Sociopolitical Ideology Research Articles

Machine learning analysis of a national sample of U.S. case law involving mental health evidence

PurposeSentencing practices in cases involving defendants with mental disorders are often opaque, as data on case facts and sentencing decisions are not easily accessible. MethodsThis paper reports findings from a national U.S. sample of appellate court cases across 46 states (n = 710) that involved mental health evidence. We collected detailed data on judge and defendant characteristics, type and severity of mental disorders, state sociopolitical ideologies, and legal factors such as offense and plea type and criminal history. We used a mixed quantitative approach, including machine learning, to examine how these intricate factors influence sentencing outcomes. ResultsA combination of linear regressions and supervised learning techniques reveals important differences in sentencing outcomes based on the type of mental disorder as well as the majority political ideology of states. We additionally show that, as compared to arguing no mental health evidence, having a mental disorder generally did not yield significant differences in sentencing. ConclusionsBoth a potential lack of scientific comprehension and the influence of sociopolitical ideology may help explain why certain mental disorders are aggravating in punishment contexts. We also discuss the advantages and limitations of supervised learning and classification trees for studying judicial decisions.

Sociopolitical ideologies as predictors of collective action across liberal and conservative domains: Injustice‐based anger, efficacy, and empathy as mediators

AbstractSocial change can be spurred by collective action. Yet not all forms of collective action are in the name of social progress. People seeking to advance or oppose social progress can be ideologically driven to organize and push their agendas. In exploring psychological reasons for collective action, social scientists have focused mostly on social identity. Researchers have begun to study sociopolitical ideologies as another key motivator of collective action. Drawing on both collective action and sociopolitical ideology literatures, we investigate sociopolitical ideologies (right‐wing authoritarianism, social dominance orientation) as predictors of collective action across politically liberal (MeToo movement, Climate Change) and conservative (Anti‐Abortion, Illegal Immigration) domains. Results from two American samples (n = 681; n = 359) show that right‐wing ideologies relate to more collective action in politically conservative domains and less collective action in politically liberal domains. Between‐person differences in empathy, injustice‐based anger, and efficacy explain these associations.

Black Languaging IS Translanguaging: We Not Just Talkin Bout It, We Bout It Bout It!

Purpose: The purpose of this article is to provide a foundational understanding of translanguaging in order to conceptualize Black Languaging as translanguaging and to expand our definition of multilingualism and reframe how we think about Black Language in schools. Method: The authors summarize seminal literature in translanguaging and raciolinguistic ideologies in order to theorize about Black Language within a translanguaging framework. Results: Centering Black Languaging within a translanguaging framework further implicates the sociopolitical ideologies that shape our conceptualizations of language and dialect and the educational experiences of racially and linguistically minoritized students. Conclusion: A sociopolitically informed definition of Black Language allows us to blur the boundaries of languages and dialects and think of all students—especially racially minoritized students—as translanguaging in co-community.

Mental health and justice beyond borders: Global crises, sociopolitical determinants, and contemporary practices in forensic psychiatry

In an era marked by escalating international crises, environmental shifts, and sociopolitical volatilities, global mental health is facing profound challenges. With its distinctive position at the intersection between clinical and judicial domains, forensic psychiatry can be predisposed to the consequences of adverse external determinants and events. At present, geopolitical conflicts, rising insecurities, climate change, forced and voluntary migration, and regressive sociopolitical ideologies are all compounding role responsibilities, care models, and ethical expectations across forensic-psychiatric practice; in short, complex distal factors are increasingly informing domestic considerations. These far-reaching concerns indicate a need for adaptive and proactive responses, underpinned by cultural sensitivity, social justice, and respect for human rights. Through illustrative examples from different regions, this perspective paper calls for a greater recognition of the transnational dynamics that are affecting local contexts of practice. Equally, it outlines the importance of advocacy, interdisciplinary collaborations, and potential evolutions in training and ethical frameworks to address contemporary issues. By adopting these approaches, forensic psychiatrists can promote more just systems and equitable mental healthcare for patients amidst the uncertainties of an interconnected and rapidly transforming world.

Locating the Subject in Postmodern State: A Critique of Kazuo Ishiguro’s The Remains of the Day

A British novelist of Japanese origin, Kazuo Ishiguro explores the social and political atmosphere of England that unsettled the nation in the decade after World War I. He brings to notice the significant role of an individual’s inner emotional dilemma of the professional self. This paper then offers a close reading of Ishiguro’s The Remains of the Day (1989), exploring the discourse of the subject within a social, political and ideological framework that constructs the concept of selfhood. This play of socio-political ideologies includes subjects that are no more than cultural performances. Centring on Ishiguro’s exploration of this decentred subject, this paper scrutinises the symbolic link between the protagonist Stevens’s selfhood caused by self-deception or the ideological state apparatus and fictional world leaders’ discourse on professionalism. From this viewpoint, the main objective of the paper is to uncover how Ishiguro’s work dramatises the transformation of the modernist preconstituted subject into the postmodernist decentred subject.

Babari Masjid Chronicles: Modi’s Ideology not Embracing Ayodhya Spirit and India’s Future

Introduction: After the Babri Masjid demolition, Prime Minister Narendra Modi's treatment of Ayodhya’s was criticized for violating its unity tradition. Modi's politics emphasize inclusion over exclusion. Reconciliation initiatives are examined in Ram temple construction. The essay promotes discourse, harmony, and India's diversity, emphasizing the need for integration. Methodology: The study uses inductive qualitative research to examine Modi's ideology and its relationship to Ayodhya's symbolism of unity and diversity in India. Literary secondary sources including books, journals, and novel research help collect data. The study uses interpretive content analysis and is qualitative. The protagonist's psychological journey is explored using inductive inquiry. Results/ Findings: The analysis reveals The analysis indicates a notable discrepancy between Prime Minister Narendra Modi's ideological stance and the historical essence of Ayodhya as a symbol of unity and pluralism. The necessity of reevaluating Modi's ideology vis-à-vis Ayodhya and its broader implications for India's future trajectory. The research emphasizes the importance of embracing inclusivity and dialogue to safeguard the nation's unity and diversity in the face of socio-political challenges. Modi's policies and decisions concerning Ayodhya, including his role in the Ram temple construction, come under scrutiny for their implications on India's socio-political landscape. Future Direction/ Implication: This study improves understanding of "Babri Masjid Chronicles: Modi’s Ideology Not Embracing Ayodhya Spirit and India’s Future" and opens the door to further research on socio-political narratives and their psychological roots in literature. This includes studying national identity, ideological disagreement, and cultural and religious pluralism in fictional and historical situations. This research inspires further study of literary discourse, socio-political ideologies, and Indian national identity and unity

The politics of red meat consumption and climate change

Red meat production is one of the leading sources of carbon dioxide emission thus reducing meat production and consumption is crucial. Using a sample of American adults (n = 456), the link between right-wing sociopolitical ideologies and (i) attitudes towards red meat; (ii) willingness to reduce red meat consumption; (iii) willingness to pay more for red meat; (iv) belief about the impact of red meat consumption on the environment; and (v) and distrust (versus trust) of authorities was examined. Right-wing ideologies (i.e. right-wing-authoritarianism and social dominance orientation) were associated with more positive attitudes towards red meat, unwillingness to consume less red meat or pay more for red meat, disbelief that red meat negatively impacts the environment, and greater distrust of information from authorities that propose a link between red meat production and negative environmental impact. However, results varied by political ideology dimension. Findings suggest that attempts to alter peoples’ red meat consumption—as part of a strategy for tackling climate change—must incorporate a nuanced understanding of the impact of sociopolitical ideologies on attitudes towards red meat consumption and the need to raise awareness about its impact on the environment.

Re-Thinking the Tenability of Azikiwe’s Neo-Welfarism

More than half a century after Nigeria (like most African nations) gained Independence; there has been a lingering problem of finding a socio-political ideology that would suit perfectly with the peculiar nature of African traditions. Incidentally, it is this same problem that led African thinkers to start propounding socio-political ideologies. These include Leopold Sedar Senghor, Julius Nyerere, Modibo Keita, Kwame Nkrumah, Sekou Touré, and Nnamdi Azikiwe. The latter propose what he called Neo-Welfarism. A theory which has faced severe criticism over the years. This work has two goals: to identify the criticisms against Nnamdi Azikiwe’ Neo-Welfarism and re-examine them; and to show how Azikiwe’s Neo-Welfarism could be suitable for tackling the socio-political and economic challenges of contemporary Nigeria. The paper maintains that despite some flaws, Azikiwe’s Neo-Welfarism still holds certain credible principles which when properly applied, could be beneficial to the Nigerian society, and Africa at large.

Tagore Creates Nation through Purusha and Prakriti Synthesis

The present paper is an essay in miniature proposing to illuminate on the debate about the cultural identity of India, the place of religion, caste, class and gender in it, initiated by Rabindranath Tagore in his novel ‘Gora’ (1909) at the beginning of the twentieth century. Situated within the larger conflict between modernisation and the Hindu tradition – inevitable in a British-occupied India further complicated the question of freedom, gender’s role in nation-building and selfhood. The author here goes on to explode the fallacy of the supposedly inclusive western ideals which alienate a few from the millions of Indians as also the negative social consequences of accepting uncritically a monolithic Hindu tradition. Thus Gora as a novel attacks the absurdity of looking at cultural options with characters possessing contesting ideologies and aims not at individual, static utterances, but at dialogic negotiations in understanding the creation of a new revived nation free of confronting socio-political ideologies and the role of gender in it. That the main protagonist Gora recognizes the intellectual woman and thinking human being in Sucharita is indicative of accepting prakriti– the feminine principle of creation as well. Thus prakriti, the feminine principle of creation in Sucharita affects Gora’s ideology of defensive orthodoxy, subtly and indirectly, propelling him towards sympathy and understanding of Bharatvarsha, the gendered way.

Mobilities in Anglophone Science Fiction History: Time Travel, Cyclical Temporality, and Virtual Mobility

This paper explores the development of the concept of mobility within the Anglophone tradition of the science fiction genre, specifically within three critical periods of the twentieth century. It begins by analyzing the genre’s initial development, observing the shift from spatial mobility in earlier travel narratives to temporal travel depicted by foundational science fiction writers, such as H. G. Wells and Jules Verne. It then examines the New Wave of science fiction during the 1960s and 70s, a period characterized by introspective exploration of the human psyche and a departure from linear temporality, favoring instead an antiprogressive, circular concept of time. Key authors of this era, including William S. Burroughs, Thomas M. Disch, Philip K. Dick, Ursula K. Le Guin, and Samuel R. Delany, are broadly studied. The paper subsequently probes into the cyberpunk genre and its development of virtual mobility within cyberspace, along with a critical analysis of the socio-political issues emanating from the dominance of white normativism and ableism within these virtual environments. In conclusion, this paper emphasizes the necessity to consider a more inclusive depiction of mobility in science fiction, as well as the co-futuristic socio-political ideologies that the genre upholds. It advocates for the genre to foster diverse representations of mobility, thereby challenging the normalization of an abled, white American presence within cyber and virtual spaces.

What is hiding behind the rainbow plot? The gender ideology and LGBTQ+ lobby conspiracies (GILC) scale.

Previous literature on conspiracy beliefs has an important gap, as it has almost completely excluded conspiracy beliefs relating to LGBTQ+ people. The purpose of the present research was to develop and validate a specific tool to measure the Gender Ideology and LGBTQ+ Lobby Conspiracies Beliefs: the GILC scale. Two independent data collections (Ntot = 1.908) were run involving both heterosexual and gay, lesbian and bisexual people. We expected a mono-factorial structure of the tool, with high levels of internal reliability, invariant by respondents' gender, sexual orientation and previous knowledge or hearsay of gender ideology. Furthermore, we expected that GILC scale manages to measure a differentiated construct: (a) compared to other specific and general conspiracy contents; (b) compared to a generic disposition to engage in conspiratorial mentality; (c) compared to existing measures of sexual prejudice, stereotypes and negative attitudes towards sexual minority people. In relation to criterion validity, we expected that several psychosocial and socio-political ideology variables (i.e. RWA and SDO), would associate with high levels in GILC scale. The results confirmed our expectations, showing that GILC scale is a short tool which include nine items with a mono-factorial structure and with excellent psychometric properties. Limitations and further research directions are discussed.

Trauma as Evidence: Rifat Osman on Edirne

Early twentieth-century Ottoman-Turkish architectural history discourse is subjugated by state-oriented readings, and the prescriptions of the sociopolitical ideologies of the epoch. The agency of the individual is confined within the ramifications of these programmatic concepts. In lieu of such a discourse, this article considers Rifat Osman (1874–1933) and the agency of the individual as a source for architectural historiography. Trained as a medical doctor, Rifat Osman developed an interest in the architectural heritage and everyday life of the city of Edirne, now in western Turkey. He amply recorded his observations. Exploring the motives behind this unusual interest, I argue that Rifat Osman’s experience of Edirne, in particular as he witnessed the fall of the city to Bulgarians during the Balkan Wars (1912–13), transformed his engagement with the city and its history. This rendered the traumatic imprint of war traceable in his accounts. Through concepts of antiquarian sensitivity and war-induced trauma, I question how Rifat Osman’s anxiety is transmitted to the collective memory of the city, and in return, how architectural history becomes instrumental in the recovery from trauma.

Делегация Северного Кавказа во Франции (1919–1920-е гг.)

This article is devoted to the history of the delegation sent by the Mountain Republic to France, to an international conference (1919). The delegation’s purpose is the obtainment of international recognition as an independent state. This study was conducted based on archival documents dis-covered by us in France. This paper throughly analyzes the name of the delegation, its composi-tion, and activities in Constantinople and Paris during the 1919-1920’s. The role of A.M. Chermo-yev and G. Bammat is revealed, and the struggle of the new North Caucasian leaders formed in emigration with the delegation of the Mountain Republic is studied. The author believes that the end of the delegation’s activity can be dated back to 1930. It has been determined that it played a significant role in shaping the socio-political ideology of the North Caucasian community in France, reinforcing the position of North Caucasians in the region's political sphere, and creating a new generation of North Caucasian politicians.

“Chinese core, global trend”: A critical discourse analysis of Chinese civics teachers’ perceptions on global citizenship education

ABSTRACT Globalization has stimulated widespread reforms of traditional citizenship education. Regional sociopolitical and cultural circumstances substantially influence global citizenship education (GCE) discourse. A more in-depth examination of the recontextualization of GCE in educational institutions is required to comprehend its inner power tensions and potential dilemmas. This study investigates how GCE is recontextualized in China’s civics curriculum through a critical discourse analysis of 17 civics teachers’ perceptions, considering the expanding global perspective on national curriculum in recent years. The analysis revealed a nation-centric view of GCE dominated by sociopolitical ideology and Confucian norms, communicated in complicity with localized constructivist teaching and learning approaches that tend to be co-opted as a tool for dissimulating and euphemizing official knowledge standing for nationalism in educational practice. The study discusses the epistemological paradox in Chinese teachers’ perceptions, shedding light on repressed teacher subjectivity and limited educational initiatives in the nationalist-dominated GCE. It advocates a critical and reflective examination of the educational practice of GCE and a better way of speaking GCE that avoids equating it with teaching and learning techniques while ignoring the extent to which these methods have shaken educational relationships and value assumptions.

The politicization of place: chronotopes, authenticity, and semioscaping Fujialu as a site of “red tourism” in China

ABSTRACT This paper examines the linguistic and semiotic construction and transformation of Fujialu, a rural village in eastern China, as an “authentic” site of “red tourism” related originally to historical sites and places that record China’s revolution led by the Communist Party of China. Based on photographs and semi-structured interviews, this paper applies the concept of chronotope as an analytical and interpretive approach to examine processes of linguistic and semiotic authentication and acts of spatiotemporal configuration. Findings of this study unfold excessive constraints of sociopolitical ideologies in the sign activity as well as the village’s agency in this process, suggesting that the semiotization of space for tourism is not inevitably driven by economic but sociopolitical purposes. This paper thus adds a new insight to tourism literature that has not yet paid much attention to the influence of sociopolitical forces on place-making but is prevailingly taking commodification as a dominant factor structuring tourism discourse in today’s era of mobility and globalization.

Endorsement of scientific inquiry promotes better evaluation of climate policy evidence

Public and scientific consensus about climate change do not align. Problematically, higher scientific knowledge has been associated with lower acceptance of climate information among those with more conservative socio-political ideologies. Positive attitudes towards science can attenuate this effect. We investigated the association between endorsement of scientific inquiry (ESI) and decision-making with scientific evidence about climate policies. Participants rated support for 16 climate policies accompanied by weaker or stronger evidence. In study 1 (N = 503), higher ESI was associated with greater discernment between strongly and weakly evidenced climate policies, irrespective of worldview. In studies 2 (N = 402) and 3 (N = 600), an ESI intervention improved discrimination, and, in study 3, increased ESI specifically for hierarchical/individualistic participants. Unlike ESI, the link between scientific knowledge and evaluation of evidence was influenced by worldview. Increasing ESI might improve the evaluation of scientific evidence and increase public support for evidence-based climate policies.

A Critical Analysis of State-Level Policies Impacting Racialized Emergent Bilinguals Suspected or Labeled as Dis/abled.

The purpose of this review article is to conduct a critical analysis of state-level policies focusing on the provision of speech-language therapy and special education to children and youth who are racialized emergent bilinguals (REBs) suspected or labeled as dis/abled. We analyzed the state-level policies focusing on speech-language therapy and/or special education of California, Kansas, Florida, and New York. We coded content in terms of labels used to describe REBs; the focus of states' policies, whether the policy mentioned the provision of bilingual services, and the orientation toward bilingualism. Thematic analyses and descriptive statistics were used to analyze the policies, and interrater reliability was calculated. The results of this review revealed that most state-level policies contain English-centric, deficit-based labels to describe REBs and that most focus primarily on the classification and eligibility for dis/ability. Only one state addresses the provision of bilingual education for REBs labeled as dis/abled. The bulk of policies are underpinned by an ideology of "bilingualism as a difference," meaning that the main idea of the policies is that emerging English skills does not result in a dis/ability. Policies do not exist in a vacuum and are influenced by sociopolitical ideologies. The findings of this review highlight the urgency of applying an intersectional, justice-focused approach to the policies and practices impacting REBs suspected and/or labeled as disabled in the fields of speech-language therapy and special education.

Pentecostalism and heteronormative God-talk in modern South Africa: A decolonial approach

This article reflects on the use of heteronormative God-talk within African Pentecostalism in modern South Africa. God-talk has often been used as a tool to push specific socio-political ideologies within the global community and in discourses about gender and sexuality. In Africa, these discourses are often characterised by debates and influenced by normative, moral religious and Christian views. Research indicates that African Pentecostalism is one of the fastest-growing Christian movements in the world and it has great influence on sexual moral discourses. The advent of neo-Pentecostalism in South Africa was marked with the abuse of God-talk. Different media platforms reported on the commercialisation and abuse of religion as Pentecostal prophets used God-talk often disguised as prophecy to perform unusual practices and to make religious remarks regarding gender identities and sexualities. This forced and reinforced the hegemony of heterosexuality in society. Therefore, the decolonial motif was applied in this article to reflect on the coloniality of power embodied in God-talk. Decoloniality can be a tool that can reveal both the liberating and oppressive elements in the use of God-talk in South Africa.Intradisciplinary and interdisciplinary implications: The decolonial move here was motivated by the progressive post-heteronormative South African paradigm. The article used the interdisciplinary approach, namely socio-political sciences and Missiology to challenge the abuse of God-talk within contemporary Pentecostalism in South Africa. Positive use of God-talk can liberate both the church and society by transforming the traditional heteronormative views and by empowering congregants irrespective of their gender or sexuality. Such transformation can be possible if post-heteronormativity can be embraced by both church and society.

Myths and Reality About Confronting Anti-Gay Prejudice: Who Confronts and Why (Not)?

ABSTRACT There are lay theories about who would confront heterosexist prejudice, with people often citing women, educated, and liberals as being more likely to speak up. However, prior work is inconclusive about such predictors of confrontation. We tested which individual-level characteristics predict bystander confrontation, and what motivates or prevents straight individuals from confronting—focusing on socio-political ideology and gender. We conducted our study among Eastern-Southeastern Europeans (N = 132), and we employed a behavioral paradigm, where participants believed they witnessed and had an opportunity to confront anti-gay discrimination. We found 24% confrontation rate, which was not predicted by age, socioeconomic status, education level, or heterosexism. Moreover, we found that women or liberals were as likely to confront as men or conservatives were, respectively, however, their motivations and obstacles differed. Opposed to our prediction, men were not discouraged from confronting because of fear of being misidentified as gay, while as predicted, women were discouraged due to concerns about their assertiveness and efficacy. We also found that as predicted, liberals were encouraged to confront for equality/intergroup-oriented reasons, and conservatives were encouraged by individual/merit-oriented reasons. We suggest that intervention programs relying on personalized messages can be utilized to motivate confronting heterosexist prejudice along ideological lines.

Ideology in Syllabus: The Revised B.A. English Translation Programme at Iranian Universities

In 2018, the Iranian Ministry of Science, Research, and Technology introduced its B.A. Revised English Translation Programme (RETP). This article reviews the revised curriculum drawing upon concepts such as ‘ideology’ and ‘centralizing political systems’. Analyzing the components of the document, it is argued that the syllabus is the result of ideologically-motivated political factors shaped in post-revolutionary Iran to consolidate the hegemony and ideology of an emerging state. This appears to be a unique case in Translation Studies and translation historiography, in particular as far as the role of socio-political ideology in translation pedagogy is concerned. Findings suggest that there remains a large number of ideologically-motivated courses in the curriculum that are of neither theoretical nor practical uses in translating/interpreting. Drawing on the current trends in Translation Studies, a set of alternative courses is proposed.