Socio-political Dynamics Research Articles

Film Animasi sebagai Medium Dokumentasi Kekayaan Alam, Intelektual, Budaya, dan Dinamika Sosial Politik

Animation is a medium that has the ability to represent a visual phenomenon as a whole. Animation is not just a work of image-driven, but the work depicted motion, as expressed by Norman McLaren, Canadian animator Academy Award winner. As the interpretation of the motion, the animation is not subject to the laws of nature, so there is no limitation including movements that cannot be done in the real world or recorded in the live-action movie. So is the characterization or characterizations in the animation can be so free and open more opportunities for exploration. This advantage makes the animation a favorite medium to draw the attention of the audience, especially in the growing era of digital animation technology. Animation is now not only used for entertainment purposes, but has penetrated other fields such as education, tourism, health care, and so on. As a cultural product, animation, as well as films and works of art of human culture in general, is a historical marker that describes the spirit of an era that functions inherent in the animated film documentation of socio-political dynamics of a nation in a given period. This paper describes the process of documentation of natural, intellectual, cultural and socio-political dynamics in countries that intensively utilize the medium of animation.

Pitfalls of oil-based expansion of electricity generation in a developing context

In the context of growing demand and the need to rapidly increase access to convenient forms of energy, developing countries face many challenges for the development and upgrading of national energy infrastructures. Constraints on primary fuel sources, lack of capital and socio–political dynamics often result in the adoption of sub-optimal strategies for the expansion and upgrading of the existing infrastructure. Bangladesh is one such example that recently initiated a 10-year expansion program in 2010 to treble its generation capacity to 20 GW by 2021. The majority of about 3 GW capacity increase in the last two years has been based on imported oil such as heavy fuel oil (HFO) and high speed diesel (HSD). Despite having surplus generation capacity in 2011–12, the country continues to experience blackouts almost on a daily basis. By analysing the profiles of electricity demand, generation and shortage, as well as fuel imports, this study on Bangladesh demonstrates that increasing oil-based generation capacity does not always result in a proportionate increase in net electricity production. Moreover, increased dependence on volatile international energy markets for sourcing of fuel results in greater macroeconomic risks. Such macro-scale stress in a developing economy can be counter productive for social and economic development, as it takes resources away from other important sectors. Outcomes of this study can be useful for other developing countries that are undertaking energy sector reforms.

Globalización capitalista: mecanismos de regulación económica y política

En el artículo se hace un análisis teórico sobre los mecanismos que inciden en las elecciones de gobierno así como la acción colectiva en redes descentralizadas como vías a partir de las cuales los ciudadanos pueden regular las decisiones políticas y, por medio de estas, las decisiones económicas, en el marco de la globalización capitalista. Los mecanismos en torno a la primera vía son analizados con base en la teoría principal-agente, y los referidos a la segunda, a partir de la teoría de redes sociales. En ambos casos, la dificultad radica en la efectiva aplicación de los dispositivos para el logro de los fines propuestos. Sobre estos mecanismos es posible identificar algunas condiciones necesarias para que la acción política ciudadana adquiera efectividad y poder, las cuales están relacionadas con las nuevas dinámicas sociopolíticas.

The bid, the lead‐up, the event and the legacy: global cultural politics and hosting the Olympics

Hosting mega sport events, especially the Olympics, demands an extensive engagement with global civil society given the voluntary, highly mediated exposure of host cities and nations to the world. The philosophy of Olympism requires ethical authority in demonstrating 'fitness' to host the Games, so demanding intensive strategic image management. Offensive and defensive mobilization of image-dependent 'species of power' in the field of sport (in a Bourdieusian sense) in conducting 'wars of position and movement' (following Gramsci) within global civil society are, then, crucial features of competitive manoeuvres around staging major sport events. The main empirical focus of this article is on the case of the Sydney 2000 ('Millennial') Games, in illustrating the socio-political dynamics of bidding and hosting in the context of a major civil societal matter of concern - Australia's continuing failure to achieve reconciliation with, and equality for, its indigenous peoples. Ironically, though, it was in the domain of human rights that Sydney had an advantage over its closest competitor in the 1993 bidding process - China. The strategies deployed to secure the consent of Australian Aborigines to the Games are addressed in analysing the means by which the Sydney 2000 Games avoided major disruption and international criticism. A second, briefer case analysis is then presented of the disputation concerning Beijing's successful bid for the 2008 Olympics, which saw them influentially described by one (US) political activist as the 'Genocide Games' and the subject of international protests surrounding the Torch Relay. It is concluded that the contrasting levels of public, mediated discord in these two Olympiads in which human rights were key issues related, significantly though not exclusively, to the Chinese authorities' difficulties in 'winning consent' through strategic incorporation of the most conspicuous, non-state oppositional forces within Western-dominated global civil society in its most immediate, unruly, and mediatized form.

Teaching about/for ambivalent forgiveness in troubled societies

In this article, the author argues that it would be valuable to look into less paradigmatic manifestations of forgiveness in schools, that is, pedagogical approaches that acknowledge the complexity of forgiveness in socio-political contexts – namely, how forgiveness might be ambivalent, intermingled with both positive and negative emotions, and concerned with the standpoints of both the victim who offers forgiveness and the perpetrator who seeks forgiveness. The meaning and value of ambivalent forgiveness is presented through an extended reflection on a vignette from the author's ethnographic research on forgiveness in a troubled society – his home country, Cyprus. The vignette will highlight the complexity of forgiveness and provide a specific instance where traditional models of interpersonal forgiveness may fail or, at the very least, need to be expanded to account for the socio-political or inter-group dynamics. This article ends with a discussion of the pedagogical implications of the notion of ambivalent forgiveness for troubled societies.

Evaluating learning and teaching: institutional needs and individual practices

Rather than a rational, technical activity, evaluation reflects the socio-political dynamics of the evaluative context. This presents a challenge for universities and the individuals within them, who may assume that plans or policies for evaluation will result in straightforward outcomes. This small-scale study in one institution looks at the tensions between institutional evaluative needs and individual evaluative practices. The results indicate that for staff in the institution, evaluative activity is largely autonomous and self-driven, rather than following institutional policy. A discretionary framework for the evaluation of learning and teaching was developed, which may be a useful tool for educational developers in their analysis of evaluative practice.

From Politics to Poetry

Violent and dangerous socio-political dynamics affect each individual powerfully. This is particularly true after profound trauma, such as the pogroms of Europe, the most disturbing being the Holocaust or Shoah. Trauma such as this can be internalised and preserved in symbolic form for generations. Many psychodynamic theorists describe how traumatic repetition can continue across generations unless the trauma is integrated or transformed in some way. One important way to integrate trauma is through poetics. Sigmund Freud, Carl Jung and others provide the foundations for the contemporary work of Russell Meares, who shows that metaphor and imagery are vital to the integration of traumatic experience. The psyche is structured around associative and imaginative process and responds best to poetic communication and relationship. As daughter to both Russian Jewish and German emigrants/immigrants, the author has experienced remnants of the dynamics of the pogroms and the Holocaust in the internal dynamics of her own family. As well as describing some of this story, she crafts her own present-day response to the emotionality of this experience by speaking in a poetic voice. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

<em>UN Peacekeeping in Africa: From the Suez Crisis to the Sudan Conflicts</em>, Adekeye Adebajo

Reviewed by: UN Peacekeeping in Africa: From the Suez Crisis to the Sudan Conflicts Agber Dimah Adebajo, Adekeye. 2011. UN Peacekeeping in Africa: From the Suez Crisis to the Sudan Conflicts. Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner Publishers. 270 pp. Adebajo’s book is an historical narrative and an excellent delineation of the key issues and actors involved in United Nations peacekeeping efforts in Africa during the last half century. In the first chapter, the author repeatedly states the key problem as lack of cooperation among the three principal actors whose collaboration and cooperation are indispensable. These actors are the permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, regional African organizations, and African nations involved directly or indirectly in violent conflicts. Adebajo defines success as restoring peace and stability after ceasefire, disarmament, demobilization, and rehabilitation. He cites examples where such cooperation led to success (the Suez crises) and where the lack of it led to failure (Congo). Chapter two is a detailed historical account of the birth of the U.N. peacekeeping missions that emerged out of the necessity to deal with the Suez crisis. It is a good example of how the alignment of the interests of the most influential nations (the United States and the Soviet Union) led to a peaceful resolution. The focus of the chapter is on the games that the great powers play and the domestic or regional sociopolitical dynamics and how they influence the outcomes of U.N. peacekeeping missions. It is clear from the author’s assertions that the primary goal of collaborative action was not peace and stability in the region, but the protection of the interests of the big powers. The interest of the United States was to keep the Suez Canal open, and more importantly, to secure for itself and its Western allies the oil that is vital to industry. By contrast, the interest of the Soviet Union was to threaten that access by sowing seeds of discord among Western allies and aligning itself with leftist regimes in the region. Like chapter two, chapter three begins with a detailed historical account of the conflict in the so-called Great Lakes Region of Africa. The author correctly points out that successful resolution of conflict is contingent upon the convergence of interests of the actors before the introduction of armed U.N. peacekeepers; however, while he repeatedly refers to Western interests, he does not clearly identify them. These interests were, and still are, Western access to the enormous natural resources of the region, especially those of the Congo. The author indicates that the United States wanted to stem the spread of communism; however, it is not the spread of communism per se that was important, but the threat that such a spread poses to these natural resources and markets. Similarly, the interests of [End Page 91] African nations are not clearly delineated. Undoubtedly, Egypt cooperated during the Suez Crisis because the solution ensured its control of the canal coveted by England, France, and Israel. An important question is why did the United States and the Soviet Union cooperate during the Suez crisis, but not during the Congo crisis? The author does not provide an answer, except to mention in passing that it was a “marriage of convenience.” A possible explanation is that they found it helpful to divide the region into respective satellite states to each other’s satisfaction and thus avoid violence. Southern Africa (Angola, Namibia, Mozambique) is the subject of chapter four. Here again, reference is made to the interests of Western powers. It is implied that for Western powers and their regional ally, apart-heid South Africa, the goal is the containment of communism and, for the African nations involved, political independence; however, by that time, the Soviet Union had collapsed. Why, then, did the United States insist on linking the independence of Namibia to the withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola? The answer appears to be that Angola was already by this time a potentially big oil producer, sharing a border with the Congo. The author does not appear to realize that Western interests are almost invariably economic, even when described as strategic or stemming the influence of communism. In...

Academic literacies: Providing a space for the socio-political dynamics of EAP

This article highlights the potential of academic literacies as a theoretical framework for EAP, encompassing not only work on texts, but the wider, socio-political, geopolitical, and institutional contexts and practices in and with which EAP operates. An academic literacies approach foregrounds social practices, and one particular practice, that has become socio-politically and ethically sensitive with regard to student writing in English in the contemporary university is that of 'proofreading’. The article looks specifically at the reception of students’ writing by professors in the humanities and social sciences, and the ambivalent and contestatory role that proofreading plays within this.

La feminización de la dinámica política municipal. El caso de los municipios españoles

The analysis of responsiveness of local governments to associations and social movements has been a central issue in the analysis of local socio-political dynamics. Nevertheless, women’s associations are still a forgotten actor in these analyses, despite the importance of this kind of analyses at national level. In this paper a basic analytical proposal is presented to explain the importance of local political opportunities structures feminization. This proposal is applied to the Spanish case using a representative survey among municipalities. The results show the importance of political opportunities structures feminization as women presence among local councilors.

Views from the Arab Gulf on the ‘Arab Spring’ and its repercussions

This opinion piece of different Arab views and perspectives on the ‘Arab Spring’ and its significance and repercussions in the Arab Gulf region comprises three papers: ‘Repercussions of the Arab movements for democracy on the Saudi street’, by Mohammed Iben Sunitan; ‘Arab Spring … fleeting or perpetual?’, by Jasem Khaled Al-Sadoun; and ‘Repercussions of the Arab movements for democracy in Bahrain’, by Ali Mohammed Fakhro. Iben Sunitan posits a framework for a reading of the repercussions of the current movements on the Arab street in Saudi Arabia in a brief but highly informative account of the various Saudi opposition groups since the inception of the state under King ‘Abd al-’Aziz bin Sa9ud. The author details the various strategies that have been employed by Saudi monarchs for dealing with or assimilating various opposition groups that have appeared and he examines the new dynamics of a situation in which the youth figure prominently and the house of Al Sa9ud is at a crossroads where it must successfully adapt to the new objective conditions and atmosphere engendered by the climactic and momentous events of 2011. Al-Sadoun deals with numerous issues that pertain to the Gulf region in general such as age demographics, unemployment, economic issues, and the question of what he terms the dichotomy of ‘projects of rule’ as opposed to modern ‘projects of state’, where the former have tended to characterize the Arab world at the expense of both efforts to modernize and democratize. In the global context al-Sadoun sees hope for democratic transition provided that various Gulf rulerships and governments arrive at the conclusion that voluntary democratic reform is considerably less costly than suppression of the popular will. With regard to Tunisia and Egypt – despite serious socio-economic challenges in the latter – he sees promise in the models of Malaysia and Turkey. Fakhro deals with the particular situation in Bahrain characterized by ‘missed opportunities’ as well as regional military intervention, where peaceful demonstrations with initial moderate, legitimate demands pertaining to parliamentary representation and housing concerns that started in public areas such as the Pearl Roundabout were handled ineptly by the government, which chose to deal with them by force from the outset. Both sides crossed ‘red lines’ as demands escalated and demonstrators were gunned down not far from the royal palace. The King has called for an unconditional national dialogue; and while the situation has apparently calmed down for the moment, there remains grave concern over the future course of events. All three articles provide useful information and insight into the socio-political and economic dynamics of opposition movements in the Arab Gulf and the nature of their interaction with different types of political authority where it remains to be seen whether or not the prevailing climate of the ‘Arab Spring’ will persist in bringing about structural and genuine democratic reforms or whether protests will ultimately dissipate or assimilated through traditional means.

Pagodas and Prophets: Contesting Sacred Space and Power among Buddhist Karen in Karen State

This paper analyzes multi-layered religious practices among local Buddhist Karen on the plains of Karen State in Burma, within the context of the larger socio-political dynamics of Burmese Buddhism. The purpose is threefold: first, to give ethnographic details of the hybrid nature of religious practices among Buddhist Pwo Karen, thereby demonstrating how sacred space and power are contested, despite the strong hand of the state; second, to challenge the assumed equation between non-Buddhist minorities on the one hand, and Buddhists as a lowland majority aligned to the state on the other; and third, to raise an alternative understanding to predominantly state-centered perspectives on Theravada Buddhism. Field-based observations on the young charismatic Phu Taki and his community, as well as on the practice of pagoda worship called Duwae that has hitherto been undocumented are presented. These are examined in relation to the changing religious policies of the regime, especially since the policies of “Myanmafication” of Buddhism by the reformist council began in 1980.

Between religion and consumption: Culinary and drinking equipment in Venetic ritual practice (ca. 725 BCE-CE 25)

This chapter is an investigation of cultic practices in Iron Age and early Roman Veneto (Italy) through the analysis of inscribed utensils used for the preparation and consumption of food and drink in sanctuary sites. By drawing on anthropological research which has long recognised the importance of eating and drinking as powerful metaphors and practices of a paramount importance in the negotiation of a large range of socio-political and economic dynamics, my aim is to show how a capillary analysis of material culture specifically related to ritual drinking and food consumption can be an important tool to shed light on issues of gender, ethnicity, social interaction and power negotiation. Given the role of culinary equipment as a symbolic vehicle for the expression of social concerns regarding the relation with the supernatural as well as the negotiation of fundamental socio-political strategies via ritual food consumption, I argue that such categories of artefacts bear multifaceted meanings and deep social significance, and always deserve full attention in archaeological research.

Geospatial modeling of pre-contact Hawaiian production systems on Molokaʻi Island, Hawaiian Islands

The geographic distribution and relative importance of traditional agricultural systems in Hawaiʻi, based on ethnohistoric and archeological data, is only partially understood. Knowledge of the size and distribution of these systems is critical in estimating island populations, production, and surplus, as well as for assessing societal dynamics and the sustainability of indigenous agricultural systems. We employ geospatial modeling using rainfall, elevation, soil type, streamflow, slope, and substrate age, to create a geographic information system (GIS) model for the distribution of four major production systems on Molokaʻi Island – intensive pondfield irrigation, intensive dryland cropping, extensive colluvial slope agriculture, and fishpond aquaculture. Model results were checked against archaeological data sets for known areas, testing for goodness of fit between model predictions and empirical field evidence. Our model predicts that Molokaʻi could have sustained 9.52 km 2 of irrigated pondfields, 7.98 km 2 of intensive dryland systems, and 18.5 km 2 of colluvial slope agriculture. Fishponds are estimated to have yielded 17.98 metric tons of fish protein per year. The total agricultural production for the island is calculated to be 41,490 metric tons per year (wet weight), with pondfield, dryland, and slope systems yielding 46, 17, and 37 percent of total production respectively. Our results indicate that colluvial slope cultivation, which has been largely ignored in previous studies, was a major contributor to Hawaiian agricultural production, especially on the geologically older islands. Pondfield irrigation and colluvial slope systems had higher caloric efficiency than intensive dryland field systems, providing greater surplus to labor ratios in areas with abundant land suitable to irrigation and slope cultivation. Surplus discrepancies likely influenced population distribution as well as sociopolitical dynamics between districts and among neighboring islands. The model has applicability to the entire Hawaiian archipelago and to other islands in Polynesia, where it may be used to estimate pre-contact agricultural production and carrying capacities, two main factors influencing pre-contact social and political dynamics in Hawaiʻi and other island groups.

Purifying the Sinhala Language: TheHelaMovement of Munidasa Cumaratunga (1930s–1940s)

AbstractThis paper provides a detailed account of the socio-political dynamics of the campaign for Sinhala language purism in the 1930s and early 1940s, and re-evaluates the impact of theHela(pure Sinhala) movement of Munidasa Cumaratunga (1887–1944), a language loyalist and the foremost grammarian of the twentieth century, for the renovation of Sinhala language. It explores Cumaratunga's discourse on linguistic purism, its ideological foundations, and the means by which he organized his puristic intervention. As the case of Cumaratunga indicates, his language purism was not undertaken for the mere love of a language. The paper argues that Cumaratunga'sHelalanguage movement was essentially a revolt against the dominant language practices and ideologies of the colonial government, national political leadership, thepirivenaand the contemporary literary elite of the time. Ideologically, theHelanotion was designed as an oppositional discourse to the dominant Indo-Aryan linguistic discourse in the 1930s, and aimed to locate theHelalanguage at the apex of colonial language hierarchy. Exploring Cumaratunga's perceptions of language this paper demonstrates linguistic purism as a type of language reform which aimed at the formation of the ethno-linguistic uniqueness of the Sinhalese and the politicization of the Sinhala language in the early 1940s.

POLITICS AND HUMAN NATURE

Despite all attempts at restoring it, the great humanist tradition could not resist the double trauma of Auschwitz and Hiroshima in which the very idea of humanity had been swallowed up by its opposite. Yet, beyond the critique of humanism carried out by twentieth-century philosophers such as Heidegger, the ancient profile of man as essentially humanus delineates itself again. On the other hand, as soon as the Nietzschean anthropo-technical – or biopolitical – vector of artificial intervention into the characteristics of human nature enters into synergy with the Darwinian presupposition about the contiguity with the animal world, the social consequences can be devastating. But is this the only – destructive and self-destructive – face of post-humanism? Is it necessary for it to turn into a form of patent anti-humanism? In opposition to both Heidegger’s foreclosure of biology and the animal as well as the biopolitical misuse of an immunitarian semantics that has led to the most brutal forms of homicidal eugenics, in this article I claim that the overbearing entrance of biological life into socio-political dynamics is not necessarily a danger from which we have to defend ourselves in the name of a self-centred purity of the individual and the species. It might also be regarded as the future of man, a threshold from which he could be stimulated in view of a more complex and open elaboration of his humanitas.

Barriers to knowledge sharing and stakeholder alignment in solar energy clusters: Learning from other sectors and regions

Regional and national policy makers have invested heavily in the cluster concept as a means of generating value for regions, particularly through the opportunities it may present for small regional enterprises as vehicles for growth and job creation. Economic theorists such as Porter, have shaped many of policies being adopted, from a macro-economic perspective, yet the process by which actors within the group are helped (or hindered) in aligning knowledge, expertise and interests is less well understood. The implementation and development of clusters is subject to a range of local socio-technical and socio-political dynamics, which also need to be taken account of if the anticipated benefits such as wealth creation and competitiveness are to be realised. The paper uses the outcomes of research in several regional clusters to highlight recurring issues associated with the alignment of distributed knowledge and stakeholder interests, and in particular, the interests of small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). The paper suggests that such barriers impact on the ability of clusters to create value for regions, particularly in relation to the opportunities for the creation of employment through local SMEs that are often cited as the basis for such investment. The authors argue for the provision of opportunities to sharing knowledge and expertise within and between clusters, to ensure early identification and collective engagement of stakeholders with issues on the ground, given the evidence that SME are under-represented in policy and strategy development, and that this undermines the competitiveness and the benefits of investment in regional clusters.

Beyond the Ivory Tower - Higher Education Institutions as Cultural Resource: Case Study of the Queensland Conservatorium of Music

This paper focuses on the interface between higher education and the arts, in particular the role of the music school or conservatorium as a cultural resource. The genesis of the Queensland Conservatorium of Music leading to its establishment in 1957 in Brisbane, Australia, and its subsequent development to the early 1990s, is used as a case study. Perceptions of cultural cringe, both in respect to the northern hemisphere and also the southern Australian states, have been lively discussion points in Queensland’s artistic development for many years. The foundation of the Queensland Conservatorium was therefore viewed as a cultural emblem of mature statehood, and threats to its survival have been debated in this light. The unique socio-political dynamics of the state, whose capital city Brisbane is far removed from regional centres, also play into any study of Queensland’s artistic development. The conservatorium’s cultural value in contributing to society as a talent pool, incubator of original work, and as an arts centre, is examined. Evidence that the relationship between academia and the broader arts community can be both symbiotic and ambivalent is also presented, largely through analysis of the mass print media, where much of the early history of Queensland Conservatorium is documented.

The language of soft power: mediating socio-political meanings in the Chinese media

This article aims to examine the discursive structure of ‘soft power’ in China, its cultural, historical and political backgrounds and the role the mass media play in mediating its meanings. Conceptualised within critical discourse analysis, this study assesses soft power discourse as a form of articulating traditional values on the part of China's political and intellectual elites, as well as views about China's future directions. Specifically, it focuses on three levels of analysis: 1) a description of the language of ‘soft power’; 2) an interpretation of soft power as an institutional practice; and 3) an explanation of the broad socio-political dynamics that shape the discourse of soft power. The article concludes with an initial evaluation of the significance and implications of the soft power discourse.

Redefining identities, redefining landscapes: indigenous identity and land rights struggles in the Brazilian Amazon

Amazonian ecological and cultural landscapes have been cause for debate between environmental and development agencies that have attempted to re-configure them into conservation regions and frontier areas for agricultural expansion. However, it has also been the diverse Amazonian peoples, through their socio-political dynamics, rights struggles, and reactions to state control of space and resources, that have re-defined their identities and landscapes. This article examines the political struggle for the revitalization of indigenous ethnic identities and the recognition of territorial rights of the Indigenous Council of the Lower Tapajós-Arapiuns (CITA) in the state of Pará, Brazil. CITA's claims became visible in 1998 within disputes between globalizing development and conservation strategies that questioned the legitimacy of indigenous land rights claims and identity. Findings indicate that essentialized notions of indigenous peoples and the Amazonian landscape have been appropriated by non-indigenous actors to strategically argue against CITA's rights claims. I argue that the changes perceived in both the Amazonian rainforest and indigenous peoples' socio-cultural formations have become a discursive strategy to legitimize the expansion of agricultural production into the secondary forest, and a way to deny the rights of indigenous peoples.