Sociopolitical Ideology Research Articles

Structural analysis of drama: Practical and theoretical implications

This paper describes the process of transforming into a computer analysis a hand procedure used to study three plays produced in Quebec in the 1970s, during the height of the nationalist sentiment there. The elements of one of the plays, Les Belles-Soeurs by Michael Tremblay, have been encoded and a retrieval system, written in Fortran for the VAX 11/780 at McMaster University, has been developed. Results of the initial computer study are now being analyzed from the points of view of Quebec theatre and of literary criticism itself. Considerable time is being spent on the refinement of the basic critical model. Future plans include the encoding of the lines of information on verbal exchanges previously analyzed and the setting up of a corresponding data base on Les Belles-Soeurs. This will be followed by the encoding of information and the setting up of a corresponding database on the verbal exchanges at the stage elements of the other two plays. A final phase will comprise the creation of a new program whereby new information can be added to the database and new plays analyzed. The main purpose of the analysis is to grasp the author's viewpoint and the attempt to control reader/ audience response and understanding of the play's overall meaning and socio-political ideology. This is done with the help of an analytical grid which allows the critic to note, summarize and categorize the interpretation. As the aim of these grids and their subsequent use is the interpretation of the author's meaning as interpreted by a critic and not with the meaning of the text in the literal, linguistic or stylistic sense, this study should not in any way be confused with

Education and Sociopolitical Attitudes1

Abstract Nilsson, I., Ekehammar, B. & Sidanius, J. 1985. Education and Sociopolitical Attitudes. Scandinavian Journal of Educational Research 29, 1‐15. Relationships were studied between educational direction (academic/vocational) and various aspects of sociopolitical ideology (sociopolitical self‐description, political party preference, and sociopolitical attitudes measured by the S5 Conservatism scale) using a sample of 532 Swedish high school students (modal age=18 yrs). The results disclosed clear and systematic relations between educational direction and sociopolitical attitude items and general sociopolitical dimensions. Vocational students were consistently more conservative than academic students on factors linked to social conservatism (xenophobia, ethno‐centrism, punitiveness, racism), whereas differences linked to political‐economic conservatism (PEC, Pro‐West, social inequality) were small and inconsistent. The findings were generalizable to both sexes as regards political party preference gro...

Political Interest, Political Information Search, and Ideological Homogeneity as a Function of Sociopolitical Ideology: A Tale of Three Theories

The relative plausibilities of three theories concerning the relationship between sociopolitical ideology and certain personality variables were examined using 783 Swedish high school students: authoritarian personality theory, extremism theory, and context theory. The three theories were compared by examining degree of information search and interest in politics as a function of sociopolitical ideology and ideological homogeneity as a function of parental educational level. The main results showed that: (1) The relationships between degree of information search and political interest on the one hand, and sociopolitical ideology on the other, were primarily curvilinear indicating greater interest in politics and greater information search for both “left” and “right extremists” as compared to moderates on a number of ideological dimensions. (2) Subjects with well-educated parents were more ideologically heterogeneous than subjects with poorly educated parents. These differences were more marked for males than for females. The results were most consistent with context theory.

Social Status and Sociopolitical Ideology among Swedish Youth

Social Status and Sociopolitical Ideology among Swedish Youth

Sex differences in sociopolitical attitudes: A replication and extension

Sex differences in various aspects of sociopolitical ideology were studied with a sample of 783 Swedish high school students (median age = 18 years) from metropolitan Stockholm by use of the S6 Conservatism Scale. Males and females were compared with respect to six ideological dimensions: (1) general conservatism, (2) political‐economic conservatism, (3) religion, (4) punitiveness, (5) social inequality and (6) racism. The results revealed statistically significant differences on all six dimensions showing females to be less generally conservative, less ‘capitalist’ oriented, less punitive, more egalitarian and less racist than males. However, in line with previous findings, females were found to be more religious than males. Furthermore, the results showed females to be more ideologically homogeneous than males. Despite these differences the attitude profiles and attitude structures were quite similar for both sexes. There were no significant sex by social class interactions with respect to the sociopolitical attitude dimensions. In line with previous findings, females were found to be somewhat less interested in politics than males.

Test of a Biological Model for Explaining Sex Differences in Sociopolitical Ideology

Abstract A biological model, proposed by Dearden, explaining ideological differences between males and females was tested using 772 Swedish high school students (375 females and 397 males). The model postulates that aggresivity is partly a function of the interaction between gender and frequency of physical punishment or degree of agonistic contact with parents. This hypothesis was tested by examining the relationship between punitive attitudes on the one hand and gender and degree of experienced parental strictness on the other. Although males were more punitive than females and punitiveness increased as a function of experienced parental strictness, no interaction between gender and parental strictness could be found. Thus, this biological model was not confirmed.

The Politics of Environmental Concern

The literature on the political context of the environmental movement entertains the competing hypotheses that environmentalism either transcends or embodies the traditional left-right cleavages in American society. Findings from a statewide survey in Wisconsin indicate substantial relationships between sociopolitical ideologies and support for environmental reform. These relationships were most pronounced among the college-educated stratum. Liberalism vis-h-vis laissez-faire politics was the political ideology variable most closely related to environmental concern. This reflects the obvious empirical reality that the environmental movement has been primarily concerned with controlling private natural resource decision-making. Nevertheless, there is a substantial correlation between welfare-state liberalism and environmental concern which seems important due to the tendency of environmental reforms to have inegalitarian consequences. In spite of major associations between political ideology and environmental attitudes, Republicans and Democrats did not differ greatly in environmental concern. Implications of the findings for the future politics of environmental policy quality In the United States are discussed.

Ideological and Demographic Correlates of Proecology Behavior

Summary Previous studies of the ideological and demographic characteristics of environmentalists have used attitude measures to distinguish persons with a pro-ecology orientation. Concerns about attitude-behavior correspondence, however, have provoked criticism that such ideological and demographic profiles may have little meaning for predicting variation in behavioral commitment to protecting and enhancing environmental quality. In order to examine this issue a survey including measures of sociopolitical ideology and a variety of demographic attributes was administered to residents of a medium-sized New England town. Later, a subsample of 44 men and women was given the opportunity to participate in a series of ecology projects carried out over a five month period. Results indicated that Ss exhibiting high participation were more liberal in their social, economic, and religious philosophies, better educated, and higher in occupational status; the same pattern of attributes previously linked to attitudinal...

Sociopolitical ideology as a determinant of students' perceptions of the university

The effect of ideological self-identification on students' perceptions and evaluations of three academic stimulus objects is investigated. Sociopolitical ideologies do structure perceptions of the academic milieu; conservative and liberal students view academic objects differently and do not use the same dimensions when describing academic objects. In predicting students' political identifications stimulus objects as well as perceptual dimensions must be taken into account.

Validity of a Symbolic Measure of Authoritarianism

A symbolic, non-verbal measure of authoritarianism was responded to by male and female, white and black commercial business school students, undergraduates, and graduate social work students ( N = 287). Scores on the symbolic measure showed low (.35 to .39) predictable “known groups” validity and were generally correlated as theoretically anticipated with both objectively measured and self-perceived conservatism, birth order, religious fundamentalism, subjective social-class position, and intrafamilial consistency of psychological attributes and socio-political ideologies. Given the methodological limitations of verbal authoritarianism measures, these results suggest some potential advantages of the presently reported non-verbal test of the authoritarianism dimension.

Some relationships between sociopolitical ideology and moral character among college youth

This report is intended to clarify the relationship, observed in studies using Kohlberg's moral character model, between the character of college youth and their ideology. With a student sample, measures of three of Hogan's dimensions of moral character (moral judgment, socialization, and empathy) were correlated with sociopolitical ideology defined in terms of several indices of liberalismconservatism. Only the moral judgment dimension (ethics of social responsibility vs. ethics of personal conscience) as measured by Hogan 's Survey of Ethical Attitudes was related to ideology. These results indicate that in accordance with an ethics of responsibility, conservatives have a greater respect for the utility of rules in regulating human conduct and a greater tendency to attribute blame to the individual rather than the societal environment. The study provided no evidence to support conservative charges that radical youth possess delinquent predispositions or liberal and radical claims that conservatives are less concerned about the welfare of others.

Sociopolitical Ideology as a Correlate of Teacher-Candidates' Attitudes Concerning Poverty and the Disadvantaged

Sociopolitical Ideology as a Correlate of Teacher-Candidates' Attitudes Concerning Poverty and the Disadvantaged

Drug Use, Drug-Use Attitudes, and the Authoritarianism-Rebellion Dimension

This article examines the relationships between drug use and drug-use attitudes on the one hand, and sociopolitical ideology on the other. The latter was assessed by the recently developed Authoritarianism-Rebellion Scale (ARS). It was found that more rebellious respondents are generally more permissive about drugs and more likely to use drugs, notably marijuana, than their more authoritarian peers. Some theoretical, psychometric, and social-policy implications of these findings are discussed.

Nadler, Eugene B. and Fink, Stephen L. "Impact of laboratory training on sociopolitical ideology." Journal of Applied Behavioral Science, 1970 6(March): 79-92

Nadler, Eugene B. and Fink, Stephen L. "Impact of laboratory training on sociopolitical ideology." Journal of Applied Behavioral Science, 1970 6(March): 79-92

Impact of Laboratory Training on Sociopolitical Ideology

Do the essentially interpersonal lessons individuals learn which arise from the experience of small-group democracy in a training laboratory generalize to the more broadly theoretical issues of sociopolitical ideology? Related research and theory by others suggest an affirmative answer. In the present study, a before-after experimental design was utilized at a college training laboratory to gather more direct information. The results showed a highly significant shift in a democratic direction on each of four different scales measuring aspects of democratic attitudes; the shift was general and not specific to any scale subset. A secondary finding showed that there were individual differences in this change related to the participants' initial scale positions. The implications of these findings are discussed both from the standpoint of pragmatic engineering and from that of ethical values.

The hemp cultivators of Uttarakhand and social complexity (with a special reference to the Rathis of Garhwal)

Uttarakhand is dotted with a network of valleys that lends itself to the development of many small distinct communities, each valley being a micro-region, both in human and geographical terms, whose inhabitants form a largely self-contained economic and cultural entity. A noteworthy example of such a micro-region is the little known Rath (Rāṭh) area, drained by the Ayar in Garhwal. The inhabitants of this area are called Rathis (Rāṭhī-s, Rathi-s), predominantly traditional bhang-(bhāṅga, hemp, Cannabis sativa) cultivating folks in Uttarakhand. In pre-Colonial Uttarakhand, the hemp producers were a prosperous community due to their near monopoly in hempen business and enjoyed due social status, which accompanies prosperity. However, with the introduction of machine-made cloth by the British, which, contrasted to bhangela (bhaṅgelā, hempen cloth), was cheaper and fashionable, the hempen fabric lost market and its producers suffered economically and socially. Responding to the demand of the new socio-political ideology prevailing under the British, the hemp-producing community organised themselves accordingly. Based on the principle of ‘self-organization’, the present study purports to unfold as to how a simple society transforms into a complex one.

Ideology and the Organization of Conflict: On the Relationship Between Political Thought and Behavior

Previous articleNext article No AccessIdeology and the Organization of Conflict: On the Relationship Between Political Thought and BehaviorSamuel H. BarnesSamuel H. Barnes Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of Politics Volume 28, Number 3Aug., 1966 Sponsored by the Southern Political Science Association Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.2307/2128155 Views: 48Total views on this site Citations: 21Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 1966 Southern Political Science AssociationPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Arvid Lindh Public Support for Corporate Social Responsibility in the Welfare State: Evidence from Sweden, Scandinavian Political Studies 38, no.11 (Aug 2014): 75–94.https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9477.12035 Michael Hechter From Class to Culture Michael Hechter, American Journal of Sociology 110, no.22 (Jul 2015): 400–445.https://doi.org/10.1086/421357Paul Webb, Paul G. Lewis The lessons of comparative politics: Russian political parties as independent variables?, Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics 14, no.1-21-2 (Mar 1998): 253–264.https://doi.org/10.1080/13523279808415377John Gerring Ideology: A Definitional Analysis, Political Research Quarterly 50, no.44 (Jul 2016): 957–994.https://doi.org/10.1177/106591299705000412Leonardo Morlino Consolidation and Party Government in Southern Europe, International Political Science Review 16, no.22 (Apr 1995): 145–167.https://doi.org/10.1177/019251219501600203Cees P. Middendorp Models for Predicting the Dutch Vote along the Left-Right and the Libertarianism-Authoritarianism Dimensions, International Political Science Review 10, no.44 (Oct 1989): 279–308.https://doi.org/10.1177/019251218901000401Aaron Wildavsky Choosing Preferences by Constructing Institutions: A Cultural Theory of Preference Formation, American Political Science Review 81, no.11 (Aug 2014): 3–21.https://doi.org/10.2307/1960776Diane Sainsbury The End of Ideology Debate Revisited: An Appraisal of Definitional and Theoretical Issues*, Scandinavian Political Studies 9, no.22 (Oct 2007): 111–128.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.1986.tb00340.x Peter McDonough , Samuel H. Barnes , and Antonio López Pina Authority and Association: Spanish Democracy in Comparative Perspective, The Journal of Politics 46, no.33 (Oct 2015): 652–688.https://doi.org/10.2307/2130851Peter McDonough, Antonio López Pina, Samuel H. Barnes The Spanish Public in Political Transition, British Journal of Political Science 11, no.11 (Jan 2009): 49–79.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0007123400002453Stephen Earl Bennett, Robert Oldendick, Alfred J. Tuchfarber, George F. Bishop Education and mass belief systems: An extension and some new questions, Political Behavior 1, no.11 (Jan 1979): 53–72.https://doi.org/10.1007/BF00988521Robert Leonardi OPINIONI POLITICHE DELLE CORRENTI DEMOCRISTIANE IN EMILIA-ROMAGNA, Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 4, no.22 (Jun 2016): 387–407.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0048840200011047Samuel Long, Ruth Long The Influence of Political Ideology on the Perception of the Socioculturally Disadvantaged, Education and Urban Society 6, no.11 (Nov 1973): 102–126.https://doi.org/10.1177/001312457300600106Ruth Long, Samuel Long Sociopolitical Ideology as a Correlate of Teacher-Candidates' Attitudes Concerning Poverty and the Disadvantaged, Urban Education 8, no.33 (Aug 2016): 249–270.https://doi.org/10.1177/004208597383005Jeff Fishel On the Transformation of Ideology in European Political Systems, Comparative Political Studies 4, no.44 (Jun 2016): 406–437.https://doi.org/10.1177/001041407200400402Giuseppe Di Palma CONFLITTO E ÉLITES NELLE SOCIETÀ INDUSTRIALI, Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 1, no.33 (Jun 2016): 481–513.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0048840200013873Robert D. Putnam Studying Elite Political Culture: The Case of “Ideology”, American Political Science Review 65, no.33 (Aug 2014): 651–681.https://doi.org/10.2307/1955512D. W. Urwin Social Cleavages and Political Parties in Belgium: Problems of Institutionalization, Political Studies 18, no.33 (Sep 1970): 320–340.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1970.tb00437.xJoel D. Aberbach, Jack L. Walker The Meanings of Black Power: A Comparison of White and Black Interpretations of a Political Slogan, American Political Science Review 64, no.22 (Aug 2014): 367–388.https://doi.org/10.2307/1953839Frederic J. Fleron, Rita Mae Kelly Personality, behaviour and communist ideology, Soviet Studies 21, no.33 (Nov 2007): 297–313.https://doi.org/10.1080/09668137008410711Robert A. Schoenberger Conservatism, Personality and Political Extremism, American Political Science Review 62, no.0303 (Aug 2014): 868–877.https://doi.org/10.2307/1953436

The Autonomy of Science in Totalitarian Societies

An analysis of the relations between sociopolitical ideology, needs for scientific development, and independence of science in Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union is made. The concept of instrumentalization of science, in conjunction with control and support by political institutions, was found more useful than the conventional categories of pure and applied science.