Social Unionism Research Articles

Speaking for ‘our precious Union’: unionist claims in the time of Brexit, 2016–20

ABSTRACT Brexit and its implications pose the latest challenge to the Union as a political project and to unionism as the doctrine of state legitimacy. How did key unionist actors articulate the legitimizing foundations of the Union in the critical period 2016–20? And to what extent did they set out a renewed case for its continuation? Drawing on an extensive database including parliamentary debates, party documents and conference notes, we find that, despite the profound nature of the challenges posed by Brexit, dominant legitimizing claims continued to be instrumentalist defences of the Union rooted in economics and welfare. These were underpinned by ideas of social union around shared solidarity and belonging and supplemented by an invocation of common British values. Overall, while we identify a plurality of competing and often conflicting unionist themes, we conclude that key unionist actors struggled to adapt the legitimizing foundations of their political project to the realities of a post-Brexit UK.

Rebuilding the past: East German preservationists as ‘time activists’

ABSTRACT This article examines how political time in the German Democratic Republic (GDR) was shaped and contested by architectural preservation during that state’s formative years. In particular, it investigates the role of historic preservationists in the GDR as ‘time activists’ who both contributed to and challenged the construction of an ideologically informed ‘order of time’. It argues that preservationists in the GDR helped mould, solidify and reinforce ideas of history and time in the physical environments of East German cities, sometimes to the great frustration of the ruling Socialist Unity Party, but at other times in accordance with the party’s general objectives.

Architecture and friendship among nations: the shifting politics of cultural diplomacy in Tbilisi, Georgia

ABSTRACT In 1938, the Soviet Georgian administration inaugurated the iconic Institute of Marx, Engels, and Lenin (IMEL) in Tbilisi under pretences of socialist unity and friendship among Soviet nations. Three quarters of a century later, the same building – now privatised, heavily renovated, and re-branded – was re-inaugurated as the seven-star Biltmore Hotel. The hotel’s grand opening included an enormous video projection on the western façade, telling the story of a new friendship among nations, this time between independent Georgia and the United Arab Emirates as the hotel’s financiers. This article tracks the shifting politics of cultural diplomacy associated with this adaptive reuse project. It contributes to a growing body of scholarship on cultural diplomacy by delving deeper into the social, political, and economic implications surrounding the particular use of friendship rhetoric in such practices. In doing so, it charts the manipulation of architecture to communicate international cooperation and the power of its patrons. Drawing from archival sources, field observations, media analysis, and focus groups, the work argues that, rather than an outmoded means of public service announcement, symbolic architecture continues to be a crucial arena for state politics, one entangled with new modes of spectacle in the city.

The Idea of the Yugoslav–Bulgarian Federation at the End of the Second World War

The article analyses the issue of Yugoslav–Bulgarian unification within the broader idea of a Balkan (con)federation from the aspects of internal and external stakeholders. The author describes the key interwar factors and events impacting the formation of states in postwar South-east Europe and, building on this, identifies the primary motives for/against the idea of a Balkan (con)federation with respect to the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, the Bulgarian Communist Party (BCP), the United Kingdom, and the Soviet Union. In the second part, the role of this idea during the period of Yugoslav and Bulgarian rapprochement immediately after the war is analysed and the major events determining the dramatic turnaround in the Bulgarian–Yugoslav relationship in 1948, when the idea was abandoned, are presented. It is argued that the Yugoslav side tried to take advantage of the (con)federal idea to manoeuvre between the Soviet Union and the United Kingdom, which on the other hand were never very keen on a Yugoslav–Bulgarian state. The BCP showed somewhat greater interest, primarily due to the Macedonian issue. Bulgaria had to follow Moscow’s policy almost entirely, hoping this would lead to Soviet support in obtaining anti-fascist ally status and resolving internal problems with the Bulgarian opposition. From this perspective, promoting the (con)federative alliance with Yugoslavia was the Bulgarian communists’ strategy for accomplishing the nationalistic aim of not completely losing Macedonia. Provided Bulgaria would be an equal part of the dual federation, the BCP had no problem even ceding Pirin Macedonia to the unified socialist Republic of Macedonia.

Covid-19 and social care: Union strategies to reshape a dysfunctional sector

In volume 120 of Theory and Struggle (pp. 124-33), I described Unison North West’s Care Workers for Change campaign and how our multidimensional approach to organising in the care sector was informed by the work of John Kelly (Rethinking Industrial Relations: Mobilization, Collectivism and Long Waves, 1998) and Jane McAlevey (No Short Cuts: Organizing for Power in the New Gilded Age, 2016). The Covid-19 pandemic has subsequently brought unprecedented catastrophe and human suffering to vulnerable people and workers in our dysfunctional social care system. This contribution first describes the impact of Covid-19 on social care and union responses to it. The focus then turns to competing ideas about how the social care system might be reshaped and the role of unions in pursuing meaningful structural and institutional change that could win lasting improvements for care workers.

Screening dissent: the uprising of 17 June 1953 in East German film

On 17 June 1953, hundreds of thousands of East German citizens took part in the first major uprising in the Eastern Bloc. Across the country, demonstrators demanded the removal of the ruling Socialist Unity Party (SED) regime, as well as better living and working conditions. Their protests ended under the tracks of Soviet tanks. No sooner had the dust settled, than the SED began to attempt to shape citizens perceptions of the unrest and limit the information about it accessible to them. Thus, the 1953 uprising entered the East German history books as a brief account of a ‘failed fascist putsch’, inspired by ‘hooligans, former Nazis and CIA agents’. Given the politically sensitive nature of the subject, one might expect filmmakers to have been forbidden from addressing what was the biggest show of dissent in East German history before 1989. Dramatised scenes of the unrest did appear, however, in two films and one television mini-series in East Germany. This article examines the scenes of the uprising in these productions closely. It shows that, while filmmakers were permitted to depict the uprising, they could only do so in very vague terms. Moreover, evidence suggests that motion picture depictions of the unrest were censored much more harshly than those that appeared in literary productions. Despite its desire to take control of the narrative of 17 June 1953, screening such dissent was apparently almost unpalatable for the SED regime.

Obračun sa titoistima u sovjetskoj okupacionoj zoni Nemačke: Slučaj Leonard

The aim of this article is to analyze the position of the Yugoslav representatives in Berlin and Yugoslav propaganda in Germany prior to and following the Yugoslav-Soviet split, as well as the mechanisms which the leadership of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany used in dealing with the opposition within the party ranks. It follows the activities of a German communist, Wolfgang Leonhard, in the Soviet Occupation Zone of Germany, his escape to Yugoslavia in 1949, and his arrival to West Germany in 1950. The article is based on the unpublished documents from German and Serbian archives, Wolfgang Leonhard’s memoirs, and relevant literature.

Efe Can Gürcan and Berk Mete, Neoliberalism and the Changing Face of Unionism: The Combined and Uneven Development Class Capacities in Turkey

Reviewed by: Neoliberalism and the Changing Face of Unionism: The Combined and Uneven Development Class Capacities in Turkey by Efe Can Gürcan and Berk Mete H. Deniz Sert Efe Can Gürcan and Berk Mete. Neoliberalism and the Changing Face of Unionism: The Combined and Uneven Development Class Capacities in Turkey. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017. 164 pp. + xiii. Cloth, $109.99. ISBN: ISBN 978-3319482835. This book aims to explain the actual conditions of Turkey's workforce and their institutional organizations within the context of certain neoliberal political and economic developments. Chapter 1 lays out the main scope of the book that focuses on the peculiarities of Turkey's labor movement's economic and political integration into the neoliberal capitalist accumulation since the 1980s (pp. 2–3). The authors provide a detailed overview of the chapters beginning with the theoretical specifications, periodization of the integration process of Turkey into the world capitalism from a structurally weak position. Next they mention the methodological choices and the empirical ground of this study. They provide a detailed list of semi-structured interviews conducted with the representatives of traditionally combative trade and the social unions in Turkey (pp. 8–9). The authors give a sketch of the collective struggles during neoliberal times both in the Global North and South to show that class as a social category still appeals to scholarly attention. In the last section, they substantiate the prevalence of class-centric focus in Turkey's neoliberalization experience, the prominent working-class firm-level struggles, and popular insurgencies are overviewed. Chapter 2 contains the theoretical backbone of the book. The authors refer to Leon Trotsky's concepts of combined and uneven development for providing an analysis of Turkey's peculiar process of class formation and articulation to the world capitalist accumulation. The concept of combined development aims to explain the synchronized and strongly bounded integration of particular [End Page 278] countries into global capitalism. The unevenness segment of the framework deals with the assumption that the countries' economic path is set against each other and allows privileges for some and impediments for others. The defining feature is to emphasize a peculiar capitalist development wherein backward elements and modern factors coexist. For analyzing the working class within the country's economic performance, the authors use Erik Olin Wright's concepts of working-class and organizational capacities. Within the combined and uneven development processes, the authors argue that small-scale firm-level concentration of the workforce, geographical discrepancies, welfare policies, privatization, subcontracting, ethnic and religious fragmentations within the working class serve as an impediment both for the structural and organizational class capacities. The last section of the chapter is devoted to the detailed review of the period starting from Turkey's nation-state formation until the implementation of the import-substitution economic agenda. The authors argue that the impact of the World Wars and alignment with the United States in international politics influence domestic political-economic outcomes that created an impediment to the working class's organizational and structural capacities. Chapter 3 discusses the end of the import-substitution policies that had to be terminated due to the foreign currency shortage and limitations on Turkey's domestic markets. The transition to trade liberalization and the export-oriented economy triggered initial neoliberal restructuring to become possible with military intervention. There has been an exponential growth of export-oriented industries, and the share of exports in the GDP led to a rise in low-skilled, subcontracted, and non-unionized labor in these sectors. The economic crises in 1994 and 2001 were a watershed for the Turkish economy, and their aftermath resulted in harsh wage reductions and further de-unionization for the workforce. The second part of the third chapter deals with the political and economic impacts of the post-2001 period. The three legal ramifications in the labor law deepened flexibilization, subcontracting and curtailment of the right to organize for the working class. Post-2001 is a period when traditional labor unions took a pro-government stance and saw the burgeoning of new government-affiliated trade unions both in the private and public sectors. The privatization of public enterprises also gained pace and resulted in massive...

Sex and gender norms in marriage: Comparing expert advice in socialist Czechoslovakia and Hungary between the 1950s and 1980s.

First, we argue that sexuality was central to socialist modernization: Sex and gender were reformulated whenever the socialist project was being revised. Expertise was crucial in these reformulations, which harnessed people's support for the changing regimes. Moreover, the role of the expert in society grew over time, leading to ever expanding and diversified fields of expertise. Second, gender and sexuality stood disjointed in these changes. Whereas in the early 1950s sex was a taboo subject in Hungary, in the last three decades of socialism it was gradually acknowledged and emancipated, along with a discursive push to alter gender roles within marriage. Conversely, Czechoslovak experts paid close attention to sexuality and particularly to female pleasure from the outset of the regime, highlighting the benefits of gender equality for conjugal satisfaction; yet, they changed course with Normalization (1969-1989) when they embraced gender hierarchy as the structure for a good marriage and a fulfilling sex life. It follows that gender and sexuality can develop independently: Change in one is not necessarily bound to similar progress in the other. Thus, third, whereas there was a shared initial push for gender equality, there was no unified socialist drive for the liberalization of sexuality. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2021 APA, all rights reserved).

Психологическая теория государства Л.И. Петражицкого

According to L.I. Petrazhitsky, the doctrine of the state should be based on the method of introspection (self-observation), as only it allows us to study the emotional and intellectual processes of the human psyche that determine individual and mass behavior of people, including their association in unrelated independent social unions, that include the state. The author considers that the main feature of the state is the presence of power, which interpreted as an emotional projection of legal emotional and intellectual experiences of individuals. According to L.I. Petrazhitsky, the means of legitimation of state power is the unity of emotional experiences of subordinate subjects that form the peoples’ legal psyche. Under the state, L.I. Petrazhitsky means the power-political organization of an unrelated social group, which is an emotional projection of solidary imperative-attributive (legal) experiences of subordinate subjects in order to serve the Law. The significance of this concept lies in the formulation of the problem of the legitimacy of state power, the interpretation of everyday consciousness as a source of external authorities that often prevent the realization and the demonstration of the rights and legitimate interests of citizens, the idea of the official nature of state power in relation to the Law.

When Race Was Removed from Racism: Per Engdahl, the Networks that Saved Fascism and the Making of the Concept of Ethnopluralism.

When Race Was Removed from Racism:Per Engdahl, the Networks that Saved Fascism and the Making of the Concept of Ethnopluralism Elisabeth Åsbrink However false, the idea that victory over Germany in 1945 was synonymous with victory over the ideologies behind the war—Nazism and Jew-hatred—has lingered on in media narratives and the collective consciousness. Alongside new moral codes that emerged in the years following the peace—such as the legitimation of democracy, the Nuremberg Code on medical experimentation, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and the prevalent slogan "Never Again"—ideologies of hatred developed across complex international networks. With particular attention to Sweden, in this article I will trace how personal and intellectual networks revived Nazi ideas using new words, such as culture, identity, and enthnopluralism. "Swedish Fascism—Why Bother?" asked historian Lena Berggren in 2002, noting that the influence of interwar fascism had been ignored by scholars because the political ideology had indisputably failed in Swedish elections.1 In a notable 1980 article, Bernt Hagtvet focused on various groups (not the ideas) and their fracturing,2 but despite the historian Heléne [End Page 133] Lööw's groundbreaking 1990 dissertation, "Hakkorset och Wasakärven,"3 academic disinterest prevailed for another decade. Still, while it never became a political force within the Swedish party system, nor did it draw crowds of people to the streets, Swedish fascism played a major international role as postwar mediator. One man was particularly instrumental in the survival of Nazi and antisemitic ideologies: the Swedish fascist leader Per Engdahl, originally the leader of Sveriges Fascistiska Kamporganisation, SFKO (Sweden's Fascist Combat Organization), during the 1930s. Engdahl was long gone from public consciousness when my nonfiction book And in the Vienna Woods the Trees Remain was published in 2011.4 The book offers the account of a Viennese Jewish boy, Otto Ullmann, who was sent to Sweden at age thirteen in February 1939 to escape Nazi persecution and, in 1944, applied for work at the farm estate Elmtaryd in Småland. The farm's owners were the Kamprad family and Otto soon became close friends with the son, Ingvar, who would go on to become the founder of the company Ikea. The Kamprad family was partially Nazi. Ingvar's German grandmother had immigrated from the Sudetenland and rejoiced in its annexation by Hitler in March 1939. His father was "a Nazi in his heart and soul."5 Born in 1926, Ingvar became a member of the Swedish fascist movement before the war and was a great admirer of its leader, Engdahl. In spite of this, Ullmann was hired as a farmhand and friendships were built. When Ingvar started developing Ikea after the war, his best friend Otto was right by his side, working on marketing.6 In an interview published in And in the Vienna Woods the Trees Remain, Kamprad found it hard to answer the core questions concerning the anomaly of these relationships: How could the Ikea founder remain loyal to the fascist leader and Holocaust denier Engdahl, and, at the same time, be close to his Jewish friend, Otto Ullman? Otto, whose parents were murdered at Auschwitz? Kamprad finally replied: "There's no contradiction as [End Page 134] far as I'm concerned. Per Engdahl was a great man, and I will maintain that as long as I live."7 When I investigated the matter further, I discovered a file on Ingvar Kamprad from 1943 in the Swedish Security Service archive, labeled "Memorandum concerning: Nazi" and stamped "secret" in red ink.8 It states that Kamprad, then seventeen, was Member No. 4014 of Svensk Socialistisk Samling (the Socialist Unity), the leading Swedish Nazi party before and during the war. The Swedish secret police had kept him under surveillance for over eight months, confiscating and reading correspondence in which he wrote that he had recruited "quite a few comrades" and missed no opportunity to work for the movement. The memorandum about his correspondence reached the Sixth Division of the Stockholm police on July 6, 1943. (Six days later, Kamprad sent an application to the county administrative office in Vaxjo to register Ikea.) When the information about Kamprad's membership in Socialist...

Cyber crime against children and women: A study with specific reference to covid-19 pandemic times

Aside from having consequences at the biological model's local level, the pandemic has repercussions at the national level. It has a negative impact on social union and access to public administrations and institutions that house people's socially stimulating groups of individuals. The suspension or reduction of activities in temples, childcare centers, schools, and social insurance administrations, as well as the shifting of needs in healthcare administrations to activities, focused on patients with respiratory side effects and cases associated and confirmed with COVID-19, endangers the quest for assistance, assurance, and alternatives. Each of these factors accentuates the consistency and disarray of previous conditions of viciousness. The length of time spent in touch with the attacker is a critical element at the social level. In addition, due to the reduction in the casualty's social contact with family members, the chances of the woman establishing and strengthening a socially supportive network of individuals, seeking assistance, and breaking free from the vicious cycle are reduced. Day by day, continuous interaction, especially in low-wage families living in cramped quarters with few rooms and a lot of traffic, reduces the chances for women to record demonstrations in a safe manner, discouraging them from making this option. One problem that has received little attention from analysts, directors, and other members of the COVID-19 emergency panels is the impact of social separation on relational relationships, especially between intimate partners and between guardians and children, which is discussed in this debate. Global association specialists and the established press have expressed concern over evidence of increasing aggressive behaviour at home, where the home has frequently become a source of fear and mistreatment due to previous social removing circumstances and the unexpected increase in reports of viciousness in the pandemic's specific situation.

Egressas da Licenciatura em Educação do Campo: caminhos na mudança da forma escolar

O estudo analisou a prática de egressas da Licenciatura em Educação do Campo (LeCampo) da Faculdade de Educação da Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais (FaE/UFMG), com vistas a contribuir com as discussões acerca da mudança da forma escolar. Fundamentou-se nos debates teóricos e metodológicos da Educação do Campo, da Pedagogia Socialista e Freiriana. As análises dos dados provêm de pesquisa qualitativa, que recorreu ao levantamento de documentos, entrevistas e observação participante. Os resultados revelam movimentos significativos de mudanças na forma escolar, desencadeados pelas egressas e pelas escolas em que atuam. As escolas desenvolvem projetos que permitem inserir o educando em seu meio, com vistas a criticá-lo, compreender as relações sociais, culturais e de trabalho e, assim, mirar em uma educação omnilateral. Conclui-se que o movimento de mudança tende a alcançar níveis efetivos de transformação em situações onde a egressa está engajada em movimentos sociais e sindicais do campo, que estimulam e endossam suas práticas pedagógicas e que, por sua vez, retroagem como impulso para seu engajamento maior no próprio movimento.
 Palavras-chave: forma escolar, egressos, licenciatura em educação do campo.
 
 Alumnae from the Undergraduate Rural Education: paths in changing of the School Shape
 ABSTRACT. This study analyzed the practices of alumnae from the Undergraduate Rural Education Program (LeCampo) at Minas Gerais University (local acronym FaE/UFMG). It aims at contributing to discussions on changes in school shape. The analysis was based on theoretical and methodological debates about Rural Education, Socialist and Freirean pedagogy. Data were obtained from qualitative research which comprised document analysis, interviews, and participative observation. Results show significant steps taken towards changing school shape. This movement was produced by the alumnae and the education institutions in which they work. Schools develop projects that allow inserting the student in their environment, with a view to criticizing them, understanding social, cultural and work relations and, thus, aiming at an omnilateral education. The conclusion was that these changes cause most effective transformation when the alumnae are engaged in social movements and rural unions that encourage and support the alumnae’s pedagogical practices, which, in turn, stimulates the alumnae to be more deeply engaged in these movements.
 Keywords: school shape, alumnae, undergraduate course in rural education.
 
 Egresadas de la Licenciatura en Educación del Campo: caminos para cambio de la forma escolar
 RESUMEN. El estudio analizó la práctica de egresadas de la Licenciatura en Educación del Campo (LeCampo) de la Facultad de Educación de la Universidad Federal de Minas Gerais (FaE/UFMG), con miras a contribuir a las discusiones acerca del cambio en la forma escolar. El trabajo se basó en los debates teóricos y metodológicos de la Educación del Campo, de la Pedagogía Socialista y Freiriana. Los análisis de los datos provienen de la investigación cualitativa, que ha utilizado documentos, entrevistas y observación participante. Los resultados revelan movimientos significativos de cambios en la forma escolar, desencadenados por las egresadas y las escuelas en donde trabajan. Las escuelas desarrollan proyectos que permiten a los estudiantes insertarse en su entorno, con miras a criticarlos, comprender las relaciones sociales, culturales y laborales y, así, apuntar a una educación omnilateral. Tras los análisis de los resultados, se concluye que el movimiento de cambio tiende a alcanzar niveles efectivos de transformación en situaciones donde la egresada se involucra en movimientos sociales y sindicales en el campo, los cuales estimulan y avalan sus prácticas pedagógicas y que, a su vez, se retroalimentan como impulso para su mayor compromiso en el propio movimiento.
 Palabras clave: forma escolar, egresados, licenciatura en educación del campo.

How Radical Was Children's Literature in the German Democratic Republic? Socialist Children's Literature between Radicalism and Dogmatism

Drawing on recent debates of "radical" children's literature, and discussing six novels addressed to children and young adults in the former German Democratic Republic, this article shows that there was a narrative tension between progressive, socialist values on the one hand, and dogmatic values propagated by the Socialist Unity Party on the other.

В поисках идеала общественного развития: евразий­ское понимание государства как альтернатива европейской демократии

The paper explores the Eurasian understanding of the state as a “sobor” personality, ideocracy, a “guarantee” state and a “state of truth” as a special path of social development and state structure. The origins of “sobornost” can be traced back to the views of V.S. Solovyov on “vseedinstvo”. “Sobornost” as the basis of the social development of Rus-Russia is an alternative to Western individualism, embodied in the democratic path of development. In Eurasianism, the principle of “sobornost” was applied by L.P. Karsavin to the state, which was understood as a certain “cultural-subject”, “sobor” or “sym­phonic” personality. The “sobor” state is the unity of all its constituent groups and indi­viduals, consolidated by the “ruling layer” and the “idea-ruler”. The state, as a “sobor” personality, was understood by Eurasianism in several qualities – as an ideocratic state, in which the “ruling layer” is subordinate to the highest “idea-ruler”; as a “guarantee” state, in which the “ruling layer” is organically linked to the people and “guarantees” the achievement of positive State objectives; as a “state of truth”, representing a social union aimed at realizing the ideal of a higher truth.

The Impact of Brexit on the SNP’s narrative of independence

In the run-up to the referendum on Scottish independence in 2014, the SNP Government’s narrative of independence was based on the assumption that both an independent Scotland and the rest of the United Kingdom would remain members of the European Union. In this context, Scotland’s independence was presented as the opportunity to ‘create a new partnership of equals – a social union to replace the current political union’.In the aftermath of the EU referendum, with the prospect of Scotland being taken out of the EU against her will, the Scottish Government’s narrative of independence, while still pledging to maintain close links with the other nations of the UK, has been reframed in terms of Scotland’s future relationship with Europe and puts forward Scotland’s ambition to join the ‘top tier of independent nations.’This paper will analyse the SNP’s narrative of independence prior to the independence referendum. It will then explore how the prospect of Brexit has led the Scottish Government to make of Europe its new frame of reference, before finally discussing what this shift reveals about the party’s vision of Scotland’s place in Europe and in the world in the aftermath of the Brexit vote.

조선중앙사회단체협의회 논쟁과 합법운동론

Examined in this article are claims and arguments made over the Joseon Central Council for Social Organizations issue and the controversy that ensued over its nature. The objective of such examination is to compare the contents of the argument that surfaced in colonized Joseon for a Unified Socialist Popular Political Party, with how Socialist movements actually progressed in another country, which was in this case Japan.BR From 1924 through 1927, after it was confirmed that a General Election would be held in Japan, suggestions and propositions for a course correction in Socialist movements and political struggles for that aim began to spread both in Korea and Japan. In the wake of such arguments flying around, some of the Seoul-based Korean Socialists and some independent Socialists as well attempted to form the Joseon Central Council for Social Organizations (JCCSO).BR Socialists who supported not only the formation of the council but also its permanent operations also argued that a supreme body (other than JCCSO) that could regulate all popular social bodies in Joseon should be established to represent the Proletariat Class. They envisioned it as either a council of a Unified Coalition of the Proletariat Class, or a lawful, Unified Proletariat Class Party, which could be described as a Unified Socialist Popular Political Party. The aforementioned Joseon Central Council for Social Organizations was considered as a medium that could facilitate the fruition of that unified, lawful Proletariat Class Party.BR They did not deny the necessity of the Communist Party, but they still viewed it as a party only representing certain parts –albeit important parts- of the entire Proletariat Class. Unlike them, the Joseon Communist Party as well as other activists who were strongly against the idea of establishing a permanent body (apart from the Communist Party) argued that the Communist Party was in full representation of the entire Proletariat Class, and it stands for the independence of the Labor Class and the Proletariat Hegemony.BR The supporters of the idea of JCCSO’s permanent establishment show us that there were indeed Socialists in Joseon with opinions different from those who were in favor of the ways of COMINTERN and the Communist Party, which strongly believed that only a Vanguard Party could and should lead the Revolutionary movement.

Sobornost’ and Humanism: Cultural-Philosophical Analysis of V. Ivanov Essay “Legion and Sobornost’ ”

This paper addresses the philosophical and cultural significance of the concept of «sobornost’» both in the cultural context of Silver Age and in the historical context of World War I. The analysis of Ivanov’s thought is based on a philological approach of his essay «Legion and Sobornost’» (1916), in which the author explains his understanding of such terms as organisation, cooperation, collectivism in order to clarify his own idea of collegiality and the ontological opposition of the title. The opposition between legion and collegiality duplicates the confrontation between Germany and Russia. Vyach. Ivanov first conducts a cultural analysis of such a confrontation, and criticizes Nietzscheanism in German culture at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. He proves the false understanding of the organization in modern German culture. In his opinion, the main values of freedom and personhood are the measure of lies or truth. In the last chapter of his essay, Vyach. Ivanov gives his own definition of collegiality, not referring to Russian thinkers, but quoting the two cities of St. Augustine’s thought. The author of the article shows that the culturological perspective is overcome by the Christian anthropological and mystical perspective, which proclaims humanism and Christocentrism. Therefore, accordind to Vyach. Ivanov, the word “sobornost” is a “universal word”, which mentions that the true social union has Christ as its center. In this sense, the concept of collegiality signifies the same mystical reality that the City of God of St. Augustine.

A Multicultural Approach in Learning Review of Indonesian Fine Arts

Multicultural awareness in Indonesia has been widely discussed since the Dutch colonial era. According to Furnivall, that the plural society in the Dutch East Indies consisted of two unique characteristics, which were horizontally marked by social unions based on differences in ethnicity, religion and tradition. Then vertically, the structure of the society is marked by sharp differences between the upper and lower layers. In this case, there are two key words, namely between the peaks of regional culture and foreign culture, in this case if there is a fading of the sense of unity because they think that one ethnic group feels that its culture is superior to another, there will be inequality which endangers the multicultural nature. Based on this, in order to avoid learning the history of Indonesian fine art that is not based on multiculturalism, in this case it has long been initiated with a more democratic substance as in the Archipelago Art Review course since the 1980s on the grounds that there are many artistic remains outside the islands of Java, Sumatra and Bali which has been built since the end of prehistoric times.

South goes East. Zuid-Afrikaanse literatuur bij Volk & Welt

The paper analyses the transfer of South African literature to the German Democratic Republic. In its historiographic/methodological dimension it presents findings on the statistics of (South) African literature(s) translations in the Verlag Volk und Welt (the major East German publisher in the area of contemporary world literature), and on the place of literary translations in the East German foreign cultural policy, as well as in the socialist solidarity discourse of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED) and the antiapartheid movement. Furthermore, findings are presented on the publisher-internal selection criteria applied to South African literature, based on the archival data from the Bundesarchiv in Berlin (i.e. applications for a print permit and internal/external reviews), on issues around the transformation and adaptation of literature translated in the realm of the East German Weltliteratur, and on the transfer of South African literature from the GDR, based on the English language series Seven Seas Books. Lastly, the function of this alternative canon, framed within the so-called ‘minor transnationalism’, is spelled out.