Socio-political Discourse Research Articles

On the Way to Institutional Synthesis: To the Rehabilitation of Bukharin in Chinese Science

The article discusses the evolution of Nikolai Bukharin’s perception in Chinese scientific and socio-political discourse during the years of implementation of the policy of reform and opening up. The Maoist historiography described a prominent figure in the international communist movement, N.I. Bukharin as a person who distorted Marxist-Leninist teachings. As the policy of reform and opening up unfolded, Chinese historiography rehabilitated the historical image and legacy of N.I. Bukharin. There was a part of broad discussions among Chinese social scientists and economists regarding the interpretations of Marxist-Leninist teachings that accompanied and formed the essence of the political and ideological justification for the reforms. Sometimes the obvious parallel between Deng Xiaoping’s “socialism with Chinese characteristics” and the New Economic Policy (1921–1928) of the USSR is explained by the fact that Deng Xiaoping was inspired by the latter during his years in the USSR. The historical rehabilitation of Bukharin, in which the PRC was certainly ahead of the USSR, is associated with the interest of Chinese politicians and political economists in the New Economic Policy (NEP). It is difficult to prove a direct relationship between the Soviet NEP and the policy of Chinese reforms, and historical parallels are unlikely to be fully correct. But based on the Chinese material involved, we will show that Bukharin’s views, born in discussions about the NEP and reached the level of discussions about the essence of socialism, inspired Chinese political economy to search for new formulations of economic policy goals. Without the latter, the success of institutional reforms would be questionable due to their weak ideological legitimacy.

Утопия, война, постапокалипсис: образ СССР в зарубежных и российских видеоиграх

Introduction. The article is devoted to the study of the representation of the image of the USSR in foreign and domestic video games. The main purpose of the study is to examine the specifics of the impact of video games on the historical memory of the Soviet past. Theoretical analysis. The study was based on the hypothesis that video games in the conditions of mediatization and digitalization of public consciousness turn into one of the significant factors in the formation of historical memory. The research interest in the representation of images related to Soviet history in video games is conditioned by the policy of returning the Soviet heritage to the Russian ideological and socio-political discourse. Since Soviet history, and primarily the period of the Great Patriotic War, has become a significant element of contemporary Russian memory politics, there is a need to analyze the specifics of the images of the USSR constructed and broadcast by both domestic and foreign video games. Conclusion. As the study has shown, foreign video games are characterized by a predominantly negative image of the USSR based on Cold War stereotypes. Domestic video games broadcast various images of the Soviet past, which can be considered as a tool for reflection on the history of the Soviet Union and working through the historical trauma associated with its collapse.

Axiological Foundations of Russian Statehood: “Truth” and “Justice” in the Domestic Ideological and Political Discourse

The concept of “truth” as a valuable spiritual and political category is constantly present in Russian spiritual and political writings from antiquity to the present day. But in the 18th century, there is an important transformation of this concept in the domestic ideological and political discourse: Under the influence of the Western European tradition in Russian socio-political writings of the state, conservative-educational and radical-educational trends, there is a gradual transition from traditional concepts, including the concept of “truth”, to such concepts as “justice” or “common use”. Thus, it acquires a significance that persists, including in modern political science literature. However, the concept of “truth” in its traditional meaning does not disappear at all from the socio-political discourse of the 18th century, but is used mainly in fiction, primarily in poetry, and in the writings of the traditionalist-Orthodox trend. A similar conclusion was made possible by an original methodological approach: the analysis of the works of the authors of the 18th century. It was carried out on the basis of the search database of the National Corpus of the Russian language, while in total more than 800 texts created in 1701-1800 were studied, in which the words “truth” and “justice” were used. In addition to the general scientific methodological apparatus, the main research methods were content analysis and political-textual analysis.

The Patriotic Education Policy Within the Framework of Belarus and Russia Union State: The Potential for Institutionalization

Patriotic issues have been becoming now the focus of socio-political discussions and management practices. Multilayered challenges and determinants of world political development actualize the interrelation of internal and external tasks corresponding to ensuring national security, identity formation and achieving national consolidation. Patriotic education is gaining fundamental importance as one of the main directions on this path. Its constitution as an autonomous sphere of state policy implies the need to improve the previously established mechanisms and regulatory framework. Additional opportunities and tools are also available in the sphere of integration cooperation between the Russian Federation and its closest ally, the Republic of Belarus. The basis is a set of pro-integration factors that stimulate the humanitarian dimension. The institutionalization of the patriotic education policy is considered as a dynamic process of formalization and ordering of the corresponding expectations and intentions, clothed in the norms of national law and integration institutions. The normative and organizational elements characterizing its state and potential within the Union State are analyzed. The incompleteness of legislative institutionalization in the domestic dimension and the absence of specific integration regulations in this area are emphasized, which follows, among other things, from the institutional design peculiarities of the participating countries and the amorphous model of Russian - Belarusian integration, which does not have clear conceptual parameters and methodological foundations. The creation of a union system of patriotic education largely depends on the improvement of the overall integration system, including by deepening its institutionalization and the introduction of integration law.

Pro-liberalism vs. Nationalism: how critical opinion leaders challenge the persuasive effect of propaganda in China

In Chinese cyberspace, mass media and opinion leaders struggle over socio-political discourses. While the former propagates positive views on national policies, the latter often expresses dissenting opinions that challenge authoritarian rule. In the context of China–US competition, do citizens still perceive non-state sources as more credible? Taking the Belt and Road Initiative as the issue, this experimental study investigates how Chinese netizens process conflicting information from a government-owned news agency and two opinion leaders with varying levels of source credibility. Our findings reveal that high-credibility propagandistic news is effective, whereas low-credibility propaganda is not. Furthermore, an opinion leader perceived as independent surpasses government propaganda in influence, regardless of information credibility. However, when an opinion leader is perceived as backed by a rival nation, the former’s influence is counterproductive unless their message credibility exceeds that of propaganda. This study sheds light on the prevalence of nationalistic sentiment in China, which has raised concerns about the manipulation of Chinese netizens by hostile forces.

Metaphorization of German socio-political discourse

The emergence of new phenomena and concepts determines the constant need for new means of cognition, nomination and evaluation — a process in which metaphors traditionally take the leading place. The article is devoted to the processes of replenishing the actual vocabulary of socio-political discourse through metaphorization as a means of secondary nomination. The subject of the study is the metaphorical character of this part of the modern German lexicon and the processes of metaphorization that took place in the German-language socio-political discourse during the last decade. The object of the study was lexical units selected from publications in modern German-language media. The paper describes the functioning of topical metaphors in the social sphere, domestic and foreign policy, economy, education, modern technologies, and ecology. The processes of metaphor migration between different spheres, as well as the expansion and specialization of their meaning are presented. The linguistic material is considered first of all in cognitive and nominative aspects and is analyzed according to several criteria: conceptosphere, belonging to parts of speech and language of origin, structural and functional characteristics, word-formation potential. Special attention is paid to the description of conceptual (cognitive), figurative and expressive-evaluative metaphors, as well as the anthropocentric nature of metaphor. The article analyzes a number of so-called «leading metaphors» of modern socio-political discourse, which, due to their high frequency and manipulative use, have lost their metaphoricality over time and undergone significant semantic changes. The problem of manipulative nature of some metaphors, the issues of morality and political correctness of their use are discussed. Theoretical considerations are illustrated by actual linguistic material, which is a cross-section of a particular stage of language functioning and allows us to study its dynamic and creative essence.

«MIGRATION CRISIS» THROUGH THE LENS OF UK INTERNAL AND EXTERNAL AGENDA

The article addresses the features of the «migration crisis» in Britain, the signs of which began manifesting itself almost as soon the country had left the EU in 2020. It is exactly the reduction of net migration that could, as the Brexiters hoped, score some points, in the eyes of the public and politically, that the withdrawal from the EU brought about positive changes due to the cessation of participation in the European Single market. In fact, one of the keynote campaign slogans – «take back control» – was never implemented, having morphed into the task of «stop the boats». The unprecedented increase in the number of illegal migrants was provoked both by imperfect asylum policies, unprepared for new challenges, and by legal gaps in the cooperation with the EU in terms of readmission and combating human trafficking. The author examines the government’s response to the «migration crisis» in two aspects. Firstly, the article looks into the changes the governments led by Johnson and Sunak, respectively, proposed to the migration legislation. An increasingly harder line on the asylum rules has become a trigger for public debate and internal party struggle, but also for legal proceedings. Secondly, the migration issue has become an important item on the international agenda of London. The government’s attempts to find reliable and legally defensible mechanisms for the removal of irregular migrants, including agreements with Rwanda to resettle asylum seekers, come into conflict with new political and legal arrangements with the EU and international humanitarian law, and adversely affect Britain’s image as a responsible international actor. It is concluded that the fight against illegal migration has become a top priority of socio-political discussions and the most important task for the Conservative Party ahead of the 2024 general elections.

ВІЙНА ЯК ПЕРЕЖИВАННЯ: УКРАЇНСЬКЕ МИСТЕЦТВО ТА ЕСТЕТИЧНИЙ ДОСВІД В ЧАСИ РОСІЙСЬКО-УКРАЇНСЬКОЇ ВІЙНИ

The creativity of Ukrainian artists since the beginning of the full-scale Russian-Ukrainian war is primarily directed towards the artistic representation of the initial reaction to events that have become a tremendous challenge and shock to society. Their works serve an important purpose in comprehending the experienced and familiar experience for all Ukrainians. Additionally, they contribute to the documentation of this experience in an artistic form. This article will focus on the analysis of the aesthetic subject and the role of aesthetic values in the creativity of Ukrainian artists during the times of the Russian-Ukrainian war. It will also contemplate the role of Ukrainian art in shaping contemporary Ukrainian identity. The Russian-Ukrainian war continues to the present day. Ukrainian art is currently going through challenging times. However, many Ukrainian artists continue to pursue their craft, creating paintings, poems, music, scripts for theatrical performances, or films. Their works serve as artistic representations of the initial reaction to the war events, which have posed a tremendous challenge and shock to society. Consequently, they play a crucial role in reflecting on the experienced and shared Ukrainian experience, thus primarily serving a therapeutic purpose. Additionally, they contribute to the documentation and preservation of the war experience. This article focuses on the analysis of the aesthetic subject and the role of aesthetic values in the creativity of Ukrainian artists during the Russian-Ukrainian war. It will also highlight the relationship between aesthetic (artistic) perspectives and the socio-political discourse, which, in the conditions of war, exhibit an even closer connection than usual. Specifically, the role of Ukrainian art in shaping contemporary Ukrainian identity will be contemplated.

Central Asia: Historical and Cultural Heritage in the structure of interethnic relations of the late XX – early XXI century

The article examines the history of the development of strategies and practices for the preservation of cultural and intangible cultural heritage in the countries of post-Soviet Central Asia. It is shown that they developed dynamically, in general, in accordance with global trends; they were correlated with UNESCO documents and fixed at the level of national legal systems, state cultural policy, in academic and socio-political discourses. The concepts of cultural heritage were the basis of the national sovereignty of the countries of Central Asia – the lists of internationally recognized objects of cultural heritage and masterpieces of intangible cultural heritage acquired a significant character. At the same time, in the course of a broad humanitarian dialogue, interethnic strategies for the study, preservation and popularization of cultural heritage were being formed. Their ideology was determined by the civilizational approach and the principles of "practical Eurasianism". When approving national priorities, the Central Asian states focused on multi-vector, multipolar cooperation, including relations in culture, politics, and economy. Historical and cultural heritage was a factor of their integration into the world cultural community and into the space of the Turkic world. With the creation of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), the processes of cultural dialogue in the post-Soviet space have reached a new level. The formation of variable integration models has determined one of the main trends in the development of Central Asian countries.

Политическое мировоззрение в условиях трансформации глобальной системы мироустройства

The purpose of this work is to consider the features of the formation of the phenomenon of political worldview in the conditions of transformational processes taking place within the framework of the global world order. The methodology of the research was discourse analysis, as it allowed the author to identify trends emerging in the intellectual space and socio-political discourse, which made it possible to solve the problem of interpreting the content of the problem field and assess its impact on the formation of attitudes of the political worldvie. The paper defines the essence of the phenomenon of worldview, which consists in the ability of a person to have a holistic picture of the world, as well as the possibility of acquiring values and ideals that determine the motives of behavior and goals of life strategy. A comparative analysis of such phenomena as ideology and worldview is carried out, during which the author comes to the conclusion that the phenomena under consideration, having a common basis for the sphere of value meanings, can have a mutual influence in the process of forming ideological guidelines. Special attention is paid to the problem of forming a political worldview in the conditions of changing the previous system of the world order. For many, the familiar unipolar world order today is increasingly coming into a state of degradation. The former system is gradually being replaced by the emerging model of a multipolar world order, which has the potential to form the basis of the worldview of the political worldview of modern Russian society. The conclusions the author comes to are that a complete and consistent view of the world requires consistent work on its formation, which also concerns the political worldview. This circumstance leads to an understanding of the importance of purposeful activity to form an integral paradigm of the world order in the consciousness of Russian society.

Russifi cation Policy Conceptual Framework Formation in the Western Borderland Regions in the Domestic Conservative Discourse on the Eve of the January Uprising of 1863

Incorporation into the Russian Empire in the 18th century of the eastern areas of the Polish- Lithuanian Commonwealth, that were according to Russian intellectuals and state fi gures integral parts of “Russian world” detached from it due to adverse historic circumstances, as well as annexation by the empire of native Polish lands in the beginning of the 19th century, led to the appearance in Russian socio-political discourse of the fatal “Polish issue”, connected not only with the necessity to ensure the Polish subjects loyalty but also with striving to integrate Western borderlands into the common imperial space. In the second half of the 1850ies and the beginning of the 1860ies the formation of conceptual basics of imperial policy in relation to the Western areas started in the national conservative circles, and the key element there was the necessity of the comprehensive area russifi cation, since the area was viewed as “original Russian’, but exposed in its development to substantial “distortions” related to the long-term Polonism domination. Russian intellectuals and state fi gures in the Western areas called for total Polonism extermination accompanied by concurrent development of “Russian fundamentals” that was supposed to be realized with the help of the combination of tough administrative steps and the policy of “soft power”.

A Myth as a Political tool for influencing Public Consciousness

The authors research aspects of the implementation of mythologization in the socio-political discourse. They determine the role of the political myth in the creation of individual and collective representations about the state and political processes. The article contents analysis of functions of the political myth. The political and psychological features of the myth and its value-semantic basis are given. As a result of the analysis, the authors revealed that myths are used for political purposes as a tool for maintaining the legitimacy of the existing system through mechanisms of justification events and glorification of people’s feats. The political myth can construct and change images of the past in the interests of the government or the public elite due to highlighting some events and overshadowing others.

Racial discrimination moderates associations between sociopolitical discussions and internalizing problems among racially minoritized college students.

The present study investigated whether associations between sociopolitical discussions and mental health differed by racial discrimination among racially minoritized college students. We also tested whether associations differed between election years-when sociopolitical discussions may be more frequent-and nonelection years. In November 2020, racially minoritized college students (N = 225; Mage = 19.84, SD = 1.41; 72.89% female; 52.00% Asian, 22.67% Latino, 16.00% multiracial, 9.33% races including Black and Middle Eastern) reported how often they had experienced racial discrimination, their frequency of sociopolitical discussions with friends and family, and their mental health. Results indicated that participants who had more frequent sociopolitical discussions with friends-but not family-only reported more internalizing problems if they had never or rarely experienced racial discrimination in the past year. To determine whether results were unique to discussions during election years, a second sample (N = 262; Mage = 20.18, SD = 2.30; 82.53% female; 48.86% Asian, 18.56% Latino, 15.42% multiracial, 17.78% races including Black and Middle Eastern) was recruited 1 year later, and racial discrimination did not moderate associations between sociopolitical discussions and internalizing problems. Sociopolitical discussions with friends during presidential elections may be related to greater internalizing problems for racially minoritized college students who experience racial discrimination less frequently, potentially because they may feel less prepared or less motivated to have these conversations compared to racially minoritized college students who experience racial discrimination more frequently. Future studies should investigate means of promoting sociopolitical discussions on campus while attenuating the association between sociopolitical discussions and internalizing problems. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2023 APA, all rights reserved).

Narratives and Discourse: Translation in the Development and Contestation of Media Frames

Objectives: This study investigates the overlooked possibility of importing and exporting narratives’ impact through translation and circulation in international news agencies. An exported narrative gains currency and alternative interpretations through guided associations or disassociations with discourses circulating the host socio-political context.
 Methods: The study adopts the descriptive-analytical approach and borrows tenets offered by critical discourse analysis. Rather than focusing on the impact of exported narrative on the host socio-political discourses, it explores the possible implications of the host socio-political narrative for the introduced interpretation. Accordingly, the study compared and analysed the narratives of Translation students’ at Mutah University to address the study’s primary aim of exporting AlMamlaka discourse through translation.
 Results: This view of narrativity approaches exporting narratives as an attempt to re-narrate an event and alter its dynamics. This study explores possible applications in AlMamlaka English because international news agencies often re-narrate ontological or public narratives as disciplinary or meta-narratives to allow a broader audience to subscribe to the represented interpretation of reality. After being empowered as a metanarrative, the exported discourse will eventually return to the source language socio-political context from where it had emerged.
 Conclusions: The study recommends launching AlMamlaka English and asserts its role in acquainting international audiences with Jordanian viewpoints on local and global events.

PERSUASIVE POTENTIAL OF PRECEDENT STATEMENTS IN THE RHETORICAL DISCOURSE OF THE CORONAVIRUS DISEASE PANDEMIC (IN GERMAN-LANGUAGE MEDIA)

The article presents an analysis of precedent statements in socio-political discourse, which is reflected in different types of media texts thematically related to the coronavirus pandemic. The described means of language contributes to the realization of various communicative strategies, first of all the strategy of persuasion. The article demonstrates the role of precedent statements and illustrates their persuasive potential as one of the fundamental elements of intertextuality category in the framework of rhetorical media discourse. As an effective means of implementing both the global strategy of persuasion and specific communicative tactics - warning, threatening, manipulating, discrediting, etc. - precedent statements are regularly reproduced in different types of rhetorical discourse (political, economic, religious, etc.) and make a significant contribution to achieving the main perlocutionary effect - inducing the recipient to take a certain action.

Detransition Narratives Trouble the Simple Attribution of Madness in Transantagonistic Contexts: A Qualitative Analysis of 16 Canadians' Experiences.

Emerging evidence suggests that transgender individuals are more likely than cisgender peers to receive a diagnosis with a primary mental disorder. Attributions of madness, though, may serve the social function of dismissing and discrediting transgender individual's self-perceptions.The narratives of individuals who stop or reverse an initial gender transition who also identify as living with mental health conditions can sometimes amplify these socio-political discourses about transgender people. Through a critical mental health lens, this article presents a qualitative analysis of 16 individuals who stopped or reversed a gender transition and who also reported a primary mental health condition. Semi-structured, virtual interviews were conducted with people living in Canada. Applying constructivist grounded theory methodology, and following an iterative, inductive approach to analysis, we used the constant comparative method to analyse these 16 in-depth interviews. Results show rich complexity such that participants narrated madness in nuanced and complex ways while disrupting biased attitudes that madness discredited their thoughts and feelings, including prior gender dysphoria. Instead, participants incorporated madness into expanding self-awareness and narrated their thoughts and feelings as valid and worthy. Future research must consider provider's perspectives, though, in treating mad individuals who detransitioned, since alternate gender-affirming care models may better support the identification and wellness of care-seeking individuals who may be identified (in the past, present, or future) as mad.

Subversion of Patriarchal Ideology and Alternate Sexuality: A Gendered Anatomization of Vijaydan Detha's “New Life”

This paper explores the intersection of sexuality, gender, and folk culture in the context of Vijaydan Detha's short story “Dohari Zindagi” translated as “New Life”. The paper delves into the ongoing debate between essentialism and social constructivism in understanding sexuality, highlighting the challenges of defining sexuality across different cultures and times. It discusses how Detha's storytelling draws from Rajasthan’s native culture and combines it with contemporary socio-political themes, promoting a more democratic and inclusive mindset through narratives of dissensus and resistance. It argues that Detha's work blurs the lines between traditional folklore and modern storytelling, emphasizing the relevance of these themes across time. Furthermore, the paper references Judith Butler to provide theoretical frameworks for understanding the fluidity and performance of gender and sexuality. It also explores how Detha's narratives challenge normative structures and open up possibilities for reshaping gender identity and subjectivity. It examines Vijaydan Detha's storytelling as a means to subvert patriarchal ideologies, challenge gender norms, and explore alternate sexualities within the context of Indian folk culture. Detha's work is seen as a bridge between traditional folklore and contemporary socio-political discourse, shedding light on the complexities of gender and sexuality in society.

The Lexico-Semantic Field of Post-Truth in Socio-Political Discourse

The purpose of the review article is to identify conceptualizations of the post-truth era in the English-language socio-political communication, based on the key vocabulary of a number of reviews and sources representing the component post-truth in the media. The object of the analysis is lexical representation of the component post-truth in the media. The subject matter of the analysis is conceptual interpretation of the post-truth component in such relevant phrases as post-truth era (or politics, world of politics, politicians, society, age, knowledge and power, condition, campaign, etc.) in various authorial sources. The Russian equivalents of truth in the item post-truth are reliability (достоверность), accuracy (точность), credibility (доверие); in the media the phrase post-truth comes to mean ‘to abandon or neglect the principles of objectivity and reliability’. It has been shown that in the USA and UK socio-political field expert assessments and interpretations of the claim itself are contradictory and are often marked with skepticism. It is clear, however, that it cannot be taken literally and that in science and education discourse, with the exception of history, it manifests itself differently: in close relation to scientific rational truths or facts, but not to daily factual truths described by H. Arendt. Also, specific sets of key words are used to describe manifestations of post-truth in the media and science. “Fake news” and election campaigns don’t seem to be the major features of the post-truther media. Instead, the concepts bullshit by H. Frankfurt and post-truth game by S. Fuller are competing for this role; however, they can’t be regarded as elaborated formal rhetorical schema either. Yu.Shatin alone made a pertinent and significant attempt to describe the new post-truther rhetoric. The specialist literature review shows that the media post-truth discourse is actually a manifestation of a deep crisis in the ‘canonical’ democracy, a reflection of its agonal state in the American-British vocabulary and narratives. The paper emphasizes that this kind of discourse has not only a home dimension, but also a foreign policy one and, consequently, internal and external addressing. Its reception in Russia is distorted due to remoteness of observers, which does not allow them to see how fakes and the new post-truth vocabulary are actually interpreted by the agents in the process of intra- or intercultural confrontation.

The concept of «freedom of religion» in contemporary legal and socio-political discourses

The article examines the problem of the need for a new interpretation of the concept of «freedom of religion» in modern legal and socio-political discourses. It is noted that every state, in the process of its development, in one way or another necessarily embodies universal, existential values in its legislation, enshrined not only in ancient sources that regulate relations between people, citizens and the state, but also in international acts. It was emphasized that after the restoration of Ukraine’s independence, laws on freedom of religion as a subjective legal right and religious organizations as a tool and system for meeting religious needs took an important place. It is noted that at the constitutional level, the right of every citizen to freedom of choice of worldview and religion is enshrined, which is more widely disclosed in the special law on freedom of conscience and religious organizations. A list of the main international treaties ratified by Ukraine, which deal with freedom of worldview and religion, as well as current laws of Ukraine, is given. Conclusions were made that: 1) in Ukraine, in order to ensure human rights to freedom of religion, a modern legal framework has been created, which is based on basic principles, which include, among others: a) the principle of equality of citizens regardless of their attitude to religion; b) the principle according to which no religion can be recognized by the state as obligatory; c) the principle of equality of all religions, denominations and religious organizations before the law; d) the principle of separation of the church and religious communities from the state; 2) the current legislation on freedom of religion and religious organizations needs clarification and improvement (in particular, in terms of strengthening state control over the activities of religious organizations). The possibility of using such definitions as «traditional religion» (religion), «non-traditional religion», «known religion», «unknown religion» etc. is indicated in the legislation of foreign countries. It was emphasized that Ukraine generally adheres to generally accepted international and European legislation in the field of ensuring freedom of conscience, religion and activities of religious organizations. In this sense, national legislation corresponds to European norms and is integrated into the global legal space. Key words: religion, freedom of religion, principles, freedom of conscience, principles of equality, worldview, religious organizations, church, traditional religion, non-traditional religion, state religion, totalitarian cults, extremism.

Co‐creating knowledge with undocumented Filipino students:Kuwentuhanas a research method

AbstractWe conceptualizekuwentuhanas a methodological disruption to Western constructs of research. The purpose of this article is two‐fold: first, to conceptualize and explicitly namekwentuhanas a research method and two, to reclaim Filipino epistemology and ontology through language. We orientkuwentuhanwithin the framework ofSikolohiyang Pilipinoand more specifically, the concept ofkapwaand discuss three elements ofkwentuhanas a research method to use with and for undocumented Filipino students. Our implications offer conceptual nourishment in conducting critical and humanizing research and practice with and for undocumented students rooted in their culture.Practical TakeawaysResearchers and practitioners must get to know people as people first orkapwa‐tao(fellow human being), an ontological orientation ofkwentuhan.Researchers and practitioners need to understand undocumented students’ narratives do not exist in a vacuum. Rather, individual narratives, when talking story with another individual, are part of a larger constellation of stories or a collective story of one's own people shaped by broader sociopolitical and historical contexts.Researchers and practitioners must hold themselves accountable to continuously educating themselves about the cultures of students they are working with outside of the professional space and how contemporary sociopolitical discourses are impacting undocumented students’ daily realities.Researchers and practitioners should critically reflect about their positionality, or position in relation to power, and the dynamics and contexts in which power shifts throughout their working relationship with undocumented students from different racial and ethnic groups.