Reviewed by: The Reception of Machiavelli in Early Modern Spain by Keith David Howard Susan Byrne Howard, Keith David. The Reception of Machiavelli in Early Modern Spain. Wood-bridge: Tamesis, 2014. 171 pp. ISBN: 978-18-5566-282-7. Howard begins his monograph with captivating quotations from Machiavelismo degollado por la Christiana Sabiduría de España y Austria, a work by Claudio Clemente published in 1637. Clemente's polemical tone nicely sets the stage for the discussion that follows and for Howard's expressed goal: to demonstrate "the observable appropriation of key Machiavellian concepts" (5) by Spanish political writers who simultaneously masked those conceptual adoptions with anti-Machiavellian rhetoric. Multiple early modern political writings are incorporated to lay a clear foundation for, and solid support to, Howard's contentions. In chapter 1, "Medieval and Renaissance Humanist Political Discourse and Machiavelli," Howard skillfully synthesizes the historical development of political, theological and societal concepts on kingship and rulers while demonstrating the impact of that thought on Spanish writers with relevant textual citations. A section on virtue and fortune includes examples from Boethius, Petrarch and Cicero, to Coluccio Salutati and Giovanni Pontano, all as background to Diego de Valera's discussion of prudence in his Doctrinal de príncipes (1475). As Howard sums up: "Valera develops the idea that human providence and prudence exist not in the realm of certainty but in the limited human perspective of probability" (32), i.e., Valera, like his (semi) contemporary Machiavelli, speaks of political contingency. Here and throughout, Howard shows a keen eye for lexical detail and conceptual expression; his close readings are sharp and focused. In chapter 2, "Machiavelli and Spanish Imperialist Discourse in the Sixteenth Century," Howard studies how the demands of unification and expansion led to "a more practical understanding of political power" (42), hence a greater role for [End Page 168] Machiavelli's writings. With a review of Italian, Spanish and Portuguese writings, the political landscape is described cogently, telling textual examples are offered. In counsel given by Furió Ceriol to Phillip II, Howard finds the same overarching remedies proposed by Machiavelli, while the writings of Balthazar de Ayala show multiple parallels to Machiavelli's Discourses through use of identical figures and events to exemplify, even as corrections are made to mistaken historical referents. Howard's close study reveals the unattributed yet obvious incorporation of Machi-avellian thought into Spanish political treatises prior to his inclusion on the Roman Index in 1559. Chapter 3, "Machiavelli and the Foundations of the Spanish Reason-of-State Tradition: Giovanni Botero and Pedro de Ribadeneyra," begins with examples of changing French attitudes towards Machiavelli following the Index listing. A strong case is made for adaptation with parallel criticism of the Italian diplomat through Botero, who develops Machiavelli's ideas while suggesting that the Catholic religion serves as a more secure platform for a king than other religious creeds. Catholicism is an "instrument to keep his subjects obedient and thus to conserve his state" (78). Turning to Ribadeneyra, Howard shows that the Spanish Jesuit was "very familiar" (90) with both the Prince and the Discourses, and he illustrates quite convincingly with Ribadeneyra's unequivocal dictum that a ruler must never lie quickly undermined by his contention that dissimulation, secretive withholding of information, and doubleentendres that one knows or suspects will be misunderstood are not lies but, rather, acts of prudence. This chapter highlights the creation and exploitation of a dichotomy between "good" and "bad" reason of state, a "double-sided technique" (95) that would persist in subsequent Spanish political writings. In chapter 4, "Machiavellian Discourse in the Hispanic Baroque Reason-of-State Tradition," Howard addresses later developments in attitudes towards the Italian diplomat, showing how even Spanish writers who do not directly address political matters will continue to spread Machiavelli's concepts. Here again, Howard finds many lexical subtleties that reveal conceptual content, as he highlights the continued reliance on Machiavellian doctrinal stances accompanied by simultaneous denial of the same thought. In numerous examples adduced, the Spaniards are shown to use lexical gymnastics as a way exploit loopholes while providing cover through a stance of moral flexibility. Barbosa Homem, for example, asserts "astute" as a positive trait...