Socialist Federal Republic Of Yugoslavia Research Articles

Kornai's “main line of causality”: The case of socialist Albania and SFR Yugoslavia, with a special focus on their banking sectors' ownership structure

AbstractBased on the structure of János Kornai's ‘main line of causality’, two unique country cases are compared within the former European socialist bloc: Albania and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. The research provides a comparative analysis with an overview of the two countries' development between World War II and the fall of the socialist regimes. Special attention is paid to the period following the 1970s as the underlying reforms had been implemented in Yugoslavia by then, leading to fundamentally different socialist prototypes. Regarding the differences, the analysis also gives an insight into the structure of the two respective banking systems. Kornai's ‘main line of causality’ provides the framework for the current research, supplemented by the respective literature. The analysis concludes that despite the fact that all blocks of the causality line differed in the two systems, similar challenges had to be addressed during the transition period. Furthermore, Albania and the successor states of Yugoslavia reflected a range of common characteristics, which implies the relevance of path dependence.

Sports Rivalry as an Element of Political Conflict: The Case of Post-Yugoslav States

In the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, as well as in the states that emerged after its break-up, various types of conflict were evident at many levels. One such conflict has been sports rivalries, which, although intended to be separate from the prevailing political disputes, became a significant element in the escalating conflict between the federation’s nations and republics. This article aims to present and analyze the role of sport and its associated competitions in political conflict, both before and after Yugoslavia’s break-up.

Pretposlednje Predsedništvo SFRJ (1984–1989)

The article analyzes the activity of the Presidency of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia from 1984 to 1989, mainly on the basis of unpublished material from the Archives of Yugoslavia. The accent is on confrontation of the members of the Presidency with the rising crisis of the political system in Yugoslavia. The reactions of the Presidency to the turning events during the last two years of its mandate are presented in more detail.

Freedom smothered: Gang rape as patriarchal punishment of emancipated women in Yugoslav new film

This paper investigates how women, and their roles in changing Yugoslav society, were represented in Yugoslav New Film (1961-1972). Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia legalized gender equality in the wake of the Second World War, but the tentacles of patriarchy, which were difficult to eradicate, still lingered from pre-socialist times. In many movies there is a recurring pattern of sexual violence towards women. One possible interpretation of depicted sexual violation, for example gang rape in contemporary-themed Yugoslav New Films, is as a patriarchal punishment for emancipation of women in terms of education, work, or their sexuality. In order to examine this, the feature-length fictional films: Povratak/The Return (Živojin Pavlović, 1966) and Horoskop/Horoscope (Boro Drašković, 1969), in which the freedom of women’s emancipation was smothered by gang rape, are selected for the case study and analysed. The films are explored through the lens of feminist film theory, via close reading. Besides, the concept of the gaze is applied. Furthermore, I scrutinise whether these representations of rape and their aftermaths condone, or condemn brutality toward female characters, or have rather ambivalent stance toward it.

The Effectiveness of the United Nations Peacekeeping Operations in Building the Capacity of Local Police Forces: Case of Kosovo

Kosovo has historically been the scene of ethnic-driven regional conflicts among the communities. After the disengagement of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) in 1992, the conflicts that had begun with the independence declarations of the Republics of SFRY eventually evolved into ethnic disputes between Serbs and Albanians. As the United Nations (UN) failed to resolve the conflict by diplomatic means, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) initiated an air campaign to stop armed attacks by Serbian Military Forces on the Albanian civil communities. The UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) was established in 1999 to restore peace and stability in Kosovo. One of the mandated tasks of the UNMIK was to establish the local police known as Kosovo Police Service (KPS) and to build its capacity. The objectives of this research are to determine whether the UNMIK was effective and successful in building the KPS’s capacity. A set of new success criteria is developed and applied to evaluate the success of UNMIK in this mandated task. Data for this study were collected using official reports of the UN and the crime statistics of the KPS. As a result of the analysis, it was determined that UNMIK was successful in establishing a local police force.

RESTITUTION OF PROPERTY IN SERBIA TO CITIZENS OF THE FORMER SFRY REPUBLICS

In the 1990s, the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) was broken up into constituent republics. After gaining independence, all the newly formed states, with the exception of Bosnia and Herzegovina, initiated procedures for the return of seized property and compensation to the former owners, or their legal heirs. Slovenia was the first to begin the comprehensive restitution process, followed by Croatia, North Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia. If we exclude Bosnia and Herzegovina which still has not passed a law on restitution, Serbia was the last to start solving this extremely sensitive issue. The return of seized property in the Republic of Serbia to applicants who are foreign citizens is regulated in such a way that the right to return is held by natural persons – foreign citizens; in case of their death or declaration of death, the right passes on to their legal heirs, under the condition of reciprocity. It is assumed that there is reciprocity with the country that did not regulate the restitution of property if a domestic citizen can acquire property rights and inherit immovable property in that country. This paper presents and analyses data on the current course of returning seized property and compensation to citizens of the former SFRY republics.

Who belongs to the swiss body politique—A diaspora perspective

In this paper, I try to better understand the intersection between “integration” in legal terms, and how long-term resident “non-citizens” and migrants from the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) situate themselves in narratives of belonging vis a vis the normative power structure that constitutes the Swiss body politique. More specifically, how do labor and forced migrants from former Yugoslavia negotiate the shifting understanding of “integration” in Switzerland in legal and social terms? Former Yugoslavs constitute not only a comparatively large number of “non-citizens” in Switzerland, but individuals from-and-with-connections to this community also embody numerous labels and categories of migrant that statistical databases, the media, and legal practices attach to them since the 1970s. Key findings in this paper illustrate a two-tiered narrative: “non-citizens” seemed to have maintain(ed) their pursuit of not attracting attention to their persona—a strategy that allowed individuals to disappear within the larger society. Ensuing Europeanization processes, coupled with the Wars of Yugoslav Succession during the 1990s, however, brought to the fore “a politics of rupture” that called into question othering processes, and the seemingly tightening sociolegal basis of belonging to the Swiss body politique. Hitherto examined data suggests that interlocutors pursue a “positive essentialist frame” to counter exclusionary narratives “non-citizens” experience to postulate “rights claims”. Interviewees, in other words, activate diaspora connections and networks to support and aid each other when legal and socio-political questions arise, but also to actively influence the political and legal landscape in Switzerland.

From the Territorial Defence Forces to the Army of the Republic – The formation of the Armed Forces in light of the Decisions of the Presidency of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina

The organization of the Yugoslav armed forces into two strategic components of which the Yugoslav People’s Army was one, while the others were made up from the territorial defence forces of the Yugoslav republics and autonomous regions, was a concept based on the idea of a massive and general popular resistance, modelled on the partisan movement from the times of the Second World War. From the outset their development and organizational forms were significantly determined, among other things, by the relationship between the unitarist and separatist tendencies and policies, which was a permanent feature of the complete development of the Yugoslav political system that had its final expression in the provisions of the Constitution of the Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia that had been adopted in 1974. The Constitution defined as the right and duty of municipalities, autonomous regions and republics that, in accordance with the system of people’s defence, each one could regulate and organize the people’s defence forces on its own territory. The Law on the people’s defence also delimited and stipulated that the relevant organs of the Federation established the basic plans concerning the development and implementation of Yugoslav armed forces as a whole, securing the unity of their actions and organizing and preparing the Yugoslav People’s Army, while the relevant organs of the republics, regions and municipalities organized and prepared the territorial defence forces and secured the unity of its organization, preparation and action on their respective territories. This was the basic constitutional responsibility in terms of defence which was not changed for the duration of the common state’s existence. Interventions regarding the organization of Yugoslav armed forces that were implemented since the 1980’s were reflected on certain formational solutions, some aspects of relations in the command and control lines and in the selection of personnel for the most responsible duties in the detachments and headquarters of territorial defence forces, but in essence it did not affect the doctrine nor did it change or derogate the constitutional authority of the republics or their state organs in the domain of defence. The state organs of Bosnia and Herzegovina attempted to secure an equal position in the process of Yugoslav dissolution, up to the extent to which this was possible and within the framework of their jurisdiction. In official documents that were adopted in the Assembly in October 1991 and which defined the determination and attitudes of Bosnia and Herzegovina concerning the possible arrangement of the Yugoslav union and the future relations within it, the constitutional authority of the Presidency was confirmed in the domain of defence as well as in the command and control over the territorial defence forces. After the proclamation of state independence and its subsequent international recognition, the dramatic political crisis escalated into an armed aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina. By proclaiming the state of direct military threat, the Presidency assumed the responsibilities of the Assembly, and with a set of legal acts quickly defined the forms, organization and dynamic of the development of its own armed forces. This development was quickly initiated on 8 April 1992 with the abolishment of the Republican headquarters of the Territorial defence forces of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the establishment of the Headquarters of the Territorial defence forces of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which assumed command over the subordinate headquarters and detachments with an unchanged formation and structure. The Decree with legal power that was passed on 20 May defined that Armed forces in peacetime were made up of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, while in wartime they also included the police forces and all other armed units that placed themselves under their command. It was stipulated that until the Army became established, its function in the Armed forces would be performed by the Territorial defence forces of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. On 4 July 1992 the Presidency as the highest organ of leadership and command passed a Decision about the organization of the Armed forces of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, whereby the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina was officially formed and put into function, while the Territorial defence forces stopped existing.

Valeska Bopp-Filimonov and Martin Jung, eds. Kaleidoskop Rumänien. Einblicke in die aktuelle Vielfalt des interdisziplinären Faches Rumänistik

Valeska Bopp-Filimonov and Martin Jung, eds. <i>Kaleidoskop Rumänien. Einblicke in die aktuelle Vielfalt des interdisziplinären Faches Rumänistik</i>

Raspad bivše SR BiH - drinsko ratište

We provide the analysis of the war in the former Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina by analyzing the Yugoslav crisis, namely, the disintegration of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY). Bosnia and Herzegovina was located in the heart of the former SFRY. It was a bridge between Croatia and Slovenia in the West and northwest, with Serbia and Macedonia in the East and southeast, and with Montenegro in the south. After Slovenia and Croatia declared their independence, Bosnia and Herzegovina stopped being that "synapse", the solid foundation of unity and coexistence of Serbs, Croats, and Muslims. In 1992, the civil "spilled over" into the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Dayton Agreement ended the war in 1995. To begin with, we describe the events that led to the breakup of the former SFRY. The introduction of the multi-party system and democratic elections in 1990 did not ease the growing tensions. The three constituent nations of Bosnia and Herzegovina could not agree on the constitutional framework of the country they were creating. The Muslims insisted on unitary Bosnia; the Croats supported the union of the three entities, while the Serbs wanted to preserve the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a part of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. The plan was to potentially make the country a federation or a confederation. The War was inevitable. In the second part of the paper, we focus on the creation of the Republic Srpska and the Army of the Republic Srpska, with the emphasis on the war events that took place in the Drina area. The Drina River, as a natural border between Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, represents the "lifeblood" of the survival, existence and well-being of the Serbian people in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Hence, the conflicting side tried to occupy that area to sever the ties of the Republic Srpska with the mother country, Serbia. Finally, based on the relevant data and research findings, we give our opinion on the outcome of the war, as well as the consequences for the current and generations to come.

Štampani magazin XZ urednika Petra Lukovića - popularna kultura kao sredstvo političke borbe

In the 20th century, specialized printed newspaper editions dedicated to popular culture and rock and roll typically covered events through announcements, news and critical reviews. Alongside their Anglo-Saxon counterparts, these magazines were also highly popular in the SFRY (Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia). The tradition of rock magazines in the Serbian language (Ritam, Džuboks, Rock...) paved the way for the launch of the XZ magazine, edited by Petar Luković. Published monthly in Belgrade from 1996 to 1999, XZ effectively built upon previous experiences related to popular culture, consistently adopting a critical approach in two main directions: the evaluation of artistic products and the criticism of socio-political realities. The core tool of the authors' political struggle against an authoritarian regime in a war environment and an economically troubled state was their incisive social commentaries, often presented in the form of music album reviews. Utilizing media content analysis, this paper aims to confirm the value of the XZ magazine as a successful product of rock journalism, actively engaging in addressing major societal issues in the former SFRY.

Između junačkog kulturnog modela i moguće obaveštajne doktrine

The breakup of the ideologically repressive and antinational security apparatus of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia created a system directed towards the revival of Serbian statehood in Serbia and Serbian countries in the 1990s. Based on the new monograph book by Karan and Kajtez, this article analyzes the activities of Jovan Milanović, Serbian intelligence officer in Brussels, the NATO headquarters, which protected the Republic Srpska and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the war. By studying personal characteristics, it is concluded that the essence of Serbian strategic culture is primarily related to Serbian cultural codes and ethos, and not only to the implied security, military and geopolitical aspects.

Meksiko i Republika Srbija - 77 godina neprekidnih i produktivnih diplomatskih odnosa - novi izazovi i prilike

In the archives of the Library of the University in Belgrade it is possible to find evidence that as early as 1844. the events in Mexico were written about in the old Serbian language, and that there was an interest in this country. Strong friendship and understanding between the two nations were formalized by the Protocol on the Establishment of Diplomatic relations on 24 May 1946, when the President of Mexico, Manuel Avila Camacho and the President of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, Marshal Josip Broz Tito, made this cooperation official. The closeness of these two peoples was most evident through their engagement in the Non-Alignment Movement and the promotion of the ideas of freedom and independence of each state, including their economic development. Such closeness, accompanied by mutual collaboration and assistance, has lasted for 77 years, to the satisfaction of both sides, with the perspectives of further strengthening and intensification.

Republic of Slovenia – 30 years of independence

Slovenia’s path to creating its own state was long and hard. The idea of independence in one form or another has been present in Slovenian national consciousness since 1848. After the First World War Slovenes became part of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, but even in the new state formation, which saved them from Austrian and Italian capture, they did not feel sufficiently independent, feeling dictate of Belgrade. After the Second World War Slovenian lands became part of the Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia (and later Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia) as a republic. But even here they continued to defend their national interests and eventually became an independent state. For 30 years of independence, Slovenia was able to build a full-fledged state. Become an equal member of the European Union. Build a modern economy that allows to promote Slovenian goods on the world market. In terms of international politics, Slovenia strives to become a central actor in the region of the so-called Western Balkans.

Evolucija ekološke politike na primeru Republike Srbije

With the goal of drawing out lessons from the past development of environmental policy in the Republic of Serbia, this paper will use a historically, functional, and theoretical analysis method to identify shortcomings, as well as the starting advances in the evolution of this branch of political science in our country. The analysis covers the period from the 80s of the 20th century and the first steps in the development of environmental policy in Serbia as the former Republic of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, through institutional development within the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and later Serbia and Montenegro, all the way to modern developments in the Republic of Serbia. By looking at the historical retrospective, this paper provides an answer to the question of whether the Republic of Serbia is on the right path when it comes to the development of environmental policy. Bearing in mind that Serbia has been a candidate for membership in the European Union since 2014, special attention during the analysis is devoted to the period from then until the present in order to notice the influence of the European Union on the development of environmental policy in Serbia. Such influence is definitely noticeable, given that domestic legislation is largely harmonized with the legislation of the European Union. However, what is missing is the implementation of existing laws and inspection and judicial supervision over the application of those laws. Apart from the shortcomings in the implementation of those laws, it was also noticed that there is a problem with involving the public in the creation and implementation of the environmental policy. Given the fact that the Constitution itself foresees that, in addition to the state, citizens are also responsible for a healthy environment, they must be included in the processes related to environmental protection. Insufficient transparency in connection with projects that have an impact on the environment leads to dissatisfaction among citizens and non-governmental organizations, and this dissatisfaction later often turns into protests. Instead, a dialogue must be the only way of mutual cooperation between state authorities and non-governmental organizations and citizens. When environmental protection laws are fully implemented, and citizens are involved in the creation and implementation of environmental policy, then we can talk about the right path for the evolution of the environmental policy in Serbia. Until then, the impression remains that the harmonization of domestic legislation with the legislation of the European Union is only an attempt to flatter the Union and that in practice it has no other outcome.

Tako je o zdravstvu govorio Duško Radović

Dušan - Duško Radović (November 29, 1922, Niš, Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes - August 16, 1984, Belgrade, Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia) was a poet, writer, journalist, aphorist, and radio and television editor. We remember him by his nickname Duško, as long as the people of Belgrade remember him by the radio show "Good morning, Belgrade" that he used to wake them up every morning. For him, writing was a game and a fight against boredom. He wrote for children and adults, in his own, unusual, witty, and entertaining way. Day after day, Duško Radović uttered and recorded aphorisms about the health system of our country at that time, about health, diseases, patients, doctors, pharmacists, nurses, students and professors of the health sphere, which carried artistic originality, and did not leave the reader indifferent, but they encouraged him to think, which was peculiar only to him. In the paper, we presented more than forty-five aphorisms of Duško Radović about health, diseases, patients, doctors, pharmacists, dentists and nurses. Conclusion: We showed our and the world's public the life, and work of Duško Radović, therefore, we were the first to include him in the history of Serbian and world medicine, which, let's face it, is a significant reason for this work to appear before its readers, who are always eager for real and unique literature. With our work, we join the commemoration of the hundredth anniversary of the birth of Duško Radović.

The Intricacies of Diplomatic Protocol. Preparations for János Kádár’s Visits to Yugoslavia in 1973 and 1977

By the time János Kádár — the Secretary General of the Central Committee of the Hungarian Socialist Workers’ Party — visited the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 1973 and 1977, dozens of top-level trips had already been organised to that country. Tito himself had also visited many countries abroad. Inasmuch as the algorithms of the activity of the Yugoslav protocol service staff of that period were basically settled, the organization of the Hungarian leader’s journeys can be considered as a typical task. This study is focused on some nuances of the duties of the Yugoslav protocol service staff, such as determining the form of the visit, the status of negotiators, places of reception and accommodation of the guests, organization of solemn greeting and farewell procedures, seating arrangements, compiling festive menus for gala lunches and dinners, drafting concert programmes, or selecting memorable gifts and souvenirs. The author applies the gift theory by Marcel Mauss to examine the symbolic value of gifts in diplomacy. Eventually, the efforts of the protocol services created a formal and ceremonial background against which the charm of the charismatic Yugoslav president stood out in stark contrast, and this, in turn, created a favourable ground for non-protocol diplomacy, concluding personal, unofficial agreements.

THE PHENOMENON OF THE FOURTH PLACE IN SPORT THROUGH THE SOCIAL AND MEDIA PRISM: THE OLYMPIC AND PARALYMPIC GAMES

THE PHENOMENON OF THE FOURTH PLACE IN SPORT THROUGH THE SOCIAL AND MEDIA PRISM: THE OLYMPIC AND PARALYMPIC GAMES

National Messianism in the Service of Self-destruction: Miroslav Krleža’s Views on Nationalism

The paper focuses on the divergent national perspectives – Croatian and Serbian – regarding the reasons behind Yugoslavia's unification (the Kingdom of SHS), moreover on the causes of its disappearance from the historical scene, both as the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes and as the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. From the perspective of Serbian „nationally conscious“ historians, it was the Croatian separatism that should be blamed for the downfall of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia during the Italian and German occupation in 1941 as well as the inner disintegration of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 1991. From the Croatian perspective, the reason behind the downfall of Yugoslavia is in Serbian unitarism, which, through Yugoslavia, aimed to dominate over the other nations. While condemning the nationalistic politics of other nations for the breakup of Yugoslavia, both of these nationalistic perspectives consider Yugoslavia an artificial creation. Miroslav Krleža, a Croatian and Yugoslav writer, criticized the politics of Croatian national separatism and Serbian unitarism in the texts he wrote during the time of the Kingdom of SHS (Yugoslavia). These writings also represent his efforts to open a possibility for a new political community based on socialistic principles. Although his polemic thought was based on the recognition of national particularities, Krleža was looking for ways to overcome the national antagonisms within socialist Yugoslavia. Although Yugoslavia disappeared, his thought on nationalistic antagonisms is relevant in the current political framework, the one in which national exclusion is dominating.

Socialism as Ideology, Socialism as Legacy / Attitudes of the (Socialist) Republic of Slovenia Towards Its Socialist Past (1980-2004)

Focusing on key political actors and state institutions, this article aims to map the changing and often ambivalent political attitudes of the Socialist Republic of Slovenia (Socialistična republika Slovenija) within the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the later the Republic of Slovenia (Republika Slovenija) towards its socialist legacy. By institutionalizing remembrance and promoting specific historical narratives, the state not only articulated its views on the past, but also expressed its understanding of the present moment and its hopes for the future. The main channels of communication between the state and the public, which are investigated in this contribution, are state holidays and state celebrations. Here, the highest state institutions appeared as main organizers and scriptwriters. Through these events, leading politicians valued, assessed, and (re)interpreted significant historical events in the name of the state. The temporal framework of the article covers two crucial periods. First, the late socialist period between 1980 (the death of Josip Broz Tito) and 1989 (the beginning of the end of Yugoslavia). Second, the period of Slovene transition between 1989 and early 2008, when the Study Centre for National Reconciliation (Študijski center za narodno spravo) began its operation and Slovenia joined the institutional international trend of anticommunism. During late socialism, constant economic, political, and social crises forced the state to re-evaluate and reconsider its socialist legacy and its form. After the end of state socialism between 1989 and 1991 in Slovenia, (anti-)socialist attitudes became one of the most important political markers by which the new state defined itself. For both periods, socialism was thus one of the central themes of memory politics, albeit in different ways.