Sociological Determinants Research Articles

Mount St. Helens: A case study of managing for change in wildland recreation

Mount St. Helens provides an interesting case study of a forest and wildland area that has been radically altered in recent history. As a result of volcanic activity, the recreation environment has changed with respect to the setting, climbing opportunities, and motivations for mountaineering. An evaluation process using both qualitative and quantitative methods was developed to determine what the motivations, demographic characteristics, and preferred management techniques were for the posteruption Mount St. Helens mountain-climbing visitor. Results suggest that changes have occurred in the “new” or posteruption climbing visitor. These changes have not all been congruent with those anticipated by management. For example, the climbing visitor is now less interested in climbing opportunities and more concerned with seeing the crater and other volcanic-related features. This article discusses the findings of this research in light of how resource managers might consider the issue of visitor changes in both demands and types of uses. For example, determining quota numbers based on sociological determinants (e.g., desire for solitude) need to be firmly grounded in who the visitors actually are rather than who they were. Consequently, management tools such as the Recreational Opportunity Spectrum (ROS) and Limits of Acceptable Change (LAC) may need to be altered to accommodate a changing resource or visitor base. These and other findings have implications for the future management practices of the Mount St. Helens area and other environments where the recreation resources have undergone rapid and profound change.

Who Becomes an Entrepreneur?

PROFESSOR JOHN STANWORTH, Stephanie Blyth, Bill Granger, and Celia Standworth are all members of the Future of Work Research Group at the London Management Centre, Polytechnic of Central London, England. At the current time, they are involved in several research projects, one of them being the study of rates of intergenerational inheritance of enterprise culture-a principal theme of this paper. The authors examine evidence from several countries in an attempt to predict the incidence of enterpreneurship and conclude that sociological determinants offer the best indication as to precisely who, among the many who express an interest, is most likely actually to make the transition to self-employment. In addition to examining the contributions of others in this field, the paper presents data recently collected by the authors themselves.

The spatial distribution of telematics: Modeling and empirical evidence

In this paper we deal with the spatial distribution of telematics (a conflation of telecommunication and informatics) and the regional characteristics influencing it. We are interested in this topic because basically telematics could essentially alter the regional structure. Therefore, in the first section we construe a simple cost-minimizing model in order to derive factors impacting on the telematics endowment of a region. In the next section the hypotheses derived from this model are completed by sociological determinants of the regional telematics equipment. In the second part of the paper we test our hypotheses with the aid of an econometric study and of a questionnaire study. The sample is confined to two telematics tools, namely telefax and teletex, and geographically to the German state of Bavaria. Our main conclusion is that potentially decentralizing techniques do not work decentralizingly. We substantiate this conclusion with the factors which, in our opinion, mainly determine the regional endowment of telematics and those factors which will not alter in favor of peripheral regions.

The Narrows: A Black New England Novel

THE NARROWS: A BLACK NEW ENGLAND NOVEL Sybil WeirWhen Ann Petry published The Narrows in 1953, the novel was reviewed in the leading newspapers and magazines. Since then, however, critics have neglected it, preferring to focus on Petry's achievement in The Street (1946) and in short fiction such as "In Darkness and Confusion." This neglect of The Narrows is undeserved because the novel reveals the maturing of Petry's literary vision beyond the limited sociological determinism of The Street. The rich and complex rendering of black and white relationships in a small Connecticut city continues to compel readers. Of particular interest is Petry's use of both Anglo-American and Afro-American literary motifs. As Arna Bontemps wrote in his review in The Saturday Review of Literature, a novel about Negroes by a Negro novelist and concerned, in the last analysis, with racial conflict, The Narrows somehow resists classification as a "Negro Novel," as contradictory as that may sound. In this respect Ann Petry has achieved something as rare as it is commendable. Her book reads like a New England novel, and an unusually gripping one.' Arna Bontemps was right. To overlook the ways in which The Narrows is shaped by Petry's New England heritage is to miss part of its complexity , yet, aside from Bontemps, almost every critic who has analyzed Petry 's work has done so solely in relation to other Afro-American fiction. This context has been necessary and valuable for recovering the contours of the Afro-American literary tradition. Nevertheless, it is time to take seriously Sherley Williams' proposal that the most fruitful approach to American literature is a comparative one.2 Such an approach reveals that, in The Narrows, Petry is indebted to Nathaniel Hawthorne as well as to Richard Wright, that The Narrows belongs to the tradition of domestic feminism and realism created primarily by New England women writers as well as to the experience Petry had in Harlem in the 1940s. The New England tradition is most clearly exemplified in Abbie Crunch, the seventy-year-old black matron in The Narrows. While it is important to note that Abbie Crunch is only one of the novel's three major characters from whose perspectives the novel is narrated, Petry's * Sybil Weir is a Professor of English and American Studies at San Jose State University . She has previously published on Theodore Dreiser, Gertrude Atherton, Constance Fenimore Woolson, and Elizabeth Drew Stoddard, on whom she is currently writing a biography. 82Sybil Weir characterization of her is convincing, complex, and realistic.3 Petry shows the emotional and psychic reality of a black mother who has embraced the values of New England culture at the expense of her own racial heritage. Petry's treatment of the theme of the psychic costs of racism , a theme central to much of Afro-American fiction before and since The Narrows, is particularly moving and convincing. The Narrows is set in Monmouth, Connecticut. The title refers to Monmouth's black ghetto, Dumble Street, variously known as "The Narrows , Eye of the Needle, The Bottom, Little Harlem, Dark Town, Niggertown —because Negroes had replaced those other earlier immigrants, the Irish, the Italians and the Poles."4 To emphasize the universality of her vision, Petry went to Shakespeare for the names of her town and river, using a speech from King Henry V as her inscription: ... I tell you, captain, if you look in the maps of the OrId, 1 warrant you sail find, in the comparisons between Macedón and Monmouth , that the situations, look you, is both alike. There is a river in Macedón; and there is also moreover a river at Monmouth: it is called Wye at Monmouth; . . . but 'tis all one, 'tis alike as my fingers is to my fingers, and there is salmons in both (Act IV, vii). In New England as in old Britain and Macedón, the river flows on, indifferent to the dramas of human aspirations and passions played out on its bank. The river is indifferent to human betrayal—Alexander killing his best friend in Macedón, Henry V shunning Falstaff, the black butler betraying the black bartender in Monmouth, Connecticut...

Explaining Party Support: Sociological, Economic and Political Determinants

(1984). Explaining Party Support: Sociological, Economic and Political Determinants. Political Science: Vol. 36, No. 1, pp. 10-34.

Conservative Thought and the English Bourgeoisie

It is argued by Mannheim that conservative thought, of which he takes Romanticism as an example, is anti-bourgeois thought. However English Romantic Conservatism does not appear to fit this model. English conservative thought (for example, Burke and Disraeli) is not anti-bourgeois. Furthermore English Romantic conservatism exhibits certain parallels with Wesleyan Methodism (hereafter referred to as Methodism) which acts, via its work ethic, as an ideological support for the bourgeoisie. The article explores the relationship of English Romantic conservatism to the bourgeosie, its similarities and differences regarding the thought of the latter, and the cultural functions it performs. This throws light on the sociological determinants of Romanticism. These are complex, it is argued, but basically there is an interplay of traditional pre-capitalist and more modem influences, reflecting the interpenetration of different stages of social development. Romantic conservatism, it is claimed, provides a rich source of symbolism for the modem bourgeoisie and traditional (mercantile and agricultural) capital, demonstrating its ambivalence regarding modern and traditional milieux. At the same time, it remains a non-bourgeois, pre-capitalist type of thought. Its major significance lies in its contribution to the elaboration of more hegemonic forms of dominant culture than would otherwise have been possible, it is concluded.

Perverse Effects and Social Contradictions: Analytical Vindication of Dialectics?

Raymond Boudon's recent textbook La Logique du Social, constitutes a systematic attempt to provide sociology with solid foundations, by putting at its core the assumption that man acts rationally, or at least intentionally. Interactionist models, which rest on this assumption, Boudon argues, should replace determinist models, which assume that man is passively determined by social structures, roles or norms.l In particular, he argues that the notion of perverse effect, whose use presupposes the adoption of an interactionist perspective, should play a central role in the attempt to account for social change. In this review article, I shall focus on this notion and on the use Boudon makes of it in his theory of social change. I shall point out a number of obscurities and other defects, and make some suggestions as to how they can be remedied. In so doing, I shall draw heavily on two other books. One is an earlier collection of essays by Boudon, Effets Pervers et Ordre Social, which deals with such topics as educational reform and Rawlsian justice, the 'logic of relative frustration' and sociological determinism, and which provides a less systematic formulation of the ideas expressed in the textbook. As most of the essays make explicit use of the notion of 'perverse effect', their relevance to the concerns of this article are obvious enough. The other book I shall heavily draw on is a somewhat more technical one by Jon Elster, Logic and Society. The purpose of this book is to use various logical tools in order to work out a number of sociologically useful concepts. One of these is the concept of social contradiction, on which we shall concentrate in subsequent sections. Not only does this concept lie at the core of Elster's theory of social change-by itself a sufficient reason for wanting to undertake a comparison with the key notion in Boudon's treatment of change. As we shall see, it is also analytically related to Boudon's notion of perverse effect and, just like the latter, it only makes sense on the background of an intentional model of man.2 Bringing Boudon's and Elster's analyses of these issues together, will, I hope, help make the former more rigorous and the latter more

On Benthic Ecology, Sociological Determinism, and Other Matters

On Benthic Ecology, Sociological Determinism, and Other Matters

Another Fragmentation of Sedimentology

The changing role of particle-size analysis in sedimentology has been described recently by John Law.' In brief, he has recounted how standard methods of describing and characterizing sediments arose at and after the turn of the century. Particlesize analysis was used to reach conclusions about the origin of sediment particles, to indicate the hydrodynamic regime under which they had originated and were transported, and to infer the nature of ancient environments. Law shows how the failures of the method and its partial replacement by the turbidite theory led not to a complete replacement of the paradigm (accompanied by scientific crisis), but to an uneasy coexistence of conventional particle-size analysis with alternate, more holistic methods of interpreting sedimentation and the sedimentary environment. Law suggests that particle-size analysis, a resource of the sedimentologist, could still contribute to the sedimentologist's interests (be they purely scientific, prestigeoriented, or grant-centred) because of the 'methodological and theoretical pluralism' of geology that is, the complexity of geological problems and the broad range of variables likely to be relevant to them. His viewpoint is clearly one of sociological determinism, and in his model 'the interests of the actor' are interpreted in terms of 'prestige, financial reward or other commodities'. I have no deep-seated disagreement with this kind of approach to the sociological study of scientific procedure or change. Law's kind of model is phrased in fashionable terms and is likely to be useful in interpreting scientific change. Although scientists are likely to respond negatively, in knee-jerk fashion, to sociological interpretations of their actions, they cannot be too offended because they are well-steeped in their own kinds of determinism. However, there is another aspect of the particle-size story that slightly reduces the force (certainly the generality) of Law's conclusions about the reasons for individuals continuing to use incompatible or paradoxically-divergent concepts and techniques. Particle-size analysis has been used for many years by marine benthic ecologists, who have attempted to characterize the environments in which bottom-living animals occur. These efforts, which reached a peak during the 1960s, still continue, using standard screening techniques or, recently, using electronic particle counters. To get reproducible results it is crucial to both variants of the technique that the sediment particles be dispersed that is, that any tendency of the particles to stick together be reduced. This is often done (following the techniques of sedimentary

Interpersonal Factors in Suicide Attempts: A Pilot Study in Christchurch

Attempted suicide is a behavioural pattern with complex psychological and sociological determinants, many of which have been extensively studied in recent years. The basic facts of its changing incidence, its demography, and its place within a broader spectrum of self-destructive behaviour are well established but authorities are still divided on many issues related to its aetiology, its function in the individual and the kinds of services required for its clinical management. (Kessel 1965, Anderson 1974, Weissman 1974, Henderson and Williams 1974). The study reported here was designed partly to define the characteristics of a group of patients for whom clinical services were being planned and partly as a pilot study to develop a methodology for a more extensive controlled study which we hope to carry out next year. The preliminary findings are sufficiently interesting to report now.

Social justice and equal access to health care.

SOCIALJUSTICE AND EQUAL ACCESS TO HEALTH CARE* GENE OUTK/it Consider the question, Is it possible to understand and tojustify morally a societal goal which increasing numbers of people, including Americans, accept as normative? The goal is the assurance of comprehensive health services for every person irrespective of income or geographic location. Indeed, the goal now has almost the status of a platitude. Currently in this country politicians in various camps give it at least verbal endorsement [1, 2]. I do not propose to examine the possible sociological determinants in this emergent consensus. I hope to show that whatever these determinants are, one may offer a plausible case in defense of the goal on reasonable grounds. To demonstrate why appeals to the goal get so successfully under our skins, I shall have recourse to a set of conceptions of social justice. Some of the standard conceptions, found in a number ofwritings onjustice, will do. By reflecting on them it seems to me a prima facie case can be established, namely, that every person in the entire resident population should have equal access to health-care delivery. The case is prima facie only. I wish to set aside as far as possible a related question which comes readily enough to mind. In the world of "suboptimal alternatives," with the constraints, for example, which impinge on the government as it makes decisions about allocation of resources , what is one to say? What criteria should be employed? Paul Ramsey, in The Patient as Person [3, p. 240], thinks that the large question of how to choose between medical and other societal priorities is "almost, if not altogether, incorrigible to moral reasoning." Whether it is or not is a matter which must be ignored for the present. One may simply observe *Much of the research for this paper was done during the fall term, 1972-73, when I was on leave in Washington, D.C. I am very grateful for the two appointments which made this leave possible: as Service Fellow, Office of Special Projects, Health Services and Mental Health Administration, Department of Health, Education, and Welfare; and as Visiting Scholar, Kennedy Center for Bioethics, Georgetown University. Another version of this essay appeared in theJournal ofReligious Ethics (Spring 1974), and the parts incorporated here are used with permission of the editor. tAssociate professor of religion, Princeton University, Princeton, New Jersey 08540. Perspectives in Biology and Medicine · Winter 1975 | 185 in passing that choices are unavoidable, nonetheless—as Ramsey acknowledges—even where the government allows them to be made by default, so that in some instances they are determined largely by which private pressure groups prove to be dominant. In any event, there is virtue in taking up one complicated question at a time, and we need to get the thrust of the case for equal access before us. It is enough to observe now that Americans attach an obviously high priority to organized health care. National health expenditures for the fiscal year 1972 were $83.4 billion [4]. Even ifsuch an enormous sum is not entirely adequate, we may still ask, How are we to justify spending whatever we do in accordance as far as possible with the goal of equal access? The answer I propose involves distinguishing various conceptions of social justice and trying to show which of these apply or fail to apply to healthcare considerations. Only toward the end of the paper will some institutional implications be given more than passing attention, and then in a strictly programmatic way. Which then among the standard conceptions of socialjustice appear to be particularly relevant or irrelevant? Let us consider the following five: (1) to each according to his merit or desert, (2) to each according to his societal contribution, (3) to each according to his contribution in satisfying whatever is freely desired by others in the open marketplace of supply and demand, (4) to each according to his needs, and (5) similar treatment for similar cases. In general I shall argue that the first three of these are less relevant because of certain distinctive features which health crises possess. I shall focus on crises here not because I think preventive care is unimportant...

Prevalence of Mycoplasma hominis and Ureaplasma urealyticum (T strains) in urine of adolescents.

Adolescent children were surveyed for colonization with Mycoplasma hominis and Ureaplasma urealyticum by culturing urine specimens. Rates were compared between three study groups: (i) 397 children attending parochial schools, (ii) 293 children attending an adolescent clinic specializing in adjustment problems, and (iii) 86 children attending a renal clinic. The recovery rate was higher among postpubertal girls attending the renal clinic (33%) and the adolescent clinic (26%) than among students attending parochial high school (males 2%, females 8%). Girls had approximately eightfold higher rates than boys of the same age. Isolation of Mycoplasmataceae was associated with certain sociological determinants, such as dating, cigarette smoking, and coming from a broken home, but also with abnormal findings (protein, leucocytes) in urine.

Residential Patterns in Pre-Industrial Cities: Some Case Studies from Seventeenth-Century Britain

The models of pre-nineteenth-century cities formulated by Sjoberg and Vance are compared. The two writers postulated different kinds of social ecology because they based their deductions about spatial patterns upon different social structures, and this difference, in turn, resulted from their use of different economic variables as sociological determinants. An analysis of the hearth tax returns for three British cities, and of data produced by linking these returns with the admissions lists of freemen in Newcastle, shows that neither of their models replicates what happened in these cities. In Newcastle, a merchant oligarchy existed, dominating a particular residential-cum-economic area, and the gild organization of crafts was reflected in the spatial zoning of occupational groups. Although some parts of Newcastle were occupationally mixed, this probably did not represent the emergence of 'class zoning'. IN the literature of urban geography, little space is devoted to pre-nineteenth-century cities. When the subject is discussed it is usually treated with a bland lack of controversy: textbooks, and monographs and papers on historical and modern cities are alike in their exclusive and uncritical presentation of Sjoberg's generalizations about what he termed the 'pre-industrial city'.1 The reasons for this situation are not, of course, hard to find. Until recently, this was the only set of generalizations available, and the continents in which much of the recent work in urban social geography has been done have no great fund of pre-nineteenth-century urban experience. The current preoccupation of urban social geographers with techniques of analysis which require large arrays of data, and with theories which link urbanism with industrialization or modernization, and thus define the pre-nineteenth-century city out of consideration, also contribute to this end. Moreover, the ease with which the processes which destroyed the 'pre-industrial city' can be thought of as synonymous with those which created the modern city has contributed to the development of the concept of 'ecological transition', and this fusion seems only to have bolstered the confidence of urban geographers in Sjoberg's monolithic ideas about the nature of cities before the transition occurred.2 The result is a general agreement that urban society was segregated by wealth or status, with the rich and powerful living near to the centre and the poor and powerless on the periphery of cities before industrialization, or modernization. Afterwards, class-based segregation became manifest, and the social geography of cities, in terms of these two gross categories, was reversed. It is time to question forcefully the basis of this certitude about the early stage of this sequence. Such questioning has been begun by Vance,3 who recently introduced a welcome note of controversy into the geographical literature. It can be taken a stage further by examining the differences between the conclusions of Sjoberg and Vance, and the reasons for their differences. This should help to bring more sharply into focus the fact that there is not, yet, any set of acceptable generalizations about the social geography of pre-nineteenth-century cities. An attempt to relate the assumptions and conclusions of Sjoberg and Vance to a reasonably sound body of empirical evidence is also necessary, not only because of their differences, but also because each

Social aspects of venereal disease. II. Relationship of personality to other sociological determinants of venereal disease.

Social aspects of venereal disease. II. Relationship of personality to other sociological determinants of venereal disease.

Some Sociological Determinants of Occupational Communities

Some Sociological Determinants of Occupational Communities

The psychological and social variables determining education

The object of the paper is to logically integrate in a single frame of reference the studies of the psychological and sociological determinants of achievement and acculturation of the students. The education or socialization process is defined as the process of social interaction that has as its object the teaching-learning of culture. The two main instruments used for the analysis of education are a model of social interaction, and, since the characteristics of any social interaction depend upon the way in which the actors in it peform their roles, a model of the performance of any activity. The model of social interaction, applied to classroom interactions, gives the basis determining the main elements of the roles of teachers and students. The influence that the performance of these roles has on the indoctrination and achievement of the students is studied with the model of the performance of any activity. Finally it is assumed that the levels of achievement and indoctrination attained by the students determines whether or not they remain in the educational system.

Social Determinism and Rationality as Bases of Party Identification

In The Responsible Electorate, V. O. Key urged upon us “the perverse and unorthodox argument … that voters are not fools.” He challenged the notion that the voting act is the deterministic resultant of psychological and sociological vectors. He believed that the evidence supported the view of the voter as a reasonably rational fellow. The present article offers a corollary to Key's “unorthodox argument.” It suggests that certain sociological determinants, secifically group norms regarding party identification, may, upon examination, prove to be rational guides to action. For the voter who is a reasonably rational fellow, it will be argued, these group norms may seem rather sensible.Before proceeding to the analysis of data, some discussion of the notion of rationality seems in order. The usage subscribed to in the present analysis derives from contemporary game theory. Put most simply, being rational in a decision situation consists in examining the alternatives with which one is confronted, estimating and evaluating the likely consequences of each, and selecting that alternative which yields the most attractive set of expectations. Formally, this process entails making calculations of the following type as a basis for the decision:where:E(Vai) = expected value of alternative i.P(oj∣ai) = probability of outcome j given that V(oi) = value of outcome j to the decision maker.

Social Determinism and Rationality as Bases of Party Identification

In The Responsible Electorate, V. O. Key urged upon us “the perverse and unorthodox argument … that voters are not fools.” He challenged the notion that the voting act is the deterministic resultant of psychological and sociological vectors. He believed that the evidence supported the view of the voter as a reasonably rational fellow. The present article offers a corollary to Key's “unorthodox argument.” It suggests that certain sociological determinants, secifically group norms regarding party identification, may, upon examination, prove to be rational guides to action. For the voter who is a reasonably rational fellow, it will be argued, these group norms may seem rather sensible.Before proceeding to the analysis of data, some discussion of the notion of rationality seems in order. The usage subscribed to in the present analysis derives from contemporary game theory. Put most simply, being rational in a decision situation consists in examining the alternatives with which one is confronted, estimating and evaluating the likely consequences of each, and selecting that alternative which yields the most attractive set of expectations. Formally, this process entails making calculations of the following type as a basis for the decision:where:E(Vai) = expected value of alternative i.P(oj∣ai) = probability of outcome j given that V(oi) = value of outcome j to the decision maker.

Some Determinants of Organizational Success

Management survey on economic, sociological, and psychological determinants of organizational success

Elaborated and Restricted Codes: Their Social Origins and Some Consequences

American AnthropologistVolume 66, Issue 6_PART2 p. 55-69 Free Access Elaborated and Restricted Codes: Their Social Origins and Some Consequences BASIL BERNSTEIN, BASIL BERNSTEIN University of LondonSearch for more papers by this author BASIL BERNSTEIN, BASIL BERNSTEIN University of LondonSearch for more papers by this author First published: December 1964 https://doi.org/10.1525/aa.1964.66.suppl_3.02a00030Citations: 210AboutPDF ToolsExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat REFERENCES CITED Bernstein, B. B. 1958 Some sociological determinants of perception. British Journal of Sociology 9: 159– 174. Bernstein, B. B. 1960 Language and social class. British Journal of Sociology 11: 271– 276. Bernstein, B. B. 1961 Social class and linguistic development. In Education, economy and society. A. H. Halsey, J. Floud, and C. A. Anderson, eds. New York, Free Press, pp. 288– 314. Bernstein, B. B. 1962a Linguistic codes, hesitation phenomena and intelligence. Language and Speech 5: 31– 46. Bernstein, B. B. 1962b Social class, linguistic codes, and grammatical elements. Language and Speech 5: 221– 240. Bernstein, B. B. MS. Family role systems, socialisation and communication. Paper given at the Conference of Cross-Cultural Research into Childhood and Adolescence, University of Chicago. Bronfenbrenner, U. 1958 Socialisation and social class through time and space. In Readings in social psychology. E. E. Maccoby, T. M. Newcomb, and E. L. Hartley, eds. London, Methuen, pp 400– 424. Committee on Higher Education 1963 Higher Education Appendix One. (Parts 2 and 3.) London H.M.S.O. Goldman-Eisler, F. 1961 Hesitation and information in speech. In Information theory. 4th London Symposium. London, Butterworth, pp. 162– 174. Lawton, D. 1963 Social class differences in language development. Language and Speech 6: 120– 143. 1964 Social class language differences in group discussions. Language and Speech 7, part 3, July-Sept. (in press). Luria, A. R. 1961 The role of speech in the regulation of normal and abnormal behavior. London, Pergamon. Luria, A. R. and I. F. Yudovich 1959 Speech and the development of mental processes in the child. London, Staples Press. Malinowski, B. 1923 The problem of meaning in primitive languages. In The meaning of meaning. C. K. Ogden and I. A. Richards, eds. London, Routledge and Kegan Paul. Newson, J. and Newson, E. 1963 Infant care in an urban community. London, Allen & Unwin. A. H. Passow, ed. 1963 Education in depressed areas. New York, Columbia University Press. Ravenette, T. 1963 Intelligence, personality and social class: an investigation into the patterns of intelligence and personality of working-class secondary school children. University of London Library, Unpublished Ph.D. thesis. Reissman, F. 1963 The culturally deprived child. New York, Harper and Row. Report of the Central Advisory Council for Education. 1958 Fifteen to eighteen. London, H.M.S.O. Vol. I: 376. Sapir, E. 1931 Communication. In Encyclopedia of the social sciences. E. R. A. Seligman, ed. New York, Macmillan. Venables, E. 1962 The reserve of ability in part-time technical college courses. University quarterly 17, No. 1: 60– 75. Vygotsky, L. S. 1939 Thought and speech. Psychiatry 2: 29– 54. Vygotsky, L. S. 1962 Thought and language. New York, John Wiley. Citing Literature Volume66, Issue6_PART2December 1964Pages 55-69 ReferencesRelatedInformation