Socio-economic Order Research Articles

Peripheral resistance: geographies of occupation and policing in Tunisia

ABSTRACT This article sets out to study Tunisian protest movements and state responses by focusing on continuities in protest and policing rather than radical breaks like the 1956 independence, the 2010–2011 revolution, or more recently, Kais Saied’s July 25 self-coup. Through ethnographic fieldwork among activists in Tunis, residents of its popular neighbourhoods and with the El-Kamour movement of the southern region of Tataouine, the article develops three arguments and theoretical tools: firstly, it argues that residents of Tunis’ popular neighbourhoods and Tunisia’s inland and southern regions are racialized through consistent securitisation at the hands of urban elites as they migrated to the cities to establish what would become peripheral popular neighbourhoods. Secondly, it develops and applies a lens of internal occupation to analyze policing of these racialized populations. Through a grounded theory-approach, it articulates intimately felt indignity and humiliation in the context of an outsider-insider policing dynamic. Thirdly, it argues that racialisation is perpetuated by a state-capitalist class nexus consisting of economic benefactors of the reserve army of labour and natural resource extraction. Security forces violently enforce this socio-economic order. Lastly, it suggests that internal occupation is a useful theoretical lens through which to analyze policing of marginalised populations in general.

Hegemony and crisis: An analysis of habit and ideology as mechanisms for achieving ‘consent’

This article presents an analysis of the role played by ideology and habit in ensuring the stability of the socioeconomic order by looking at key passages from Gramsci’s Prison Notebooks dealing with the notion of hegemony and its various aspects. This discussion is informed by Beasley-Murray’s criticisms against the notion of hegemony and his insistence that, at times of crisis, ruling classes’ ideologies stop mattering, and we should, instead, focus on domination and habit imposition. This piece attempts to clarify key concepts such as domination, leadership and ideology, as well as presenting distinctions between different ‘forms of consent’. In response to Bealey-Murray’s critique, it will also highlight how economic and political crises effect workers’ habitual life, domination and habit imposition within production/surplus extraction, leadership style and the subsequent ‘form’ bourgeois ideologies must take to appeal to an electorate that has lost trust in political elites. It will then conclude with the opposite assertion: At time of crises, we should pay even closer attention to the ‘morbid symptoms’ displayed by bourgeois ideological trends.

Covert Prostitution Mode of Migrant Women in a Dimly Lit Café

This research is a research that explores the mode of prostitution of migrant women in dim stalls, Wajo Regency, South Sulawesi Indonesia. Such research as a study of the phenomenon of "rural culture", and as a reference for decision makers in eliminating the distance of anomy from the practice of prostitution. Illegal prostitution is part of immorial sex, in the form of provocative sexual relations with many men (promiscuity). This study, using descriptive qualitative methods, to describe the phenomenon of prostitution as a pathology containing retretism, neglect of "cultural goals/morals", in building a socio-economic order of society that relies on institutionalized values/regulations. The results showed the rise of dim stalls in Wajo, which are inhabited or managed by migrant women from various regions: Bone, Luwu, Toraja, Makassar and various other regions such as Java and Mamuju. The mode of prostitution in Wajo, under the guise of selling coffee drinks, boiled instant noodles, is offered to visitors truck drivers, public transport car drivers and other visitors. The women offered this merchandise but behind that he also offered sex services with a single service of Rp. 120,000,- Rp. 200,000, depending on the agreement. Tips made by women in offering sex services to visitors with verbal seduction or with silence, which indicates they expect sex services.

To sit quietly by oneself: on neoliberal capitalism’s ‘unprecedented inner loneliness’

Building upon Max Weber’s insightful critique of the capitalist spirit as causing ‘unprecedented inner loneliness’, this article traces the trajectory of a fraught subjectivity over the course of a socioeconomic order from the Protestant Reformation to the present. Beginning with the premise that this socioeconomic order has a long history of both inviting and foreclosing upon the capacity to have an inner life, the general argument is pursued that grappling with one’s separateness, as well as the separateness of the object, gives rise to an inevitable sense of loneliness. This psychoanalytically informed sense of loneliness is juxtaposed with the gnawing loneliness that seems to haunt neoliberal subjectivity, revealing how the former might provide an imperfect but still viable antidote to our increasing inability to sit quietly by ourselves. Particular focus is given to re-evaluating Winnicott’s notion of the capacity to be alone in light of cultivating a separate self. The article concludes with some tentative thoughts on what suffering a separate self might entail, including suffering one’s inevitable loneliness.

The Influence of Soviet Law on the 1959 Vietnamese Constitution

The impact of the Soviet legal culture, particularly on Vietnam, within the socialist bloc, stands as a notable assertion. The incorporation of Soviet legal constructs into Vietnam’s legal framework emerged as a vital political necessity during a complex phase of Vietnam’s historical trajectory. Illustrated prominently in the 1959 Constitution of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, this influence embodies a quintessential manifestation of Soviet legal impact on Vietnam. This paper delves into several facets of this influence, encompassing the Constitutional structure, articulation of citizenship rights and duties, confirmation of the Vietnamese Labour Party (now the Communist Party of Vietnam) leadership, configuration of State apparatus and power distribution, formulation of socioeconomic order, and a departure from Western constitutional paradigms. The inquiry primarily draws upon historical and comparative legal methods. Legal records from Vietnam and the Soviet Union have been amassed, scrutinized, and likened. Moreover, this study considers the legal and interdisciplinary insights offered by scholars from Vietnam, the Soviet Union, Russia, and the Western sphere pertaining to the subject matter of this article. These perspectives are not only considered but also assessed and integrated. The outcomes of this examination serve to elucidate: i) the significance of Vietnam’s 1959 Constitution in the progression of Vietnam’s socialist legal system; ii) the historical connection and contemporary inheritance of shared legacies between the two national legal systems within the overarching socialist legal framework; and iii) valuable insights into incorporating socialist legal norms into the constitutional process.
 
 
 Tra từ & tra câu Anh - Việt, Việt - Anh, Anh - Anh
 
 
 
 
 
 Nhúng biểu tượng tra cứu vào trang
 Nhấp đúp để tra cứu
 
 
 

The Socio-Economical Character of the A-Group in Lower Nubia (c. 3700-2800 BCE)

This paper aims to define the socio-economic order of the A-Group in Lower Nubia. The nature of this group has been discussed by several researchers using regional archeological data, but no agreement has been reached. Different interpretations are partly the product of diverse definitions of sedentism and nomadism, and of models commonly used to explain the socio-economical character of A-Group communities. These concepts are often loosely applied without clear definition and evidence supporting the models is often lacking. For this reason, the paper begins by defining concepts such as nomadic pastoralism and sedentism, which are central to this investigation. The approach of different ethno-archaeological papers is also a fundamental methodological tool for the paper. After considering theoretical and methodological tools and the study of archaeological material belonging to the A-Group, the paper postulates that this group could have organized itself as a semi-sedentary community, which exploited diverse ecological niches in Lower Nubia.

Socio-Economic Order and the Legacies of Armed Governance: The Aftermath of Paramilitary Rule in Colombia

ABSTRACT This paper focuses on the legacies of paramilitary governance in the Colombian civil war. Using a local case study, we show that former militia strongholds have been shaped by the lasting effects of armed rule on the ability of impoverished peasants and rural workers to challenge existing forms of land tenure and labour organisation. Our case highlights the need to adopt a local view to understand the embeddedness of armed governance in existing socio-economic orders. Our conclusion emphasises the importance of integrating a political economy perspective when studying the legacies of armed governance.

Narco-Capitalist Macbeths in TV Series: Shakespeare’s Archive in The Wire (David Simon, 2002–2008) and Breaking Bad (Vince Gilligan, 2008–2013)

I will tackle serial appropriations of Shakespeare’s Macbeth in The Wire (David Simon, 2002–2008) and Breaking Bad (Vince Gilligan, 2008–2013). Both complex TV series recast Macbeth in the context of narcocapitalism. Rather than constituting an alternative to mainstream capitalism, narco-capitalism maintains the American and global socioeconomic orders as depicted in both series. Paying attention to what will be defined as Shakespeare’s archive, it will be shown that traces from Macbeth are reactivated in The Wire and Breaking Bad. Shakespeare’s archive is formed by traces of Shakespeare’s dramatic and narrative sources, quartos, folios, later editions and adaptations. This corpus displays verbal and non-verbal features of Shakespeare’s oeuvre. Taken together, traces and reenactments of Shakespeare highlight the multifarious and competing ways in which Shakespearean appropriations sail through the depth and length of complex TV. To illustrate this, I will use archive theory, transmedia theory and narcocapitalism as lenses of analysis. This framework helps explain archival strategies employed for Shakespearean appropriation within the social context of both series. The results reveal that Shakespeare’s archive in both works leads to an ambivalent ethical assessment of the potentialities of narco-capitalism.

Ordoliberalism – A Research Approach for Today?

Abstract Research background: To a limited extent, modern researchers are interested in ordoliberalism, as a theory of the socio-economic system, which is confirmed by the results of the bibliometric analysis. In conducted studies, the assumptions of ordoliberalism are used partially, for example, for research on: the role of the state in the economy, the antitrust law, the theoretical assumptions of the SME, the determinants of German economic policy after World War II. Purpose of the article: The aim of this article is to present the possibilities offered by the ordoliberal theory that predispose it to determine a socio-economic order which makes it possible to tackle the dysfunctions and crises that afflict today’s economy. Methods: The research methodology involves a critical analysis of the works of the most essential representatives of ordoliberal thought, particularly Walter Eucken and others, from the perspective of the above-mentioned purpose of the study. This requires examining German-, Polish- and English-language publications by authors recognised as representatives of mainstream ordoliberalism. Findings & Value added: As a result of the conducted analysis, the hypothesis about the existence of the elements of ordoliberal theory that allow it to respond to the challenges of the modern world, including economic, social, environmental and climate crises and pandemic threats has been confirmed. Research of this kind implies a return of thinking in terms of economic order, and thus contributes to the theories that seek to overcome the crisis in both the real economy and the theory of economics.

Nursing is not like organised crime: A theoretically informed commentary.

This article aims to contest misrepresentations and distortions of sociological writings on the nursing profession. During the latest ICN congress in Montreal, it has been suggested that professions, and the nursing profession for that matter, are thought of by sociologists in a similar way as organised crime, meaning that it is like a 'money sponge' sucking resources out of society, without however giving anything in return. Allegedly, there would be a distinct branch of sociology depicting the professions in this light. By sketching out relevant sociological ideas, including the sociology of nursing, I explain that there is no tradition portraying the professions as mafias. I demonstrate that while both the professions and organised crime are socially organised, they are radically different in legitimacy. The caring professions are themselves different in ethos from the classic professions, all the more so from criminal organisations. A distinct stream of research in sociology has been devoted to nursing, without however suggesting such an analogy. I lament that attendees to the ICN congress were indeed given an inaccurate representation of sociological thinking. Sociologists addressing nursing as a profession tend to highlight processes of emancipation, autonomy, vindication and social justice, as care work is essential to the broader socioeconomic order. While nursing as a profession is socially organised, the power devices and tactics it deploys in the sociopolitical arena are characterised by their legitimacy. Unlike organised crime, nursing policymaking is situated within a framework of lawfulness, fairness and transparency.

Envisioning post-capitalist utopias via simulation: Theory, critique and models

We discuss the role of heterodox economics in opening new perspectives, the question of scalability of socio-economic order, the heritage of the “socialist calculation debate” and its ongoing relevance for discussions on “post-capitalism” today and finally the potentials of computational simulation and agent-based modelling for the exploration of alternative socio-economic approaches. The contributions to our special issue address these aspects and topics in different ways and therefore underline the fruitfulness of these discussions, especially in regard to the development of more just and sustainable socio-economic structures. Faced with the contemporary polycrisis, we can no longer afford “capitalist realism”.

Assessment of Socio-Economic Adaptability to Ageing in Resource-Based Cities and Its Obstacle Factor

The resource-based city is a type of city with pronounced ageing problems. Correctly grasping the socio-economic adaptability to ageing in resource-based cities can help actively guide the direction of urban development and build a new socio-economic order for the elderly. This paper first selects 125 resource-based cities in China from 2000 to 2020 for characteristic analysis, and finds that resource-based cities are characterized by fast growth rate and a large proportion of ageing population, deep ageing, large regional differences and uncoordinated ageing development with regional socio-economic development levels. The research objective of this article is to explore the temporal evolution characteristics, spatial patterns, agglomeration characteristics, and factors hindering the socio-economic adaptability to ageing in resource-based cities in China from 2000 to 2020. Therefore, an indicator system for assessing the socio-economic adaptability to ageing was constructed, and the improved entropy-weighted TOPSIS model was used to measure the socio-economic adaptability to ageing in 113 resource-based cities in China from 2000 to 2020. The spatio-temporal variation characteristics of the socio-economic adaptability to ageing in resource-based cities were analyzed by descriptive analysis and Moran’s index, and the main obstacle dimensions and obstacle indicators were clarified by the obstacle factor model. The findings can be summarized as follows: Temporal Analysis: Over the timeframe assessed, the socio-economic adaptability of ageing in resource cities demonstrates a consistent year-on-year improvement. The spatial clustering pattern exhibits a noteworthy trend of “significant-significant-insignificant”. Spatial Pattern: Examining the spatial arrangement from 2000 to 2020, areas with medium-low and low adaptability are prominently concentrated in Eastern China and Northeastern China, while regions with medium-high and high adaptability are focal in Northern China and Eastern China. Hebei Province and its neighboring provinces consistently display H-H clustering, contrasting with the Southwestern regions that persistently exhibit L-L clustering. Obstacle Degree Analysis: Across the 2000 to 2020 period, dimensions related to economic development, social participation, and social security consistently emerge as the primary obstacles. Notably, the top 12 average annual obstacle indicators are selected, and within economic development dimension all 4 indicators predominate as the key obstacles. Within the social participation dimension, tertiary sector value added and total retail sales of consumer goods per capita feature as primary obstacles. Regarding social security, impediments are primarily associated with the ratio of Medicare coverage, the ratio of pension coverage, alongside the development level of the social security sector. In the domain of service provision, key obstacle indicators include park area per capita, number of books in public libraries per 100 inhabitants, and public trams and buses per 10,000 inhabitants.

Proletarian Feedback: The Mirror of the Soviet Public Sphere

Abstract One glaring problem that faced the Bolsheviks upon seizing power was the absence of their vaunted class subject. The party had led a successful revolution in the name of the industrial worker, but once the dust settled after the civil war, reality exposed the proclaimed “dictatorship of the proletariat” to be little more than an empty slogan for propagandists. The proletariat was a historico-philosophical no-show. Its truancy had a number of reasons, both factual and theoretical. First, while proletarians had always been something of a rarity in the largely agrarian economy of imperial Russia, the industrial working class became even scarcer after the civil war had decimated the manufacturing capacity of Russia and ruralized the country once again. When the Bolsheviks finally took control, Russia's industrial output had fallen to thirty percent of prewar levels. Historians have consequently described the Bolsheviks as a “superstructure in need of a base”2 and a “vanguard of a nonexistent class.”3 Add to this, second, the fact that the physiognomy of the working class was changing in the 1920s as the forces of production shifted away from the methods of heavy manufacture typical of the second industrial revolution toward newer, automated technologies that relied less on physical exertion than on the scientific knowledge of engineers and managers. At least until Stalin's spectacular revival of older, “classical” forms of industry at the end of the decade—a return that seemed to be motivated less by economic exigency than by retrograde iconography—blast furnaces and factory workbenches were being replaced by telematic machinery and bureaucratic control centers. Third, according to revolutionary theory, in the phase of the transition to communism the proletariat was not even a class, strictly speaking, but the social force that abolishes class identity as such in order to establish for the first time in world history the conditions for a truly universal subject.4 The revolutionary class is, necessarily, the last class. Party philosophers could provide no substantialist definition of this “free dynamei (power, force),” as Marx called the proletariat, since this non-class had no concrete features of its own but was instead understood as an energy that dissolved the existing socioeconomic order.5 Paradoxically, then, the very success of the revolution “causes the concept of the proletariat to ‘disappear.’”6

Внутренняя миграция как последствие региональной дифференциации в современной России

The article deals with the contradictory consequences of the processes of globalization and socio-economic modernization in the context of regional differentiation in modern Russia. The authors conclude that these pro-cesses destroy the established socio-economic order and people’s habitual way of life. First of all, it affects the so-called provinces – rural population and residents of small towns. Large metropolitan areas and industrial centers are becoming points of attraction. However, in the strategies for socio-economic and spatial develop-ment, the main directions of the social policy of modern Russia, scientific and practical discourses, small towns invariably remain in the shadow of large urban agglomerations. In this regard, it seems highly relevant to study the causes and consequences of internal migration processes in the country, as they are, in fact, a response to regional socio-economic differentiation. The most active, migration-mobile and statistically significant socio-demographic group is young people. Pilot study of the migration behavior of this age group of the small town population, conducted by the authors, allows to analyze the factors and causes of migration; to actualize the need to implement social state and regional programs that are aimed at reducing the territorial mobility of young people.

Food, Housing, Work, Retirement: Resourcefulness in Everyday Life as an Element of the Functioning of Society and the Economy in the People’s Republic of Poland (Selected Aspects)

The article attempts to determine the usefulness of the concept of resourcefulness for research in the field of social history of the People’s Republic of Poland. On the basis of examples concerning problems with provisions, housing, professional work and retirement benefits, an analysis of specific issues was made, where this resourcefulness manifested itself particularly intensively. The research shows that in many cases it was pathological. It meant a strategy of behavior consisting in achieving the assumed goals by individuals or various groups of people using means that are in conflict with the norms, rules, procedures accepted as appropriate in a given political and socio-economic order.

The Value of Illegality: Venezuelan Migrants in Ecuador and the (Re)Entrenchment of Neoliberal Capitalism

Despite Ecuadorians’ own extensive experiences as international migrants, as Venezuelan migration into Ecuador has increased sharply in the last five years, the Ecuadorian government has enacted a barrage of restrictive and exclusionary policies at and within the country's borders. Consequently, Venezuelans in Ecuador are forced into illegality, a spatialized social condition that entails simultaneous marginalization and inclusion in the contemporary socioeconomic order. This paper draws on theorizations of governmentality, destitution economies, and status value to argue that the illegalization of migrants produces various forms of value for the government and broader public. First, illegality works as a governmental mechanism to reconcile neoliberal capitalism with the inequalities it exacerbates. At the national scale, illegalization of Venezuelan migrants facilitates political legitimation for the Ecuadorian government, and at the local scale, illegality makes migrants hyper-visible in ways that obscure the negative consequences of neoliberal economic strategies. Second, illegality facilitates strategies for economic exploitation of migrants by private actors at the local scale. Exploring how illegality produces value in Ecuador is useful for understanding other cases of South–South migration and draws attention to the disciplinary functions of migration management outside the Global North. This article provides a case study of multiple mobilities in the context of growing poverty, historical inequalities, and the entrenchment of neoliberal capitalism.

Social Justice in India: A Comparative Study of Rawls and Ambedkar

Justice has always been central to political philosophy over a period of time. No doubt, throughout the ages, countless philosophers have understood justice in different ways. Nevertheless, they have consented that a good society is a just society. Moreover, justice is a distributive concept and is concerned with the distribution of wealth, leisure, liberty, friendship, love, etc. Twentieth century justice came to be discussed usually in relation to social life in general, and the distribution of material rewards in particular and usually came to be known as ‘Social Justice’. Social justice as such came to be accepted as the fair and just relation between the individual and society that could possibly be measured by unambiguous and unspoken conditions for the distribution of opportunities for social privileges and personal activities. Indeed, social justice is most significant in the context of a polarized Indian society which is divided into castes, religions, races, languages, and communities, posing threat to the democratic spirit. Consequently in India, social justice pertains to doing away with such inequalities, and finding ways for a better and just socio-economic order. In this backdrop, my paper endeavors to locate the significance of the resources conceived by both the figures in the development of political philosophy in India.

Socio-ecological market economy: A research approach

The aim of this article was to present the possibilities offered by the ordoliberal theory that predispose it to determine a socio-economic order which makes it possible to tackle the dysfunctions and crises that afflict today’s economy and all human civilisation, especially in the ecological dimension. The analysis is based on critical study of the professional literature on the subject in question, which includes both publications on ordoliberal thought and texts which identify the threats present in the modern world. The ordoliberal theory of economic governance shows the potential for its development to include environmental issues, as well as its application as an intellectual basis for socio-economic policies capable of helping to solve contemporary problems. This article represents one of the first attempts to complement the ordoliberal theory of economic order and the concept of the Social Market Economy with ecological aspects.

Propheticness of the Ecumenical Social Thought: the “Life and Work” Oxford Conference about the State and Economic Order

Propheticness understood as a Christian interpretation of the world's spiritual, ideological and social challenges, is the primary dimension of ecumenical social thought. History of the ecumenical movement has many times confirmed this prophetical vision which often ran counter to or preceded dominant political and socioeconomic orders. The World Council of Churches’ model of responsible society has exemplified such a vision. Although today forgotten, a prophetical voice of ecumenism sounded at the conference of the Life and Work movement held in Oxford in 1937. The gathering, even though it took place in a gloomy time of political totalitarianism and socioeconomic crisis and in the shadow of the oncoming world war, produced a theological interpretation of the state and the economy, which later became an abundant source of ideas for the next decades of the ecumenical social teaching. The article aims to manifest the comprehensiveness and freshness of the Oxford concepts and, thereby, to demonstrate the Propheticness of ecumenical social thought. Eventually, it wishes to prove the relevance and significance of ecumenical teaching about society today. A survey of the subject literature and literary analysis is the primary method employed in the article.

SOLARPUNK CONTRA CAPITALIST REALISM

Mark Fisher expanded on the concept of capitalist realism as a socioeconomic order which stifles the imagination so deeply that we cannot imagine any alternative to it. To combat capitalist realism, Fisher believed we need an effective critique. If capitalist realism is an ideology, then an effective critique may come from a counterideology. I believe the speculative fiction and art movement known as solarpunk is the utopian premise we need to construct this counter-ideology. This essay will begin to construct a philosophy of solarpunk by primarily thinking of solarpunk as an ideology and showing its many advantages to past utopian conceptions of the future. Following Marx & Engels’ treatment of ideology, Gramsci’s cultural hegemony will also be considered in relation to Fisher’s capitalist realism. Given the concurrent existential crises of climate collapse, economic inequality, depression, and alienation – all of which are exacerbated by the capitalist model – something beyond ‘an effective critique’ is necessary to overcome these challenges. This essay hopes to better understand whether or not solarpunk can meet this challenge to provide a vision of a better future beyond capitalism.