Society In Afghanistan Research Articles

The Role of Universities in Empowering Individuals and Society in Afghanistan

Universities are not independent entities separate from society; political and social systems influence them and possess significant abilities to shape various sectors. As decision-making institutions, universities are crucial in creating conditions for nurturing transformative leaders. The institutional foundation of universities aims to address the developmental needs of society. A successful university seeks indigenous solutions to real problems. The primary objective of this research is to examine the role of universities as the highest educational and training institutions in empowering individuals and society. Initially, the study explored the literal and terminological meanings of empowerment. It then highlights the essential functions of universities concerning individual and societal empowerment. This research adopts a qualitative method with a descriptive-analytical approach, examining expert opinions, literature reviews, and previous studies. The thematic analysis revealed that universities in Afghanistan significantly contribute to individual empowerment through education, innovation, and cultural preservation while addressing broader socio-economic challenges and promoting political stability. These findings emphasize the crucial role of universities in Afghanistan’s sustainable development.

2001-2021 - ЖЫЛДАР АРАЛЫГЫНДА АФГАНИСТАНДЫН САЯСИЙ ТҮЗҮЛҮШҮНӨ ЭТНОСТУК ТОПТУН ТААСИРИН ИЗИЛДӨӨ

Examining the influence of ethnicity on the political structure of Afghanistan over the past two decades provides insight into the political and social realities of the country. Afghanistan is recognized as a multi-ethnic nation where different ethnic groups coexist. Political structures in Afghanistan have always been influenced by ethnicity throughout its historical evolution. The main objective is to address the question of how the multi-ethnic society in Afghanistan has affected the political structure in the past two decades. This article employs the framework of competition among elites (Elite Theory) and utilizes analytical- descriptive methods along with library resources, scientific journals, and reputable articles. Findings indicate that the multi-ethnic society in recent decades (2001-2021) has harmed the realization of a political structure based on democratic values, and the foundation of the political structure has failed to manifest tangible and deep expressions due to ethnic attitudes.

بررسی تأثیر قومیت بر ساختار سیاسی افغانستان با رویکرد لیبرالیسم سیاسی جان رالز (۲۰۰۱-۲۰۲۲(

Afghanistan is known as a multi-ethnic country where different ethnic groups coexist. The political structures in Afghanistan have always been influenced by ethnicity throughout its historical development. Although it is rare to find a country with a homogeneous ethnic fabric, the ethnic diversity is not only seen as a challenge but also as a symbol of cultural pluralism. After 2001, when the political structure of Afghanistan was manifested based on modern values in the constitution, it provided a good opportunity for political elites to overcome historical mistakes and adhere to those values. However, ethnicity and ethnic values were considered superior and older compared to the new values. The main question is how the multi-ethnic society in Afghanistan has influenced the political structure in the past two decades. Apparently, the multi-ethnic society of Afghanistan has had a negative impact on the implementation of the political structure in Afghanistan in recent decades. The research aims to examine how the role of the multi-ethnic society has influenced the political structure of Afghanistan in the past two decades and to what extent the convergence and divergence of political elites were affected by ethnic backgrounds. This article uses John Rawls' theoretical framework and analytical-descriptive method, as well as library resources, scientific journals, and reputable articles. The findings indicate that the multi-ethnic society has had a negative impact on the implementation of the political structure based on democratic values, and the foundation of the political structure manifested in the constitution could not be concretely and deeply exemplified by ethnic attitudes towards politics.

Woman Violence in Afghanistan and The Return of Taliban in Contagious Violence Perspektive

This research shows that contagious violence is playing important role in spreading violence against women in Afghanistan. This research argues that it is important to pay attention on how violence expose a subject, when it happened and who ie exposed by violence at that time. It is important also to produce immunity amidst society in Afghanistan. It is important to prevent wider transmission of violence in Afghanistan. Contagious violence and immunity theory shows that Taliban is the Host of violence that needs to overcome. Taliban massively spreading violence to disrupt immune system of anti violence in Afghanistan. Hiding the prove and preventing report activity will causes horrible silent spreading of violence. This research also shows that tracing and immediate response to any violence act is needed to cut off chain of contagious violence. Finding violence cluster and directly intervene is needed to prevent the subject who already exposed becoming more violent than perpetrator. Produce immunity system and direct intervention into all cluster of violence amidst society is more effective than urging Taliban to stop violence itself.

The Impact of Afghanistan's Multinational Society on its Political Structure in the Past Two Decades

Afghanistan has been recognized as a multi-ethnic country where different ethnicities coexist. The political structures in Afghanistan have historically been influenced by ethnicity, although few countries in the world exhibit such a complex ethnic fabric. Today, ethnic diversity is not only considered a challenge but also a symbol of cultural pluralism. After 2001, when the political structure of Afghanistan was enshrined in the constitution based on modern values, it was an opportune moment for political elites to overcome historical mistakes and adhere to these values. However, ethnicity and ethnic values were regarded as superior and more entrenched than the new values. The main question is: How has the multi-ethnic society in Afghanistan influenced the political structure in the past two decades? Apparently, Afghanistan's multi-ethnic society has had a negative impact on the implementation of the country's political structure in recent decades. The research aims to investigate how the role of the multi-ethnic society has influenced Afghanistan's political structure in recent decades and how much the convergence and divergence of political elites have been affected by ethnic backgrounds. This article utilizes analytical-descriptive methods and relies on library resources, scientific journals, and reputable articles. The findings indicate that the multi-ethnic society has had a negative impact on the implementation of the political structure based on democratic values, and the ethnic attitudes towards politics failed to manifest a tangible and profound realization within the constitutional framework.

Https://habibiaislamicus.com/index.php/hirj/article/view/236

This article titled “Shi’ism and its creedal impact on society in Afghanistan” has been elaborated and explained in detail that the people of Afghanistan converted to Islam early, and they were on the belief of the Sunnis. The political shiism appeared in them against the Umayyad State and increased in Timurid-Mongol and Safavid era. After the succession of Iranian Revolution, the Iranian regime helped the Shiite minority in Afghanistan and trained them in all fields. The Shiites are spread in most of the Afghanistan provinces, the percentage of them is different from one province to another. They are concentrated in the Afghan capital, Kabul, the city of Herat, Kandahar and Mazar Sharif, and most of the residents of Daikandi and Bamyan are Shiites, and they have no presence in the eastern provinces. The Hazaras are recorded first in shiism, then the Qizilbash, then in the rest of the of the Tajiks, Pashtuns, and Turkmen, and it is hardly mentioned in the statistics. The ignorance of many people in Afghanistan about the reality of the Shiite sect has led to the recognition of the Ja’fari sect, the support of its false beliefs, the misrepresentation of truth to the common people, the spread of various kinds of heresies, funerals, and parties, and even the participation of some Sunnis in them. Shiite Iran shares the Persian language, Persian nationalism, and the Shiite minority with Afghanistan, and thus supports them creedal, economically, and culturally, and the Sunnis are influenced by them, so they ask for help from the dead and shrines, and the phenomenon of building on graves spread. Many of the Sunni scholars, intellectuals, tribal sheikhs, and political persons were influenced by Shiite movements and activities, so they continued to support them in word and deed and shared their sorrows and joys. Also, the curriculum books of Logic and Philosophy in religious schools of Afghanistan are written by Shiite authors, and they have a great influence in turning people away from the Book, the Sunnah, and the correct belief. Building Husseiniyas and cultural centers is one of the most important methods for spreading Shiite thought, its corrupt beliefs, and plans. In recent years, Shiites have been able to open hundreds of Husseiniyas and dozens of cultural centers, and they perform all their sectarian rituals in them freely. Rather, they invite the negligent Sunnis to increase their masses. Dissemination of superstitions among their children. The research describes the presence of Shiite in Afghanistan and Its influence on the People in the of creed and culture.

Evaluation of the Obstacles to Developing the Aynak Copper Mine in Afghanistan

The Aynak Copper Mine was first discovered in 1973, and mining was initiated by the Metallurgical Company of China in 2009. However, its use has been suspended several times and the mine has never been fully exploited due to political unrest and terrorism, among other issues, in Afghanistan. Afghanistan has been recognized as one of the most fragile, conflict-affected, and landlocked countries in the world by international organizations and the global community, especially after the events of 9/11. Hence, understanding the obstacles influencing the development process of the Aynak Copper Mine is of crucial value in sustaining the development of the overall economy and society in Afghanistan. The aim of this paper is to explore the factors that have caused suspensions of the developments of the Aynak Copper Mine, which may apply to other developing projects in Afghanistan and in other fragile states. The findings will provide a better understanding of the difficulties in maintaining a sustainable environment for developing the regional economy in Afghanistan, and fill a gap in the literature with regards to the applied and theoretical economic growth model in fragile states. The materials of this research are partly based on a radical analysis of the official documents of the Afghan government and international organizations. We adopted statistical analysis to identify the factors associated with the progressive process of developing the Aynak Copper Mine, and an ordinal logit regression to analyze those factors. We specifically considered the factors associated with the degree of administrative capacity, labor investment, labor productivity, capital investment, efficiency of capital, terroristic activities, and religious issues. Among these factors, the relationships between the degree of administrative capacity, terroristic activities, and religious issues were strongly associated with the development status of the Aynak Copper Mine. The other investigated factors were not found to be relevant. This study is among the first on the Mining Project in Afghanistan.

“Just one of many donors”: Canada’s engagement with civil society in Afghanistan

ABSTRACTCanada's entry into Afghanistan as a NATO ally was widely considered a necessary military venture, but Canadian operations during the reconstruction period that ensued were criticized as having tarnished Canada's reputation on the international stage. Canada's history as a peacekeeping nation and its perceived middle power status did initially allow it to act as a mediator between the Afghan government, local actors, and the international community. However, our research discovered that Canada did not fully understand the dynamics of the established civil society structures in Afghanistan, nor the ways in which they influence local politics. A limited understanding of “civil society” among Canadian officials and disproportionate focus on professionalized NGOs as its most legitimate representative meant that local civil society groups in Afghanistan and the role they could play to establish democratic structures were largely ignored. By complementing knowledge synthesis of existing scholarly and policy literature with interviews with Canadian and Afghan aid workers, this article examines the process of post-conflict rebuilding in Afghanistan, considering how neglecting Afghan civil society has resulted in less durable social structures. We also examine Canada's image as an international mediator, and identify new ways of assisting rebuilding processes to ensure more durable and peaceful outcomes.

Reimagining civil society in conflict: Findings from post-2001 Afghanistan

ABSTRACTWhat is the meaning and role of civil society in Afghanistan? And what contribution could civil society actors make to promoting peace and political reform? Drawing on a research and dialogue project conducted in 2009–2012, this article explores local understandings and practices of civil society in Afghanistan, and examines their relationship to security and social change. It argues that studying civil society can help shed light on the changing dynamics of political authority and security in the country, as well as offer new avenues for promoting progressive change. The article addresses some of the conceptual and analytical limitations of dominant narratives about civil society in conflict-affected environments, demonstrating how they tend to neglect certain forms of agency that have the potential to be transformative.

Afghanistan criminal policy in regard with the narcotics

Since the destruction of Afghanistan political stability and order in the fifth decade, and especially last of forth decades, some various types of organized crimes and criminal groups have emerged, out of which the drugs- related crimes like producing, distributing and smuggling narcotics have been committed vastly nation wide, which have affected all political, security, economical and legal sectors of the country: moreover, the drugs-related criminal bands have been able to penetrate huge capital which has been obtained through the drugs. Afghanistan government, since its foundation, has regarded itself obliged, according to the laid constitution of 2003, to act against the narcotics by exacting some rules which reflects its drugs-tied criminal policy is the 2009 - exacted rules of " Fighting against and controlling the alcoholic and narcotic substances". Whose second article is the explanation of the cited policy in various aspects which concentrates on preventing , fighting, reforming an curing. the one who is in charge of it is the government by founding the high commission of acting against drugs. In spite of these issues, the main, clear and weak point of this policy is the negligence of a cooperative criminal policy: that is to say, the civil society, non-state public media, the religious entities and the dragomen community, who could have been strong arms of the authority, have no defined and legal places, beside this, as religion and tribe culture have been two significant factors in Afghanistan society and policy, their capacity and potentiality have neither been used, which is one of the main causes of the state loss. Above all, the penetration of any organized drug crimes networks into different state arenas, like the council of ministers, the national council, the judicial and justice system, the security and investigation officials and also the judicial distaining officials, have also made the policy not grown.

THE PORTRAYAL OF AN AFGHAN WIFE IN ÅSNE SEIERSTAD’S THE BOOKSELLER OF KABUL: STYLISTIC ANALYSIS

In the grammatical level of analysis, transitivity is one of the choices. The role of verb in a clause determines its process and participants, and thus imply particular meanings. This research took two chapters as the research data taken from a novel by ne Seierstad entitled The Bookseller of Kabul. Talking about literature about Afghanistan society, what attracts this research is the Afghan character named Sharifa. The research found that Seierstad employed various types of processes, participants and circumstances to describe Sharifa. First, the use of Actor and of material process aims at portraying the responsibility of an Afghan wife in spite of the sorrow seen from the mental process with Sharifa as the Senser. The use of relational process with Sharifa as the Carrier is to attach her to particular character, both physical and psychological states. In sum, the novel portrays the Afghan wife as a submissive, yet devoted character.

THE PORTRAYAL OF AN AFGHAN WIFE IN �SNE SEIERSTAD�S THE BOOKSELLER OF KABUL: STYLISTIC ANALYSIS

In the grammatical level of analysis, transitivity is one of the choices. The role of verb in a clause determines its process and participants, and thus imply particular meanings. This research took two chapters as the research data taken from a novel by sne Seierstad entitled The Bookseller of Kabul. Talking about literature about Afghanistan society, what attracts this research is the Afghan character named Sharifa. The research found that Seierstad employed various types of processes, participants and circumstances to describe Sharifa. First, the use of Actor and of material process aims at portraying the responsibility of an Afghan wife in spite of the sorrow seen from the mental process with Sharifa as the Senser. The use of relational process with Sharifa as the Carrier is to attach her to particular character, both physical and psychological states. In sum, the novel portrays the Afghan wife as a submissive, yet devoted character. DOI: https://doi.org/10.24071/ijhs.2018.020101

Kaushik Roy, War and Society in Afghanistan: From the Mughals to the Americans, 1500–2013

Kaushik Roy, <i>War and Society in Afghanistan: From the Mughals to the Americans, 1500–2013</i>

Book Review: Kaushik Roy, War and Society in Afghanistan, from the Mughals to the Americans, 1500–2013

Book Review: Kaushik Roy, <i>War and Society in Afghanistan, from the Mughals to the Americans, 1500–2013</i>

Kaushik Roy.War and Society in Afghanistan: From the Mughals to the Americans, 1500–2013.

Kaushik Roy.<i>War and Society in Afghanistan: From the Mughals to the Americans, 1500–2013</i>.

Status of Women in Afghanistan

Women in Afghanistan from the very beginning lived a diverse life. In the semi-tribal patriarchal Afghan society women remained all obedient to the male members of her family, in daughter to father, sister to a brother, wife to husband, mother to a son, etc. She has always been marginalized and accorded a subordinate status. In a male dominated conservative society in Afghanistan, women have always been at the receiving end; she have lived a life of segregation and isolation; denied of access to modern amenities like education, health, employment, etc; and the basic right to dress, movement and work at their will. Oppression on women folk in Afghanistan have been thus innumerable that also included rape, murder; beating in public, etc. Women were, however, respected and kept in high dignity by their husbands and children. Their status within family remained highly respectable but secondary to her male counterpart. In this paper an attempt has been made to highlight the major areas in which Afghan women in general have been suffering through ages.

Islam and Constitutionalism in Afghanistan

AbstractA constitution is adopted to regulate the relationship between political authorities and the people in a society. Traditionally, this relationship was very loose in Afghanistan; over time, however, as amirs sought to consolidate political and social authority over their society, the establishment of a constitutional framework became a priority for each new leader. This article chronicles Afghanistan’s state formation and constitutional history, beginning with Amir Dust Mohammad Khan’s state consolidation efforts in 1838, and considering all of the constitutions of the country beginning in 1923 continuing to the present. It details the central role both Islam and Afghanistan’s ethno-sectarian diversity have played in constitutional efforts throughout Afghanistan’s history and emphasizes the need for both to ensure a representative, inclusive society in Afghanistan.

Manufacturing Civil Society and the Limits of Legitimacy: Aid, Security and Civil Society after 9/11 in Afghanistan

This article traces the effects of the increasing securitisation of aid and development in Afghanistan after 9/11 on aid policy and civil society. It argues that although aid has not been wholly subordinated to security objectives, security interests have been sufficient to shape the objectives, policies and practices of aid policy in Afghanistan in significant ways. Furthermore, it is argued that the securitisation of aid has not only nurtured a ‘rentier’ civil society, comprised of an assortment of donor-funded NGOs, but also promoted a particular model of state–civil relations that prioritises service delivery over the deliberative role of civil society. The article begins by outlining the key changes in aid policy in Afghanistan since 2001. It then explores the effects on existing civil society of external donors’ attempts to manufacture a liberal civil society. Finally, the article examines the short-term impact of security policies and objectives on civil society in Afghanistan.

Curriculum and Civil Society in Afghanistan

Although research has traditionally discussed the ways in which societies in conflict develop educational practices, only recently have scholars begun to examine the role of education in creating or sustaining conflict. In Afghanistan, changing regimes have had an impact on state-sanctioned curricula over the past fifty years, drastically altering the purpose and ideology of education. In this article, Adele Jones traces the changing nature of Afghan curricula since the 1960s, highlighting the conflict surrounding curricula during the Soviet regime. She posits that resistance to statesanctioned curricula was seen as resistance to the state regime, often putting schools at the center of conflict. This continues today, as Taliban groups resist the Western-influenced curricula of modern Afghanistan. Jones argues that understanding this cycle of resistance is critical for Western agencies aiming to support educational efforts in the country.

A Contemporary Writer from Afghanistan: Akram Osman and His Short Stories

Akram Osman is one of the most outstanding contemporary Afghanistani writers.1 His short stories represent a current of modern Afghanistan literature in which an imported Western genre is mixed with indigenous literary traditions to become a mirror reflecting important issues and human needs in Afghanistan society. His works are divided into satirical short stories, stories of manners and diaspora stories which are not only pioneering in these types of Afghanistan literature, but also among the best to be created in modern Afghanistan. Among other particulars, his use of a form of a language based on folk traditions distinguishes his work from those of his contemporaries. Osman portrays a historical and artistic picture of Afghanistan social classes and their characteristics. Osman's stories display artistic merit and are of anthropological interest; and they have also become popular short stories in their own right appealing to the mass of Afghanistan society. 1 Although the commonly-accepted international term is Afghan rather than Afghanistani, in Afghanistan the term Afghan is synonymous with the Pashtoon ethnic group as far as non-Pashtoons are concern. The political strength of the Pashtoons led to them using the word Afghan to describe all ethnic groups; but this is resented by the many other ethnic groups in Afghanistan. In addition, the term Afghanistani is widely used inside Afghanistan. Therefore, I have chosen to use the word Afghanistani to describe the inhabitants of a multi-ethnic modern nation-state called Afghanistan.