Socialist Workers Research Articles

UNUSUAL NAZISM: UKRAINIAN NATIONAL-SOCIALIST WORKERS’: PARTY IN THE POST-WAR DONBAS

The purpose of the article is to research an extremely interesting phenomenon of post-war Ukrainian society – an attempt to create an underground Ukrainian National Socialist Workers' Party (UNSWP) in the Donbass and Sloboda Ukraine. The methodology of the research is based on the principles of historicism, systematicity, multifactority, concreteness, science and comprehensiveness. The following general historical methods were used: historical-comparative, retrospective, problematic, microhistorical analysis. The Scientific Novelty. Having introduced a series of new archival materials from the collections of the Sectoral State Archive of the Security Services of Ukraine to the scientific circulation, we covered a whole new episode on the history of the anti-Soviet resistance movement in the East of Ukraine in the first years after World War II – the activity of the UNSWP that was not connected to the Ukrainian nationalist underground and did not obey its leadership. The article reconstructs the main episodes, related to the emergence of the underground party, its structure, activities, ideology, tasks. The Conclusions. The analysed documents of the bodies of the state security and constituent materials of the USNWP confirm that the main initiator of the creation of an illegal party was a native of Luhansk region Bronislav Boglachov-Stogneyev, who, during his service in the Red Army, was stationed in the Rivne area and got captured by the Ukrainian independence ideas, which he tried to adopt to the needs of his native working environment of the eastern regions of Ukraine. The illegal party he created was not characterized by nationalism or racism, national or cultural intolerance, and more closely resembled leftist populists in its rhetoric and vision of the future social order. The struggle for independence for B. Boglachov-Stogneyev and his few followers was rather a means of solving the pressing social problems of the population of East, South and Center of Ukraine (collective farms liquidation, private ownership of land, private trade, improvement of social security of workers, etc.) and not its prime mission. The party declared armed methods to fight the stalinist regime, but never used weapons or attempted to launch an uprising. All underground activity was limited to the production of program documents, the formation of structures and the attempt to seize the financial resources necessary for further clandestine work.

Socialist Workers’ Party of Finland, 1920–1923

The Socialist Workers’ Party of Finland (SSTP) was a unique case in the division of the labour movements during and after the First World War. In many European countries, a left-wing social democratic or socialist group or party was established during the war, while in Finland the division took place only after the Civil War in 1918. The fact that a socialist party was only established after the division into social democrats and communists had taken place was also particular to Finland. The close cooperation of the SSTP with the illegal communist party residing in Soviet Russia and the party’s rejection of the Social Democrats were due to their differing interpretations of the Civil War and not their positions on the First World War. In Finland, the acceptance of many of the principals of the Communist International did not cause internal splits within the SSTP as it did in Germany, France, Italy, Sweden and Norway. However, in addition to the rigorous criticism of the victors of the Civil War, it contributed to the difficulties the SSTP faced in its work and to the party’s ultimate dissolution. Paradoxically, the party was dissolved at a time when its involvement in the issues of Finnish society became more significant.

Populist contagion or anti-elitism in opposition? PSOE’s response to the emergence of Podemos

This article assesses the possible populist discourse contagion experienced by the Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party (PSOE) due to the irruption of Podemos. To this end, a content analysis has been carried out on a selection of PSOE manifestos for national and European elections, published between 2004 and 2019. The results show that the evolution of PSOE’s anti-elitism is not necessarily related to the competition with Podemos but to the party’s opposition status, especially in contexts of citizen discontent. Therefore, the main results suggest that the political decline of traditional parties could be a more decisive factor than the emergence and rise of new parties, when explaining the shifts in party identity. In addition, the article shows that populist messages have played three main functions in PSOE’s manifestos: i) to show empathy with and understanding of people’s unrest in contexts of citizen dissatisfaction; ii) to attack the main political competitor when the party is in opposition; and iii) to use economic powers and other elites as scapegoats, especially when the party is in government.

The world’s first mainly female cabinet: “The council of female ministers” in the Spanish cabinet (2018) on Twitter

Abstract 1 June 2018 marked a historic moment in Spanish politics, when the Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party (Partido Socialista Obrero Español, PSOE) announced a cabinet with the largest proportion of female ministers in the world. This announcement received extensive coverage in the traditional media. The objective of this research was to measure whether the news had an equivalent impact on Twitter users. To this end, we analyzed the reaction to the appointments based on the popularity of the hashtags #GobiernoSanchez (“Sanchez Government”), #GobiernoFeminista (“Feminist Government”) and #ConsejoMinistras (“Council of Female Ministers”). The most significant findings are that women had even less visibility than they were given in traditional media because of what is not retweeted does not exist, and that the extreme polarization of political life and the media in the public sphere appears to extend to the digital environment of Twitter.

La batalla ideológica en el PSOE navarro durante 1977

El presente artículo analiza el desarrollo interno de la Agrupación Socialista de Navarra del PSOE entre la celebración del su XXVII Congreso y las elecciones generales de junio de 1977, siendo este un periodo crucial en la conformación del Partido debido a los enfrentamientos y crisis internas que se desarrollaron, pese a ser una organización con una escasa militancia. Ello no fue óbice para que existieran tres corrientes ideológicas,una de las cuales, liderada por Gabriel Urralburu, se hizo con el control del Partido en detrimento de las otras dos. El desarrollo posterior del PSOE navarro durante la transición no se puede comprender sin los acontecimientos que se exponen en este texto.

Notes on the Centenary of the 1919 Hungarian Republic of Councils

The Hungarian Republic of Councils, or, as it is referred to in shorthand, the Commune, lasted 133 days, from March 21 until August 1, 1919, and inspired Hungarian socialists and left-leaning artists in many ways. While a number of facts about the fundamentally dictatorial nature of the short-lived regime led by Béla Kun have retroactively come to light, during its existence there were, apparently, a number of artists, thinkers, and socialist workers who sincerely believed that it was a political renewal in the direction of social equality. The nationalization of some of the land and the cultural assets of aristocratic families—historic as well as Jewish—remained one of the legacies of the Commune. While it had a troubled history with regard to freedom of speech and freedom of the press, its existence was too short for the regime to become visibly and unequivocally dictatorial. The mixed legacy of the Commune originates precisely from its short existence: a number of the dictatorial measures were just germinating, or not yet visible, before it was crushed.The Hungarian cultural elite mostly embraced what appeared to be a new era of social justice. Theaters, museums, and art schools all of a sudden opened to everyone, and it was an issue of good faith and unselfishness to engage in the activities of educating poor children and facilitating access to high culture for masses of people. As we know, however, a lot of this was illusory. Lajos Kassák, for example, confesses in his autobiography that the performance of a modernist play by the Ma group generated inappropriate reactions in its working-class audience: laughter at the wrong moments, and general lack of understanding. This led Kassák to reconfigure his theatrical and performance events so they included poetry recitals and classical music performed on stage, rather than expressionist stage works.1 There was no time to educate a new audience that would be receptive to modernist visual and literary languages, and Kassák’s early return to a sort of classicism forecast the later dominance of Proletcult and Socialist Realism as art for the masses. With all the good intentions to attract new audiences to philosophy, sciences, and the liberal arts as they cultivated these in the Galilei Circle and The Free School for Social Sciences, and with further principles elaborated in the more exclusive Sunday Circle,2 there was only so much they could do in 133 days.The wave of emigration following the defeat of the Commune drained the Hungarian cultural scene in an unprecedented way. The list of later Nobel Prize-winning physicists, economists, and internationally successful artists and filmmakers is long and well known. A number of Hungarian journals and newspapers mushroomed in Vienna, the free city geographically closest to Hungary, but émigrés settled in many European countries as well as in the United States, Canada, and Australia. Admiral Miklós Horthy’s right-wing regime retaliated and introduced the first laws limiting the number of Jewish students in institutions of higher education, which led many young people to seek education abroad. One of the proud statements of Hungarian art history writing is that the Hungarian contingent in the Bauhaus was the largest to attend the school from any single country; but if we consider the quota on Jews in Hungarian colleges and universities, we must see that migrating to Germany to study was not due to the avant-garde mentality of many talented young people, but rather to the restrictions they had to suffer at home.The memory of the 1919 Commune has been troubled in Hungary. First of all, the general view, instantly generated by the interwar political regime of Admiral Horthy, was that it was an eminently Jewish enterprise, which made it profoundly unpopular to the majority of the Hungarian population. Confirming this view was the marked, distinguished importance given to it during the post-1945 Communist decades. However, a number of more nuanced and thorough studies in art history, literary history, history, and sociology have revealed a more complicated and realistic image of the idealism and many positive deeds of the participants. Issues 93 and 94 of the Budapest-based theoretical-art historical journal Enigma, edited by Csilla Markója, included excellent studies of the activities of artists and art writers during the Commune. Scholarship of the Hungarian avant-garde, especially on Kassák, both in Hungary and the United States, has also revealed many facts and objective notes on the Hungarian avant-garde’s history during the Commune, and a lot of the memoirs of the participants from Kassák to Árpád Szélpál3 to Ervin Sinkó4 to Anna Lesznai5 have become available. All this has, in fact, given us a fairly balanced view of the era, even if current Hungarian politics ignore this chapter of Hungarian history.

중국 사회주의 노동자 · 농민, 이주가사노동자 되다: 프랑스, 남한, 중국 대도시의 조선족 여성 연구

본 논문은 ‘하찮은 일’로서 온전한 노동으로 간주되지 않는 (이주)가사노동에 대한 이주사회의 호명에 문제제기하며, 이주자들의 시각에서 이를 재검토한다. 이를 위해 프랑스, 남한, 중국 대도시의 중장년 조선족 가사노동자들의 노동 생애 연구를 통해 이들의 집합적 노동의식을 살펴보고 이주가사노동 선택 및 수행의 의미를 분석한다. 연구 결과, 중국 조선족 가사노동자들의 노동 생애는 생산양식에 따라, 소농에서 집체생산의 노동자 · 농민, 가족생산책임제 아래의 농민 및 서비스업 고용주 · 고용인, 그리고 이주노동자로 변화해왔다. 노동생애를 관통하는 특징은 생산양식의 차이에도 불구하고, 이들이 전산업화 · 산업화시기 서유럽 여성처럼 ‘가족경제전략’(틸리 · 스콧, 2002)으로써 복잡하고 긴 노동시간 속에서의 생산 · 재생산 노동을 수행했다는 것이다. 다른 한편으로 이들은 사회주의 체제의 생산활동에 적극 참여함으로써 불가역적 노동 · 경제권력을 획득했고, 공적 영역에서의 여성 노동 주체로서의 집합적 기억으로 대표되는 노동 아비투스를 형성했다는 것이다. 이러한 노동 아비투스에 비춰보면, 조선족 여성에게 이주가사노동은 생계부양자로서의 노동 · 경제권력을 지속시켜주는 이주여건에 ‘합당한’ 선택이었다. 이들은 이주사회에서의 노동계급의 지위 하락과 ‘노예’ 신분으로 상징되는 일로부터 고통스런 계급적 경험을 인식한다. 그러나 이들은 그 고통의 원인에 대한 외연화 · 구조화, 노동자로서 정체화하기를 통해 이주가사노동자에게 공식화된 ‘하층 노동자’의 위치를 내면화하지 않는다.

The Civil Governance of Death: The Making of Chinese Political Subjects at the End of Life

This article discusses how the Chinese Communist Party governed death in Shanghai during the first half of the People's Republic of China. It examines how officials nationalized funeral institutions, promoted cremation, and transformed what they believed to be the unproductivity of the funeral industry into productivity (by raising pigs in cemeteries, for instance). I show how each of these policies eliminated possible sources of identity that were prevalent in conceptualizing who the dead were and what their relationships with the living could be. Specifically, in addition to the construction of socialist workers, the state worked to remove cosmopolitan, associational, religious, and relational ideas of self. By modifying funerary rituals and ways of interment, the Chinese state aimed to produce individualized and undifferentiated political subjects directly tied to the party-state. The civil governance of death aimed to produce citizen-subjects at the end of life.

Estalinización y estalinismo en el Partido Comunista de Chile. Un debate sobre las tradiciones políticas en el comunismo chileno

Este artículo analiza el impacto del estalinismo en la conformación de la cultura política del Partido Comunista de Chile. A contrapelo de las interpretaciones que visualizan a esta como producto de cortes abruptos y desconectados del pasado, se propone que, a lo largo de su historia, el PC combinó diversos legados políticos. Estos se ligaron a su origen como POS, al impacto de la tradición bolchevique y a los efectos del proceso de estalinización. De acuerdo a la hipótesis del artículo, la estalinización del PC se produjo durante la década de 1930 y se expresó en tres niveles: ideológico-discursivo, en prácticas políticas y formas de organización interna. Este proceso se consolidó hacia el año 1940, dando inicio al apogeo del estalinismo del PC chileno. Esto, sin embargo, no significó la disolución de las tradiciones anteriores de la colectividad. Esta fase se extendió hasta 1956, cuando la URSS decretó el inicio de la desestalinización del Movimiento Comunista Internacional.

Sakai Magara

In this article, I profile the activism of 18-year-old Sakai Magara (1903–1985). I focus in particular on her role in the Sekirankai (Red Wave Society), which was a short-lived women’s political organization formed in April 1921 and aligned directly with socialist and anti-capitalist worker issues. My discussion draws on three principal sources: contemporaneous accounts of the Society; writings by women with whom Magara collaborated; and the words of Magara herself. I pay attention to Magara’s contribution to Sekirankai, the influences on the development of her activism, and the barriers to political participation by girls and women in Japan.

LA EVOLUCIÓN DE LA CUESTIÓN NACIONAL Y LA IDENTIDAD ESPAÑOLA A TRAVÉS DEL PARTIDO SOCIALISTA OBRERO ESPAÑOL, 1974-1996: EL PROYECTO SOCIALISTA ESPAÑOL DE LA TRANSICIÓN DEMOCRÁTICA Y MÁS ALLÁ

El presente artículo es producto de una revisión documental que tuvo por objetivo estudiar la España planteada por el proyecto socialista de la transición, desde 1974 a 1996, a través de los programas electorales del Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE) y su publicación oficial, la revista El Socialista. Se aplicó el método análisis, con la técnica de investigación de revisión documental. Se encontró que el PSOE constituye un actor clave de la historia de España por su aporte e impacto al desarrollo del conjunto de la sociedad española. Por este motivo, para entender España y su realidad, es necesario comprobar la visión del país mantenida por uno de sus principales partidos políticos. Se concluye que, a pesar del tiempo transcurrido, se mantiene la vigencia del proyecto socialista de la transición, como modelo de convivencia e integración de las distintas regiones que integran España.

RESOLUCIÓN DE CONFLICTOS, POLÍTICA EDUCATIVA, ESTADO DE DERECHO, Y GEOPOLÍTICA: PASADO Y PRESENTE

RESOLUCIÓN DE CONFLICTOS, POLÍTICA EDUCATIVA, ESTADO DE DERECHO, Y GEOPOLÍTICA: PASADO Y PRESENTE

GOVERNMENT-CHURCH RELATIONS IN HUNGARY IN 1956 – 1989

Метою статті є характеристика державно-церковних відносин в Угорській Народній Республіці у період правління Яноша Кадара (1956 – 1989 рр.). На основі аналізу угорської історіографії прагнемо показати, що підґрунтям успішної політики угорської влади після революційних подій 1956 р. було покращення життєвого рівня населення, досягнення суспільної злагоди та велика терпимість і гнучкість в релігійній сфері. Саме у цей час в країні були врегульовані відносини з «історичними» церквами – католицькою та протестантськими (реформатська і лютеранська). Наголошується, що впродовж 50-х років ХХ ст. владі вдалося перетворити частину кліру в слухняне знаряддя здійснення своєї внутрішньої та зовнішньої політики. Нескореним залишався примас угорської католицької церкви Й. Міндсенті (József Mindszenty), який виступав проти чинного політичного режиму в країні. У статті відзначено, що представники різних конфесій не брали надто активної участі у революційних подіях 1956 р., однак підтримали своїх співвітчизників. На основі аналізу наукової літератури встановлено, що успішною була церковна політика Угорщини у 1960-х роках, оскільки католицька та протестантські церкви, примирившись з умовами релігійної свободи, наданої Угорською соціалістичною робітничою партією, допомагали державі проводити політику народного фронту в боротьбі за соціалізм. Відзначено, що на окрему увагу заслуговують відносини угорської влади з Ватиканом, які завершилися підписанням угод у 60–70-х роках ХХ ст. та візитом Яноша Кадара до папи Павла VІ у 1977 р. Янош Кадар став першим комуністичним лідером, який перетнув поріг Ватикану. У 1980-х роках вплив держави на церковне життя послабився, а в результаті суспільно-політичних змін наприкінці 80-х років церква в Угорщині здобула повну свободу.

De la patria (más) pequeña al mundo. Identidad nacional y socialismo español desde el País Valenciano (1931-1936)

Este artículo analiza el discurso nacional del socialismo español durante la Segunda República. Su objetivo consiste en insistir en la identificación nacional española del Partido Socialista Obrero Español. Pero, además, mediante el enfoque en el caso del País Valenciano, se señalan algunos canales de expresión de aquella identificación: el local y regional. Es decir, se busca mostrar el rol del ámbito local y del regional en la inter­pretación de la identidad nacional del socialismo. De este modo, el caso valenciano sirve para un acercamiento «desde abajo», mediante el estudio de los planteamientos políticos, discursos, ritos y prácticas contenidos en la prensa militante de la época. Según se argumenta, el discurso nacional español socialista encontró en el espacio local un firme punto de engarce, mientras que el internacionalismo prole­tario proyectaba la identificación nacional hacia el conjunto de la huma­nidad. Si lo local, nacional e internacional fueron ejes destacados, el espacio regional aparece más difuminado en el caso valenciano. Con ello, el socialismo iba diseñando un marco coherente para la combinación de identidades sociales, políticas y territoriales.

Elecciones 2015 y 2016 en España: el debate desde los temas a los “meta-temas” de agenda

Introducción: Este es un trabajo de investigación que se centra en las elecciones generales españolas de 2015 y en la nueva celebración de los comicios en 2016, ya que en las primeras no hubo acuerdos suficientes para la formación de un ejecutivo estable. Durante este periodo, y especialmente desde 2015, la política española superó por primera vez en el reciente periodo democrático un bipartidismo histórico, anclado en el Partido Popular (PP) y el Partidos Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE), para dar paso a nuevas formaciones con opciones de gobierno nacional como fueron Podemos y Ciudadanos. Los principales elementos de la investigación conectan con los estudios de agenda-setting, en donde se ofrece un análisis de la agenda pública española y la agenda mediática, deteniéndose en la cobertura política. Metodología: Se ha realizado un análisis de contenido en prensa de referencia (El Mundo y El País) durante los días de campaña de las dos elecciones mencionadas que permiten visibilizar los temas más importantes de agenda. Resultados y discusión: Los datos ofrecidos por el estudio reflejan que los problemas que los españoles señalan como importantes para el país se ven relegados a un segundo plano durante la campaña electoral. Los líderes y las diferentes formaciones prefieren visibilizar en sus discursos temas ligados a la política y la gobernabilidad, denominados “meta-temas”, centrados en los pactos, acuerdos y automenciones frente a los temas clásicos de agenda pública como el empleo, la sanidad o la educación entre otros.

Nazi Dentists on Trial: On the Political Complicity of a Long-Neglected Professional Community

Studies on the complicity of the medical profession in the crimes of the Third Reich are on the rise. This also applies to the question of the extent to which doctors were brought to justice in international trials after World War II. This topic, however, has hardly been considered—let alone systematically investigated—with respect to German dentists. It is precisely this gap that this article will address. First, we quantitatively identify all dentists who were brought to justice in the post-war period. Second, we give a profile of this group. We focus on the following questions: Who among the group was brought to trial, and when? What crimes were they accused of, which sentences were handed down, and how did these sentences affect their future lives? Our study is based primarily on archival sources, which we analyzed with respect to the relevant secondary literature. Contrary to the widely-held assumption that dentists had almost never had been made to stand trial after the end of the war, we identified 48 dentists who were accused in court. The prototypical accused dentist was male, lived in a traditional family model, belonged to the National Socialist Workers’ Party (NSDAP) and the Waffen-SS (Schutzstaffel), and was part of the so-called Kriegsjugendgeneration. The most frequent allegations made against these men were the theft of dental gold of murdered Nazi victims, an accusation unique to dentists; (accessory to) murder or manslaughter; and involvement in the deadly selections made in the concentration camps. In total, eight dentists were executed. Generally speaking, the earlier these proceedings and the sentencing took place, the harsher the sentence was. Many of those who received prison sentences subsequently found their way back into the dental profession.

Socialist Factors in China’s Economic Miracle and Development Achievements

ABSTRACTDuring the 70 years since its founding and the 40 years since its reform and opening-up, modern China has recorded a series of remarkable historic achievements, especially its miracle of high-speed economic growth over a long period. Socialism with Chinese characteristics, under which these achievements have been registered, is unquestionably a socialist system, and has entered a new era of national prosperity and greatness. We should attach particular importance to the socialist factors involved here, since the superiority of the socialist system has lent a unique support to the economic miracle and to the development achievements. A number of these socialist factors, and their unique advantages, deserve especially close attention. These include the achievements of China’s economic development and of the socialist system itself; China’s socialist economy and politics; its socialist market and government; the socialist market economy and the planning that is inherently involved in it; the public and non-public economy at the primary stage of socialism; socialist modernization and the world economy; China’s internal and external markets; the goals of socialist production and its driving forces; socialist workers and human resources; socialist economic theory and practice; and so on.

Working Out Socialism: Labor and Politics in Socialist Autobiography in Twentieth-Century Poland

This essay examines socialist workers' autobiographies as inscriptions of the self unfolding from illicit political militancy in tsarist times to the establishment of actually existing socialism in twentieth-century Poland. The autobiographies written in state socialism pin together the workers' strivings for a better life with their intellectual pursuits and their negotiation of the relationship between work and politics. While this essay is informed by an analysis of more than 100 biographical narratives of workers engaging in mass politics during the 1905 Revolution, it closely examines four typologically interesting cases. Most of these socialist autobiographies are loaded "time-vehicles," written as gestures to legitimize the existing state socialism. However, they are embedded in earlier experiences such as proletarian autodidacticism, learning via socialist printings, and prewar socialist memory. At the same time, such life writing bears witness to real and imagined continuities between past socialist militancy and actually existing socialism. The politics of writing is necessary to understand socialist autobiography, and the prior life course of the writing workers is equally crucial to understanding state socialism.

ALGUNAS PROPUESTAS DE REFORMA EN MATERIA DE EMPLEO Y PROTECCIÓN SOCIAL QUE SE INCLUYEN EN EL ACUERDO TITULADO “COALICIÓN PROGRESISTA”: UN ANÁLISIS JURÍDICO LABORAL

This study analyzes and comments on the different reform proposals that in terms of employment and protection are included in the Agreement entitled “Progressive Coalition: A new agreement for Spain”, a text that was made public on December 30, 2019 and that develops the programmatic content of the pre-agreement reached two days after the last elections, just on November 12, 2019, between the Spanish Socialist Workers Party (PSOE) and United We Can (UP) to form a “progressive coalition government to place Spain as a benchmark for the protection of social rights in Europe, just as citizens have decided at the ballot box”. Based on this analysis, a legal review of the agreed measures that have been adopted so far is carried out. Finally, after the previous examination, it is a question of finding an adequate answer to the following question: will the introduction of the rest of the agreed measures be postponed until the crisis caused by COVID-19 is resolved?

Spain: Controversy around Historical Memory

The article aims to study the acute controversy spreading in presentday Spain around the assessments of the tragic consequences of the civil war and Francoist dictatorship. The author set the following objectives: to reveal the attitude of the Francoist authorities to the victims and persons responsible for the committed crimes; to analyze “the Pact of Forgetting” in force during the period of the establishment and consolidation of democracy when the issues of the civil war and Francoism were withdrawn from the official discourse; to determine the role of the civil society in overcoming the taboo of the authorities on the attitudes to the historical past; to consider the main stances of the political parties to the problems of historical memory; to show the evaluation of Francoism in the international context. The article concludes that though the governments of the Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party in 2007 and then in 2018 undertook attempts to restore the historical truth and justice, only first steps have been made along this route. Those guilty of Francoist crimes have not been punished, and the victims have not been compensated for the legal and moral damage. The attitude to these problems splits Spanish parties and the society. The abolition of the Amnesty law adopted in October 1977 could be the key to solving the problem. According to the Law amnesty was granted to all political crimes committed before 1977 including mass killings of anti­Francoists at the time of the dictatorship. Present legal situation allows many parties to use in their political struggle the interpretation of convenience of the tragic events of the past. It seems that in the near future Spain is doomed to live with this destabilizing factor, impeding the achievement of genuine national reconciliation.