in Halychyna. In the mid-1920s, as a member of the Ukrainian Party of National Labor (UPNR), he was one of the active supporters of the Ukrainian National Democratic Alliance (UNDA). The well-known politician's organizational and political work is characterized; specific examples show the struggle of one of the Ukrainian national democracy leaders for raising the national consciousness of the Ukrainians of Halychyna. Through V. Kokhan's political biography's prism, the complex intertwining of political, social, and national aspects of the Ukrainian socio-political movement in the period is shown. The parliamentary work of V. Kokhan in the highest legislative body of Poland is outlined. Since 1928, party activity became secondary for one of the leaders of the National Democrats, comparing to parliamentary work. Emphasis is placed on organizational achievements in the National Unity Front (NUF), in exile in Canada, as one of the leaders of the Ukrainian Canadian Committee (UCC). Keywords: Volodymyr Kokhan, socio-political activities, Western Ukraine, emigration.