Destruction Of Society Research Articles

SCIENCE IS THE WEAPON FOR THE FUTURE OF UKRAINE

Dear Reader! Today marked the 299th day of the war for the independence of Ukraine. Besides the Armed Forces of Ukraine, the frontline of our battle against the aggressor is being held by healthcare professionals whose selfless work saves lives and the health of patients and ensures the existence of Ukraine. From now on, along with experimental and clinical medicine, there is war medicine in Ukraine, and the entire world is fascinated by its results. NATO Parliamentary Assembly has recently recognized our enemy as a terrorist state and called for creating a specialized international tribunal to punish all criminals. However, the full-scale invasion of the enemy with air raid alerts, shelling, scheduled and emergency blackouts did not stop Ukrainians in their love for education, scientific and research work, and awareness-raising activities. The words once uttered by great Ukrainian Hryhoriy Skovoroda, whose 300th anniversary we are celebrating this year, “The one who thinks of science, loves it, and the one who loves it, will never stop learning, no matter how passive he might seem”, are now more levant than ever. After all, they represent Ukrainian healthcare professionals and scientists. Progressive colleagues from across the globe – people of all races, all ages, ethnicities and religious orientations stand in solidarity with them. Together, they use all available possibilities and talents to bring victory closer and strengthen the positive image of Ukraine in the world. At this time the war situation is complex, with a labile standstill at the front in the east of Ukraine. Meanwhile is it an established fact that an independent Ukraine will continue to exist. Nevertheless, the loss of human lives and the destruction of society and infrastructure continues. Ukraine has shown an exceptional brave perseverance and strength. Now it is time to move forward with wise policies. Life must have to return to normal, without serious threats of war attacks. People have to build up Ukraine and healthcare professionals and scientists need to go back to their regular work finding improvements in daily living for the population. Our journal has a dual mission: 1) to enshrine the confident and attractive image of the journal, which is read in 154 countries of the world, in Ukraine and on the scientific map of the world; and 2) to unite progressive medical communities to share experiences and help Ukraine in the time of war. We would like to extend our sincere gratitude to members of the editorial board, who helped in the making of the journal in 2019-2020. Proudly and confidently, we present our readers with a new issue of our journal. This issue saw the light of day thanks to the extraordinary efforts and incredible responsibility of our authors, reviewers, and editors. Review the detailed report on the 6th International Symposium SMARTLION 2022. Medicine and War, which gathered participating lecturers not just from Ukraine, but also the USA, Germany, France and the UK. View video collections in the annex to the publication to review the unique doctor’s experience under conditions of the terroristic russian-Ukrainian war [1]. We would like to express sincere gratitude to every volunteer for help, solidarity and partnership with Ukrainian doctors and scientists [2,3], as well as physicians who are on the medical frontline in this terroristic war [4]. The cover page of this Issue “The light will overcome the darkness” (author: Ivan Dzis, MD, PhD) reflects our hope for Victory for Ukraine in 2023. We hope that the activities of our journal will serve as additional weapons for the future of Ukraine, and the editorial team will manage to continue developing the journal next year. We wish everyone health and victory in 2023! Glory to Ukraine! Glory to the Heroes!

Shari’ah ruling on removing facial hair and making Eyebrows in the light of Laein Allah Al-Namisa Wal-Mutanamisa, Research Revie

This research paper discusses the subject of eyebrow making and its Shariah rules. The topic was chosen because this fashion is becoming very popular among the people nowadays. And in this matter, there has been a dispute among the Shari’ah scholars in every era from different perspectives. The study sought to uncover the truth and seek the view and opinions of scholars. First of all, it is better to avoid these things, but if it is impossible to avoid them, then at least avoid the ways that are forbidden by Islamic law and which cause the destruction of society. This research discusses the authentic hadiths about “Nams”, the literal and figurative meanings of “Naamisa” and “Mutanamisa”, the reasons for raising eyebrows in the modern age and their modern method. The approaches of previous and present scholars were presented and discussed. In the end, the gist and summary of all these things is given.

ЕВОЛЮЦІЯ КАРАНТИННИХ ЗАХОДІВ І ФОРМУВАННЯ ЕПІДЕМІОЛОГІЧНОГО ЗАКОНОДАВСТВА В УКРАЇНІ

The paper studies the evolution of quarantine measures used in the spread of plague, cholera and Spanish flu. Attempts to combat infectious diseases that took place in the Rus state, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, the Zaporozhian Sich are analyzed. Quarantine legislation of the Russian Empire is examined. The provisions of the Medical Charter of 1832, the Quarantine Charter of 1866, as well as the prescriptions of other regulatory acts aimed at preventing the spread of epidemics on the territory of the Russian Empire are also studied. Emphasis is placed on medical and police nature of regulatory prescriptions. The author examines the changes in the health care system and quarantine measures applied during the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917 – 1921. The organizational and legal grounds for administration in the field of health care in the Ukrainian State of Hetman Pavlo Skoropadsky are also analyzed. The article studies the procedure for establishing the Ministry of Health and the powers of the Minister of Health. It is stated that world pandemics are not a novelty in the historical chronicle and there is a way out of the epidemiological crisis. It has two paths, namely the death and destruction of society or the path of rapid development, the improvement of the medical system, which will eventually lead to progress, the transition to a new level of development of civilization itself. Epidemics forced a rapid reorientation and improvement of sanitary conditions, adherence to hygiene measures, nutrition, waste disposal, etc., as well as creation of a health care system that at the state level took over the functions of social protection against dangerous diseases. The challenges caused by the coronavirus will not only be successfully overcome, but also the medical sphere will be improved, and conditions will be created for the rapid development of the industry. We are convinced that only a well-chosen special model for public administration in the field of health care, headed by relevant high-level specialists, with proper funding, could cope with the epidemic in the country, as well as allow the medical system to reach a qualitatively new level.

Ümmetten örgüte adalet: Kur’ân-ı Kerîm ve sünnet çözümlemesi

The concept of justice and other concepts related to justice include the basic features of human life. However, justice is not only a virtuous behavior, but also a concept that guides societies. The scriptures that guide the societies also emphasized justice and stated the principles in this direction both verbally in the texts and verbally through the prophets. Justice is important not only with the necessity of community life, but also in the relationship between employer and employee in business life. Organizational justice not only increases the performance of the employees but also increase their commitment to the organization. However, considering organizational justice in a wide perspective causes it to be evaluated in different dimensions. This distinction is also seen in the Qur’an and Sunnah. The distributive justice, which emphasizes the distribution of resources, is clearly stated in the verses of al-Ahqaf, 46/19 and al-Shu’ara, 26/183, where the value of every employee is given and the right to be paid. There is also Sunnah in distributive justice that injustice will cause the destruction of societies. Procedural justice is about how decisions are made. This justice dimension is clearly stated in verses Hud, 11/85, al-A'raf, 7/85, al-Isra, 35, al-Shu’ara, 182 and al-Rahman, 9. Interactional justice is about the relationship between employer and employee and explains fair treatment in the decision process. Especially. The Sunnah of the Prophet Mohammad (pbuh) to be fair to the employees in behavior and decisions is important. Information justice is for informing employees about decisions. In this sense, Prophet Mohammad (pbuh) indicated the importance of the employment contract in his sunnah and states that the employees should know their rights and that they should also be written. In both Qur'an and Sunnah, the issue of justice is emphasized especially in terms of distributive and interactional. In this sense, it is important in the worldly and in the spiritual sense that people who adopt the Qur’an and the Sunnah to guide themselves to be fair in their business life and to take care of their justice dimensions.

ETHICS OF POOR PEOPLE IN CHRISTIAN REALISM

The article observes the historical background of relations between the poor and the rich. The influence of the capitalist social order on increasing inequality between rich and poor is described. It is noted that the proletarians think about social relations from the position of class conflict. It is described that the idealistic path to equality is the Marxist idea of worldwide revolution and the annihilation of class structure. It is emphasized that the destructive nature of Marxist idealism aims to the destruction of society. It is demonstrated that the ideas of the proletarians are based on envy and desire for revenge, not on moral values.

СОСТОЯНИЕ ОБЩЕСТВА КАК ИСТОЧНИК ЭКСТРЕМИЗМА И ТЕРРОРИЗМА

The purpose of the work is to carry out a comprehensive analysis of conflict destructions in society in the form of socio-cultural contradictions that determine the manifestations of extremism and terrorism. The subject of the research is social norms aimed at regulating social relations in the sphere of overcoming manifestations of terrorism and extremism, determined by the conflict phenomena of society. Methodological basis - using the data of secondary research, an analysis of social attitudes and stereotypes that form a high level of extremist and terrorist manifestations, and in this regard, which is an indicator of the emergence of a state of anomie in society, was carried out. This article analyzes the main conflict destruction of society as a basic source of extremism and terrorism. Among them are the following: civilizational crisis, expressed in political and economic antagonism, split in society, strengthening of existing differences between the Eastern and Western worldviews. It is substantiated that these phenomena are associated with the deterioration of the state of society. The population under the pressure of threats comes to the conclusion that the public danger does not come from extremists and terrorists, but from representatives of public authorities who do not want to accept the political speculations of extremists and terrorists. In this situation, society itself becomes an "accomplice" of extremists and terrorists. As a result, the ways of overcoming the manifestations of terrorism and extremism determined by the conflict phenomena of society are identified.

Управление суперпозицией в информационно-когнитивных процессах (инвариантность методов деструкции социума)

Управление суперпозицией в информационно-когнитивных процессах (инвариантность методов деструкции социума)

‘Mixt marriages’: Ethnic and Religious Intermarriage among German-Speakers in Eighteenth-Century Pennsylvania

ABSTRACTCivil and religious authorities in eighteenth-century America grew increasingly concerned over the freedom with which young people chose their marriage partners. Correlating racial, religious and cultural similarity in marriage to a stable society, these authorities attempted to limit marriage and sexual choices by requiring parental authority for marriage, distributing permits to a select few to perform marriages, and criminalizing racial miscegenation. Eighteenth-century Pennsylvania German authorities supported this attitude because they associated ethnic and religious out-marriage with the weakening of the body and the destruction of society. My study uses the marriage and birth records of eighteenth-century Pennsylvania Germans to examine their marriage and sexual relationships. I discovered that Pennsylvania Germans overwhelmingly chose to marry other German-speakers, out of proportion with their population. By examining the then available works on marriage and procreation, I discovered that Pennsylvania Germans read works that emphasized the necessity and importance of intra-ethnic and religious sex and marriage for the health of their children. Pennsylvania Germans chose their marriage partners in alignment with their community’s attitudes towards those of other ethnicities and religions. A small data set further suggests that relationships with non-Germans occurred but rarely became formalized. This complicates what we know about the sexual and emotional revolutions in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries; far from a linear progression of attitudes towards sex, marriage, and others, eighteenth-century Pennsylvania Germans expressed multiple, contextually-driven perspectives, and in the process they created and maintained strong ethnic communities.

HISTORICAL MEMORY AND SOCIAL MYTH AS A FORM OF INTERPRETING OF THE PAST HISTORY

HISTORICAL MEMORY AND SOCIAL MYTH AS A FORM OF INTERPRETING OF THE PAST HISTORY

НАРКОТИЗМ КАК СОЦИАЛЬНОЕ ЯВЛЕНИЕ, РАЗРУШАЮЩЕЕ ЧЕЛОВЕКА И ОБЩЕСТВО

We consider such social phenomenon as narcotism. This concept goes back to the past. However, in modern conditions there is an activation of the process destroying society and the state. In itself, the concept of narcotism is very extensive and complex, due to its specificity and the set of circumstances that characterize this concept. We consider features of drug addiction, the reasons of emergence and development of this phenomenon are revealed. There are two groups of causes of narcotism: social and physiological. The first group is the most numerous, and the second group without interrelation with social conditions some scientists don't recognize. Narcotism is a very destructive phenomenon that destroys the human body and its social personality, causes dependence. We consider the mechanism of reliance on drugs in two aspects: human adaptation to drugs, physical and mental dependence. Physical and psychological dependence is the most dangerous for a person who has used drugs for the first time. In the future, they form harmful to humans, the habit of consumption of “poison”. We reveal and consider the aspects of society destruction under the influence of this phenomenon. Narcotism has a destructive impact on society, as it contributes to the development of diseases and crime.

The Modern State, the Question of Genocide, and Holocaust Scholarship

ABSTRACTThis review article asks: what defines mass violence in the twentieth century as particularly modern and how does the Holocaust figure in this history? The article compares the work of two path-breaking historians—Mark Levene and Timothy Snyder—while also discussing recent research by other scholars. It argues that the emergence of nation-states, together with technology and scientific knowledge to alter the environment, created the conditions for distinctly modern violence aiming to destroy diversity in societies and the environment. The article examines the relation between genocide, including the Holocaust, and the rise of twentieth-century nation-states. It follows the persistent idea that the Holocaust is unique in a way that establishes a hierarchy of Holocaust/genocide/other mass violence. As Levene argues, the contextualization of the complex set of events and processes called the Holocaust within the violent history of ethno-national and ethno-religious “homogenization” of nation-states challenges this framework. The article then turns to Snyder’s argument that, since Hitler’s worldview of racial struggle over land and food rejected agricultural science, genetic engineering in agriculture is one way to heed the Holocaust’s warning. A discussion of the devastating impact of genetic engineering in agriculture—in the frame of the violent implications of modern “development”—underscores how the destruction of societies perceived as “backward,” particularly indigenous groups in the Global South, follows the destruction of their biodiverse habitats and agriculture to make way for monoculture genetically engineered crops. A focus on case studies of such mass violence and the responses by indigenous groups facilitates, finally, a discussion of the recent turn to microhistories in Holocaust scholarship. These offer another contextualized view: of the societies that faced the assault of nation-states. The article concludes that the complexities on the social level, each rooted in specific circumstances and histories, challenge the analytical value of the general term “Holocaust.”

Issues of mutuality and sharing in the transnational spaces of heritage – contesting diaspora and homeland experiences in Palestine

Wars, colonialism and other forms of violent conflict often result in ethnic cleansing, forced dispersion, exile and the destruction of societies. In places of diaspora and homelands, people embody various experiences and memories but also maintain flows of connections, through which they claim mutual ambitions for the restoration of their national identity. What happens when diaspora communities ‘return’ and join homeland communities in reconstruction efforts? Drawing on heritage as metaphorical ‘contact zones’ with transnational affective milieus, this study explores the complex temporalities of signification, experiences and healing that involve both communities in two specific sites, Qaryon Square and Al-Kabir Mosque, located in the Historic City of Nablus, Palestine. Conflicts at these two sites often become intensified when heritage experts overlook the ‘emotional’ and ‘transnational’ relationships of power that revolve around the diverging narratives of both communities. This study proposes new methodological arts of the contact zone to enhance new ways in heritage management that can collective engage with the multiple and transnational layers of heritage places beyond their geographic boundaries and any relationship with defined static pasts. Such engagement can help explore the contentious nature of heritage and the resonances it may have for reconciliation in post-violent conflict times.

GRAPH MODELS OF SOCIAL MOBILITY ON THE BACKGROUND OF STRATIFICATION

The work is devoted to creating a mathematical model of social mobility society. Since social mobility defines the structure of society, with the help of this model, it will be possible to predict the dynamics of the society. This simulation is carried out with the help of graph theory, enabling visually analyze the essence of the process of stratification. Stratification is an expression of the law of the unity of contradictions and the moving force development or destruction of society. It was shown that the stratification is a model socially and mobility of society.

Three decades of neoliberalism in Mexico: the destruction of society.

Neoliberalism has been implemented in Latin America for about three decades. This article reviews Mexico's neoliberal trajectory to illustrate the political, economic, and social alterations that have resulted from this process. It finds that representative democracy has been perverted through fear, putting central political decisions in the hands of power groups with special interests. The border between the state of law and the state of exception is blurred. Economic structural adjustment with liberalization and privatization has provoked recurrent crisis, but has been maintained, leading to the destruction of the national productive structure in favor of supranational corporations, particularly financial capital. The association between criminal economy and economic criminality is also discussed. The privatization of social benefits and services requires state subsidies and allows the privatization of profits and the socialization of losses. The social impact of this process has been devastating, with a polarized income distribution, falling wages, increased precarious jobs, rising inequality, and extreme violence. Health conditions have also deteriorated and disorders associated with violence, chronic stress, and a changing nutritional culture have become dominating. However, in Latin America, massive, organized political and social mobilization has broken the vicious neoliberal circle and elected progressive governments that are struggling to reverse social and economic devastation.

Fantasias of terrorism

An introduction to this special issue of the Journal for Cultural Research, this essay explains how terrorism may be said to equate to a “fantasia”, and how this fantasia has operated in different times and places. It also takes a close look at the popular fantasia promoted by the entertainment industry today, beginning with representations of the enemies of James Bond. In popular culture, terrorism is a spectre (along the lines of Ian Fleming’s SPECTRE) bent on the destruction of society, and yet it is also a sign of disorder at the heart of the very society which it attacks. Jacques Derrida’s comments on 9/11, using the metaphor of an auto-immune disorder, are pertinent. Film and television fantasias of terrorism offer critiques of the modern world order, but they offer the wrong critique.

Indigenous People and Settler Self Government: Introduction

Indigenous People and Settler Self Government: Introduction Ann Curthoys The urge to write history is prompted by some passion, some sense of possibility or danger. The passion driving this set of essays is the recognition that the political rights that many people enjoy today were gained historically at the expense of others, especially the Indigenous peoples of the lands they inhabit. It is not only the United States that we can describe, as Jodi A. Byrd does, as a “fledgling nation that pursued happiness through the acquisition of indigenous lands.” 1 This is the condition of settler colonialism itself, and almost as foundational is the habit of settlers and their descendants of forgetting that the condition of their own political freedoms was the destruction of the independent sovereignty of the prior, indigenous, occupants of the lands they now so confidently proclaim their own. The challenge for historians is to undo this settler narrative, so deeply embedded in the cultures of modern nation states from the US to Australia. Accordingly, each essay in this collection explores in a particular way what the connections were between settler gains and Indigenous losses of political rights and freedoms in Britain’s settler colonies.2 Several also consider the consequences for political institutions in the present, and the collection ends with John Keane’s reflections on the issues these histories raise for a modern politics of restorative justice. Most of these essays focus on settler-Indigenous engagements and political histories in Australia, though the collection begins with Zoë Laidlaw’s discussion of Thomas Hodgkin’s thoughts about self-government in Liberia, and the other essays work in a comparative spirit, invoking New Zealand, Britain, and the United States in particular.3 All five, implicitly or explicitly, critique current Australian (and other) historiographies which tend to narrate histories of self-government, democracy, and eventually national independence in isolation from recognition of what these developments meant for Indigenous peoples. In one historiographical corner, political histories report in a generally positive spirit the achievement of self-government, representative democracy, and nationhood; in these narratives, the main protagonists are colonists and British imperial authorities, each internally divided by class and political ideology. In another corner, historians and Indigenous activists draw attention to the destructive effects on Indigenous peoples of a continuing and rapacious settler desire for land. Rather than uplifting accounts of the growth of political rights, these historians and activists tell tragic stories of land seizure, destruction of societies, polities and culture, population loss, and the exercise of racially-based power and control over the survivors. Whether Australian political history is seen as a narrative of growth to political maturity within the context of Empire, or as a more nationalistic story of resistance to British control and the early development of democracy, it tends to set aside Aboriginal-settler interactions as a particular sphere of policy and practice. The two histories rarely intersect, as Mark McKenna and Marilyn Lake in this collection both note. Yet these two processes—settler self-government and Indigenous subjection—cannot be analytically separated in this way. The gains of some were predicated on the losses of others, and in important ways settler-Indigenous interactions were constitutive of the political system as a whole. Drawing out the nature and history of these connections and interactions is, however, a complex matter. As so many historians recognise, our knowledge of Indigenous political responses to settler colonialism is limited, partly by the nature of the surviving sources, and partly by a failure to ask sufficiently pointed questions of the sources we have. This is especially true for the study of the Australian colonies, where an understanding of Indigenous perspectives has proved especially elusive. As Rachel Standfield and John Keane indicate here, we know very little about Indigenous polities and politics, not only as they might have been before colonisation, but also as they were during the bloody process of dispossession and thereafter. It is not only our knowledge of Indigenous politics that is lacking; we also know little about the impact of Indigenous-settler relations on the nature and development of settler politics and political institutions. How did the process of displacing and replacing Indigenous peoples affect...

Money, Gender, and Conscience in Robert Wilson's The Three Ladies of London

This essay argues that Robert Wilson's play The Three Ladies of London presents a conservative view of men being corrupted by women's temptations. In the process, however, Wilson at once reveals and obfuscates the irony of metaphorically feminizing the damaging practices of men in order to present men as helplessly drawn into female vice. He demonstrates the surprising symbiosis and relationships of the supposedly antithetical character groups of Love and Conscience on the one hand and Lucre and her henchmen on the other. Wilson thereby delineates his society's destruction of the ideals of London, citizenship, and Englishness, a dramatic tour de force of mimetic representation that pushes the limits of his allegorical mode.

A Hypothesis of the Natural Rate of Punishment

One of the most puzzling questions in economics is the existence of extremely high income differences between rich and poor countries. In neoclassical economics, we choose to start with the first order assumption, that people and institutions are rational, meaning that capital flow from places with low return to higher returns. This doesn’t mean that all countries should be alike, but any differences in income could only reflect a level effect from different institutional set-ups, because of the economic law of diminishing return. There cannot be any dynamic growth effect from differences in institutions. This was one of the main insights from the classical Solow model, which in turn lead to the conclusion that institutions was important, but actually not that important. In this paper I challenge this mainstream view. My hypothesis is that maybe our institutions actually have some “secrets” as Hayek once put it. Maybe small initial changes in those institutions could eventually lead to success or totally disaster, simply because the time preferences in the economy in it selves is not an exogenous variable. My suggestion is that the initial condition for man, is “stealing” from the capital base (which we normally call a “crime”) which in turn is actually a dominant strategy. Institutions securing private property are very fragile, meaning that a certain degree of punishment, breaking these institutions, must be in place, before any growth take-off. From an individual point of view, there seems to be a clear trade-off between generating income from productive work and stealing from the capital base (“from the rich”). It seems therefore logical to think that the punishment from breaking the institutions of private property must somehow reflect the overall accumulation of capital, meaning there could be a abstract or natural level of punishment, securing doing crime becomes relatively “bad business.” But if punishment is lower than the “natural level” crime, crime in itself could deteriorating the capital base, leading to lower income and then give birth to even more crime. This asks the question. If the capital base is lower, shouldn't that generate a higher and higher return of capital at the margin, then simply establish a new equilibrium at a lower income level? I will show that it is possible that the destructive forces from crime is enough to overcome the forces from the Inada condition, then established a negative growth path and the destruction of society.

Zoning the Past: Brokers, Babbitts, and the Memory Work of Commercial Real Estate

From the moment of its publication in 1922, Sinclair Lewis's novel Babbitt was widely hailed as a text that harnessed the tactics of literary realism to the ambitions of social science. Over the years, in fact, critics have consistently linked Lewis's dissection of a crass, puerile, and materialistic white-collar culture to a conception of the novel as barely fictionalized ethnography – a conceit that has scripted the author as the twentieth century's foremost “cartographer” of American business life. Taking this fact as its starting point, this essay shows how Lewis's efforts to create an ethnographic record of modern business life ultimately encoded an even deeper commentary on the peculiar role that industrial–commercial development played in shaping the ways white-collar Americans thought about, valued, and pursued traces of their putative “heritage.” Rather than simply depict industrial–commercial society's destruction of the past, I argue, Babbitt instead labored to create a necessary genealogy for this regime: one that provided the nation's new, forward-lurching order with the kind of temporal coherence and historical context that its own ascendance seemed most directly to expunge. In making such an argument, this essay seeks to query a long-standing presumption within public memory studies that for years has construed the idea(l)s of historical recovery and the operations of commercial capitalism as fundamentally, if not inherently, incompatible. Balefully derided for mass-producing and mass-marketing a commodified pastness, dismissed as tools for replacing authentic history with ersatz heritage, modern development practices have stood for the vast majority of critics as proof of Americans' fundamental disconnection from their common and authentic history. Seeking to complicate this view, this essay shows instead how Babbitt can be read as a powerful counterexample to such logic – one that casts modernization less as an adversary than as an adjunct to prevailing modes of public recollection.

Radical education: What went wrong?

Disappearance of the educational radicalism of the late 1960s and early 1970s has brought a collective, albeit silent, sigh of relief from the educational establishment. Radicals launched vitriolic attacks education claiming that schools irreparably harmed children and laid the foundation for society's destruction. In their introduction to Radical School Reform, Beatrice and Ronald Gross wrote, isn't that our schools fail to achieve their stated purposes, that they are not exalted places their proponents proclaim. Rather they are not even decent places for our children to be. They thwart, they strifle children's natural capacity to learn and grow healthy.1 In How Children Fail, John Holt stated that the demands placed children are trivial, dull, limited, and simply bore the children. As a result, he concluded nearly all children in school fail. Generally, radical critics fell into one of two camps: those calling for outright abolition of school as was known and those waxing outrage at what schools and teachers did to the individual child. Abolitionists concluded that as institutions schools were bent promoting competition, perpetuating racism, and expressing economic imperialism. Paul Goodman emerged as spokesman for the abolitionists. Goodman concluded that schools promoting generally worthwhile learning should be replaced by training centers designed to provide specific occupational skills. In Compulsory Mis-education Goodman states that on the whole education must be voluntary rather than compulsory, for no growth in freedom occurs except by intrinsic motivation.2 While Goodman stressed alternatives to school involving opportunity to learn the job, Everett Reimer'sSchool Is Dead and Ivan Illich's Deschooling Society recognized need for abstract learning and called for a series of learning networks where such knowledge could be gained.3 Although differences existed among Goodman, Illich, and Reimer, they formed the nucleus of the movement to dismantle the entire school system and to replace it with a system of free choice educational alternatives. Jonathan Kozol, in Death at an Early Age, Herbert Kohl, 36 Children, and James Herdon, The Way It Spozed to Be were among those portraying inner city schools as tragically destroying children. Teachers were depicted as inhuman and uncaring individuals functioning in an authoritarian system. Together the system and its teachers combined to degrade students