Socio-political Activities Research Articles

Electoral Behavior of Russian Youth of the Digital Generation

The article is devoted to the analysis of the electoral behavior of Russian youth of the digital generation (aged 18–24 years). The empirical basis of the study was made up of data from an interregional youth survey conducted by the authors in 2023, as well as data from a WCIOM study in 2024. The relatively low level of their participation in the electoral process and in general in socio-political activities is considered as a feature of the electoral behavior of young people of the digital generation. At the same time, a steady trend towards a decrease in youth absenteeism has been identified, which is manifested in the formation of an intermediate group of young people with a more positive attitude towards elections. Subject to comprehensive constructive actions on the part of the state and civil society institutions, this group can be included in the electoral process. The study showed that young people of the digital generation are quite well informed about the possibility of online voting, although the vast majority of young people aged 18–25 years do not have practical experience in participating in remote electronic voting. For young people who ignore the institution of elections, the form of voting is not significant. A tendency has been discovered towards a decrease in the electoral activity of girls of the digital generation, who are inferior to young men in other indicators of socio-political activity.

Factors of the growing role of mass communication as a tool for shaping political consciousness in the modern world

The article is dedicated to the study of the factors contributing to the increasing influence of mass media on the formation of political consciousness in modern society. In the context of globalization and digitalization, mass media have become key instruments in shaping public opinion, political preferences, and mobilizing various forms of socio-political activity. The paper analyzes the key technological, sociocultural, political, and economic factors that directly or indirectly determine the influence of mass media on political processes and societal consciousness. Special attention is given to the role of algorithms in the selection and presentation of information, including the impact of external factors on content, as well as challenges related to the spread of disinformation and manipulative technologies. The article also explores the phenomenon of the mediatization of politics and the self-referential nature of mass media, which contribute to the formation of a specific public space and changes in political communication. The problems of global media influence, which tend to unify information flows and blur cultural and political differences between countries, are also analyzed. The conclusions emphasize the importance of ensuring transparency, independence, and diversity of mass media to support democratic processes, strengthen civil society, and prevent information manipulation in the modern world.

Features of political participation of Russian youth in the context of digitalization

The article is devoted to identifying the specifics of the influence of the "digital" factor on the dynamics and transformation of political activity of modern Russian youth. The author pays special attention to the role of social networks and digital media on the political participation of the younger generation. Today, not only is the trend towards the emergence of diverse strategies for online political activity of Russian youth increasing, but significant changes are taking place in the differences in role models of political participation that differentiate passively engaged "viewers" and active activists. Those young Russians who actively use online resources in their socio-political activities are already quite effectively using digital technologies and ways to attract a new audience, social mobilization, finding supporters, coordinating joint actions, etc. It is noted that the key trend in recent years has been the "digitalization of political participation" of young people and the spread of the phenomenon of online political participation. The author concludes that despite the steady growth in the number of young users of social networks and consumers of digital media, the increasing role of these online resources as political factors should not be exaggerated in the process of political mobilization. The transformation of the socio-political context and the decrease in the general level of protest moods in society, the "calming down" of spontaneous mobilization in the "offline" certainly leads to a decrease in the mobilization value of social networks, and to a reduction in the number of protest-minded youth.

Теоретики русского народничества о проблеме нравственной автономии личности

Introduction. The article analyzes the works of Russian populists, which contain a socio-philosophical solution to the problem of moral autonomy of the individual. Theoretical analysis. The socio-philosophical ideal of populist thought was closely connected with the theory of organizing a fair society based on the pattern of social solidarity, which implies socially responsible behavior of citizens who respect other people’s rights and act in the interests of human liberation. Individual autonomy can be achieved through various methods of liberation: through labor activity and the practice of cooperation, socio-political activity in the direction of realizing the social ideal of conscious solidarity. The moral autonomy of the individual, therefore, does not imply moral nihilism, but, on the contrary, is aimed at finding a compromise between private and public interests. Theorists of populism develop the thesis of N. G. Chernyshevsky’s «reasonable egoism», according to which intellectually and morally meaningful individualistic (autonomous) behavior can correspond to collective interests. The moral autonomy of the individual, according to most populists, does not deny the possibility of socially responsible behavior. Conclusion. Populist thought becomes a kind of counterpoint to the development of liberating social thought in Russia, transforming the ideal type of carrier of liberating ideas: a morally autonomous nihilist turns into a socially responsible populist.

Why Do Firms Engage in Corporate Sociopolitical Activity? An Empirical Test

Why Do Firms Engage in Corporate Sociopolitical Activity? An Empirical Test

XOTIN-QIZLARNING JAMIYATDAGI IJTIMOIY ROLINING O‘ZGARISHI

The study of the significance of the reforms being carried out today in Uzbekistan to increase the socio-political activity of women and the easures taken to support women, taking into account our history and the current situation in the implementation of the tasks set, the analysis and development of the necessary proposals and recommendations play important role.

Jane Addams and the Hull-House Maps & Papers. A Knowledge-Culture Approach

Jane Addams – social researcher, socio-political activist, and Nobel Peace Prize winner – is one of those „women in sociology“ (Honegger/Wobbe 1998) who are seldom remembered today in the history of the discipline. Although Addams’ research and sociopolitical activities shaped academic and public life in Chicago significantly at that time, her work has been overshadowed by the „Men of the Chicago School“ (Deegan 1988) at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th century. Our contribution intends to pay tribute to Jane Addams as a classic figure of problem-oriented social research and is structured as follows: We begin with a brief biographical portrait of Jane Addams (1) and then describe the Hull-House and the Hull- House Maps & Papers in the socio-historical context of the settlement movement (2). In the next step we outline the approach of sociological cultures of knowledge, in order to proceed with a knowledge-culture interpretation of Addams’ work (3). We conclude with a plea for a greater reception of the Maps & Papers and for the recognition of Jane Addams’ pioneering role in sociology, which unfolded beyond the confines of university and non-university research and the later established lines of academic discourse (4).

Problems of studying historical personalities and socio-political activities of Khairetdin Bolganbaev

At the present stage, historians are actively discussing the problems of relationships and mutual influences of history and biography. In our opinion, this is explained by noticeable changes in historical science, which have caused significant reorientations of research interests, the discovery of new subjects and topics of biographical research, as well as new directions and methods. Taking these factors into account, this article attempts to consider some of the most frequently discussed theoretical and methodological problems, including the modern ideas of historians about biography, its goals and objectives, the role and significance of biographical research for historical science. If you look closely at the history of the twentieth century, the Kazakh intelligentsia has given birth to many outstanding, bright personalities, and one of them is Khairetdin Bolganbaev. In this regard, in the article, based on the biographical method, the authors identified the place and role of Kh. Bolganbaev in the reconstruction and development of Kazakh society at the beginning of the 20th century.

THE LEADER OF THE MOVEMENT OF KAZAKHS OF THE STEPPE REGION IN THE STRUGGLE FOR LAND IN THE LATE XIX AND EARLY XX CENTURIES – MAMBETALI SERDALYULY (HISTORIOGRAPHICAL ASPECT)

The article discusses the stages of the formation of the civil personality and fighter path of Mambetali Serdalyulu, a prominent representative of the Alash National Democratic Movement, who raised the struggle of Kazakhs for land in the Steppe region to a new level in the late XIX-early XX centuries, and the life and work of the fighter for land in a historiographical aspect. In modern historiography, the socio – political history of the Akmola - Kokshetau region in this period and the XX century from this region. it should be noted that research works on the figures of the national liberation struggle in the first quarter are still rare. The main purpose of the article is to reveal in the historiographic aspect the main stages of the formation of a well-known figure of northern Kazakhstan. Mambetali Serdalin as a person, the essence of his socio-political activity. Mambetali Serdalyulu is mentioned in studies and journalistic articles about representatives of the Alash political movement. The personality of Mambetali Serdalyulu is known to the general public mainly only through works of fiction. These articles are autobiographical, their socio-political views and activities are revealed in detail and are not studied from the point of view of modern historical knowledge. These arguments indicate that the personality of such a socio-political figure as Mambetali Serdalyulu, who occupied a large place in the socio – political life of the Steppe region at the beginning of the twentieth century, was not an object of special study.

FROM THE HISTORY OF THE ALASH MOVEMENT’S SOCIO-POLITICAL ACTIVITIES DURING THE CIVIL WAR

The relevance of the study is conditioned by the need to expand the amount of available information on the history of socio-political movements during the Civil War in the Russian Empire. In this regard, the purpose of this study is to reveal the essence of the Alash movement in Kazakhstan, its socio-political activities, and the consequences of the Civil War. The method of critical analysis was chosen as the primary approach, which facilitated the effective processing of archival and scientific sources of information, based on which further research was conducted. The following methods of scientific cognition were also used: historical and genetic, historical and system, diachronic analysis, heuristic, synthesis, deduction, and comparison. This study examines the establishment and activities of Alash Autonomy, analyzing archival facts and papers by Kazakh and foreign researchers. It cites eyewitness accounts, explores the political structure, evaluates leaders' actions, and explains intelligence work's consequences. It justifies changes in allies, details Alash-Soviet Russia cooperation, and describes outcomes. The materials of this research paper are of practical value for historical science due to the presented assessment of data on the Alash movement, analysis of scientific literature, observation and discussion presented in this study.

Impact of Brand Activism on Brand Personality and Brand Loyalty

Objective: This study sets out to deeply explore the way different aspects influence brand loyalty. We're particularly interested in understanding how customers perceive different brands when brands are doing some activities regarding social welfare, and how this participation of brands leads to loyalty. Methodology: We conducted a survey from 251 people using an online questionnaire. The results show that people like to use those brands that actively participate in socio-political activities. This thing increases the trust of customers for a brand as they think it is a good brand and enhances brand loyalty. Findings: This study helps us understand better why people decide to repurchase a brand again and again after they've purchased it once. The findings are useful for marketers who manage brands and different marketing strategies, as they can help them make strategies on how to retain customers. This also shows us that customer satisfaction and brand trust also impact the effect of brand loyalty. Implications: With this information, marketers may tailor their offerings to specific customers' preferences, creating more memorable experiences. The study provides a roadmap for marketing success.

Alash Orda and socio-political activities of Seydazim Kadyrbaev

The study of the problems of the history of Kazakhstan in the first two decades of the 20th century is one of the most relevant, complicated and in many ways contradictory issues of contemporary domestic historical science. The early 20th century holds a distinctive place in the history of Kazakhstan, closely associated with the establishment of Alash Orda. Consequently, the aim of this article is to uncover and analyze the significance of the democratic ideas of Alash Orda and its adherents. The article delves into key aspects of Alash Orda's history, exploring the prerequisites leading to its emergence and the nature of its activities. A comprehensive examination of Kazakhstan's historical issues is undeniably linked to the elite that was shaping up in the late 19th to early 20th centuries and the intelligentsia, representing “a heterogeneous layer” in terms of both origin and perspectives on the development of the Kazakh people. Seydazim Kadyrbaev stands out as one of the notable figures in the Kazakh intelligentsia. The article analyzes S. Kadyrbaev's contributions to the Kazakh judicial system, criminal and procedural legislation. The authors tried to trace the life journey of Alash Orda proponent S. Kadyrbaev and his socio-political activities.

აკადემიური სამეცნიერო კვლევების სფეროსა და არეალის გაფართოება ინფორმაციულ ეპოქაში

The topic refers to the analysis of the current process of expanding the scope and area of scientific research. Internet technologies have changed the political, economic and social reality. Today, security mechanisms became a combined target. The data indicate that the challenges related to unpredictable dangers led to the need to make serious socio-political decisions at all levels, including the need to implement political, legal, economic, military-defense and social measures, to develop new normative regulation systems. Accordingly, cyberspace problems emphasized the role of researchers in various fields of science and expanded the scope and area of academic scientific research. It has become urgent to increase the involvement of Georgian researchers in the ongoing scientific-research processes in this direction. At the same time, there was a need to clarify the use of terms by Georgian researchers in the study of cyberspace problems in the socio-political context. In particular, after the transformation of cyber security as a technical problem into its socio-political task, into cyber security, i.e. when the content of activities changes in order to avoid increased dangers, it is necessary to use the terms in the context of the field of social sciences, as the changes refer not only to activities related to security techniques, but also to human, socio-political activities of society and the state, planning and implementing socio-political events (policy development, concept, planning, etc.). Separation of this problem for research suits the needs of the current situation in social sciences. Accordingly, a specific contribution has been made to the research of strategic assessments of possible trends.

Протоиерей Григорий Прозоров (1864-1942) – настоятель Патриаршего прихода в Берлине

The article examines the biography of one of the significant figures of the Russian Orthodox Church of the twentieth century – Archpriest Grigory Yakovlevich Prozorov. After graduating from the Kiev Theological Academy, he was actively engaged in pedagogical and spiritual-educational, as well as socio-political activities, being an adherent of extreme right-wing views. In exile, in Serbia and since 1924 in Germany, Archpriest G. Prozorov remained under the jurisdiction of Metropolitan Evlogiy (Georgievsky), refusing to submit to Bishop Tikhon (Lyashchenko) of the ROCOR. Since 1930, he was the only representative of the Church of the Moscow Patriarchate in Germany, remaining faithful to it until the end of his life. The parishioners of the temples of Archpriest Gregory were famous scientists S. L. Frank and I. A. Stratonov. canonical and property, disagreements between the three branches of Russian Orthodoxy in Germany: ROCOR, "Evlogians" - supporters of Metropolitan Evlogy and the Moscow Patriarchate, on the other hand – in the face of harassment by German punitive authorities, in particular, the Gestapo. The article is based on numerous materials, first introduced into scientific circulation from the Bundesarchiv (Berlin), the Russian State Military Archive and Russian emigrant periodicals in Germany.

Discourse of contemporary chinese ideological and political education: Development directions and teaching methods

The aim of this research is to evaluate educational approaches and teaching methods in ideological and political education in China by assessing students' perceptions of ideological and political concepts and their participation in socio-political life. The study is based on the model of the International Civic and Citizenship Education Study (ICCS) and the longitudinal approach to civic education research. The results are moderate and demonstrate that the teaching methods do not promote youth participation in socio-political activities. Among the types of socio-political activities, students are most active in those encouraged by the university (student elections, volunteering), with the main motivation for political activity being additional points and recommendations for job searches. The theoretical contribution lies in the development of theoretical approaches to the thematic analysis of ideological and political education. The practical contribution is a simple and replicable approach for evaluating the methods and outcomes of ideological and political education. The empirical results enable the formation of more successful practices and the implementation of effective modern teaching methods in ideological and political education.

Social and political participation using digital services: An empty ritual or a genuine participation?

This article focuses on how modern digital services can involve citizens in socio-political processes. Based on a survey of residents of the Tyumen region, an assessment was made of the participation of citizens in socio-political processes, the demand for digital services by the population for the manifestation of socio-political activity, as well as the ability of these services to provide citizens with genuine political participation. The study found that only 40 % of respondents use modern services and technologies to display their socio-political activity. In the great majority of cases, the use of digital services or platforms is apolitical (solving one’s own life problems, getting information, informing the authorities). The needs of citizens related to participation in social and political processes through digital services are fully satisfied, but these services do not provide citizens with genuine participation and don’t give the opportunity to influence ongoing social and political processes. Only a few services today enable citizens to reach a high level of sociopolitical participation. Most digital services provide only symbolic political participation, but their presence improves the system of public administration and interaction between the authorities and the population. We tend to see, even in the non-political nature of digital service usage, latent political participation that can become real. The use of digital services is important for society, as they significantly expand both the audience and the repertoire of citizens’ participation in socio-political processes; have a learning effect; contribute to increasing the openness and accountability of authorities to citizens. By properly analyzing the weaknesses of digital services and the demands of citizens for their improvement, one can make significant improvements.

The formation of the Bukey Horde: causes and prerequisites

he article examines the history of the creation of the BukeyHorde, which arose at the beginning of the XIX century between the Volga and Ural rivers. The author studies the driving force and prerequisites of political, socio-economic events that took place from the moment of the adoption of Russian citizenship by representatives of the Younger Zhuz in 1731 to the moment of the formation of the BukeyKhanate in 1801.The research paper presents new data on the socio-political activities of the first khan of the Inner Horde, Bokey Nuralyuly, and the famous batyr and bi Syrym Datov, related to the aspirations of the Kazakhs to their ancestral historical land. The reasons for the departure of the Kalmyks who inhabited the Volga and the Urals to their historical homeland in Dzungaria were touched upon.The author of the article used works published in the pre-revolutionary period, domestic and foreign archival materials, various collections of documents in the study of thecauses and prerequisites for the creation of the BukeyHorde

Russian population’s political activities in the first third of the XX century on the example of the Peasant Union creation movement

The article studies peasantry’s political activities development in Russia in the first third of the XX century. The reasons and the essence of the Peasant Union in the revolutionary events of 1905–1907 and 1917, the Civil War and in the period of the new economic policy have been revealed. The periods of peasantry’s political activities, conditioned by the state policy transformation in village, have been distinguished. Starting from 1905, the authorities tried to involve peasantry in the political agenda. However, politicization could not be controlled in the conditions of the revolution. Peasantry’s political activities were used by the opposition forces, the SRs and Bolsheviks, who proposed a program understandable to the peasant social psychology. The Third Monarchy suspended the Peasant Union activities. In February 1917, the Union work continued under the control of the SRs. In August 1917, Peasant Congress adopted the SR program documents. Calls to create a union during the Civil War took place against the background of peasants’ disillusionment with the “war communism” policy. In 1921, the idea of creating the Peasant Union was revived. Contradictory nature of Bolshevik policy, the concept of “interlocking” between city and countryside, growing “emergency” and crises of the new economic policy against the background of granting peasants relative economic freedom led to peasant demands growth for protecting their economic rights and creating organizations that resembled trade unions in city. These demands were not institutionalized. The movement reached all strata of village. The surge of demands of the United State Political Department dates from 1927–1928. It is conditioned by the transition to collectivization. It has been concluded that, despite the lack of the Peasant Union concept, diversity of demands, different understanding of association in rural society, movement for its creation testified to increased socio-political activity of the population. When the state policy outlined the rollback of the new economic policy principles, the number of votes in favor of the Union increased. The growth of socio-political tension in villages was evident. The Party began to pursue a policy of social division in villages to prevent radicalization of sentiments.

Tbilisi in the Memories of the Early Twentieth-Century Persian Artist

In the last decades of the nineteenth century, for Iranian artists, especially from Tabriz (Azerbaijan, Iran), Tbilisi was the closest city where they could get acquainted and master the methods and techniques of European academic painting. At that time, a number of artistic societies and private or public art schools operated in Tbilisi. Around 1900, three members of the Arjangi family from Tabriz, who are considered outstanding representatives of modern Iranian painting, received an artistic education in Tbilisi: Seyd Ebrahim Aqa Mir and his sons, Seyd Hosayn Mir Mosavar Arjangi and Seyd Abbas Rasam Arjangi. A number of their works, which were revealed and inventoried by Grigol Beradze, have been preserved in the Oriental Collection of the National Museum of Georgia. Seyd Abbas Rasam Arjangi (1892-1975) arrived in Tbilisi in 1911 and spent four years here. He graduated from the School of Painting and Sculpture. In addition to works of art, Seyd Abbas Rasam left a three-volume collection of poems, as well as an autobiographical Diary of Memories, in which a large section is dedicated to the four years he spent in Tbilisi. In the part of the book about Abbas Rasam’s time in Tbilisi, attention is focused on two main aspects: 1. Study and professional development at the art school and 2. The hard life of the Iranians who were permanently or temporarily staying in Tbilisi during that period, and the socio-political activities of their revolutionary part.

Идеологическая и структурная трансформация индусской националистической организации Раштрия сваямсевак сангх в конце XX – начале XXI в.

The article examines the ideology of Hindu nationalism in the domestic politics of modern India through the prism of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh socio-political activities. The author determines the relations of the organization with its branches and mechanisms for regulating internal conflicts between them. The purpose of the article is to consider and analyze the ideological and structural transformation of the organization at the end of the XX and the beginning of XXI centuries, in particular, the strategy for the inclusion of Indian Muslims in the Hindu nationalist mainstream. The article uses descriptive, historical-genetic, chronological, comparative and structural-functional methods. The author analyses the development of Hindutva ideology in the works of V. D. Savarkar and M. S. Golvalkar; the campaigns for the rapprochement of the Hindu and Muslim communities conducted by the organization and its branches, as well as the structural and ideological transformations of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and the Sangh Parivar. The article pays particular attention to the attitude of Hindutva ideologues towards minorities, specifically Indian Muslims. At the end of the XX century significant political and economic changes in India contributed to the complication of Indian society, which affected both the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and the Sangh Parivar’s membership and ideological orientation. New branches have emerged to defend the interests of groups that were not previously in the orbit of the organization’s interests. At the same time, the successes of the Bharatiya Janata Party, the main political asset of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, and the desire to consolidate them prompted the search for additional electoral support from the Muslim part of the country’s population. The changes demonstrate the organization’s willingness to change both structurally and ideologically in order to gain mass support in changing India. However, despite the changes, some bias towards Indian Muslims and concerns about inclusion of new Muslim branches remain.