Emergence Of Social Movements Research Articles

Between hospitality and the inhospitable: Critical judgments on the professional-beneficiary relationship within assisted reproductive technology

ABSTRACT In recent decades, the health sector has witnessed the emergence of social movements of patients aimed at redefining public policies on access to and provision of medical care. These changes are reflected in the conceptual models of patient-centred care, developed to guide medical practice towards patients’ expectations and wishes. However, different patient-centred models remain eminently focused on the dimension of solicitude when attending to patients’ specific needs: interpersonal relations based on the caregiver’s attention to the patient’s singularity. Namely, patients can express other moral references concerning their experiences in clinical contexts. That is the case with hospitality. Based on a Portuguese research project focused on the clinical experience of ART beneficiaries, this article aims to analyse hospitality as a moral orientation with specific proprieties associated with attending to patients’ singularity, thus aiming to contribute to the ongoing discussion and revision of the conceptual models of patient-centred care.

Social Movement in Framing Perspective: Omnibus Law Protest in Indonesia

This study aims to provide a framing perspective on the study of development communication. This study explains the causes of the emergence of social movements in Indonesia in rejecting the Omnibus Law. The protests against the Omnibus Law that occurred in various cities in Indonesia as a form of resistance to government policies were examined from the perspective of framing theory. The method used is text analysis with Robert N Entman’s framing framework. The unit of analysis is the Omnibus Law protest news published in Tempo Magazine in October 2020. The results of this study indicate that social movements to reject the Omnibus Law were carried out by various elements of society, ranging from workers, students, and other elements of society. Even though the Omnibus Law was finally signed by President Joko Widodo on October 5, 2020, the protest effort remained an important note that this law has many loopholes that are considered to be detrimental to elements of society, potentially damaging the environment, and weakening government authority area.

Gender epistemology: knoing the female to understand women’s work

This work seeks to understand the evolution and concepts of feminism to understand issues related to women's work from discussions based on the study of epistemology. With a view to studying the situation of women working on construction sites, gender epistemology and feminism were identified as a starting point. The study of texts by notable authors in the area forwards the concepts that are intertwined to establish the origin of women's struggles and the emergence of social movements that claim rights for women, not equality with men, but access to their rights, establishing a woman's own place.

Aktivisme Warga dan Negara dalam Kerusakan Lingkungan di Lebak Banten

Environmental damage caused by the negative impact of industrial activities in the Bayah District area which causes public complaints about health. This triggers the emergence of community activism gathered in JMPB with its role which always strives for environmental sustainability and demands industry accountability by reporting directly on forms of pollution to the government so that the government pays more attention to the impact of industry on the environment. The purpose of this study is to find out how the emergence of social movements in Bayah, JMPB’s efforts in reducing environmental damage, and the role of the government in supervising and evaluating industry in Bayah. This research uses a qualitative method with a case study approach. The results showed that the emergence of social movements in Bayah was caused by the presence of PT Cemindo Gemilang which produces cement and has an impact on the environment and public health. The role of JMPB as an indirect actor is conducting protests, environmental socialization, parallel training, reforestation, and reposting forms of pollution to the authorities. Meanwhile, the role of DLH Lebak Regency as a direct actor who has an important role in environmental supervision and can provide sanctions to the industry in accordance with indications of environmental damage that occurs.

„I Am Not Going”: Determinants of Social Activity before Poland’s Ghost Election

The article analyses political opposition toward the date of presidential elections and conducting them in the correspondence form on May 10, 2020, in Poland. The study is embedded in the theories of quasi-militant democracy and the emergence of social movements. The method used in the study is the qualitative analysis of media messages of the main news websites in Poland. Mainly in terms of the activity and arguments of citizens against the elections in the form of correspondence. The presidential elections revealed the imperious relationship between the government and citizens in Poland’s becoming quasimilitant democracy. The emphasis was on the elements regarding the organisation of elections on May 10 that could impact a social movement’s emergence. The most significant role in stopping the May 10 elections was played by institutional opposition in the form of local self-governments’ civil disobedience and the Senate’s action, which efficiently blocked the party’s initiative. The article accounts for how election matters determined the social mobilisation and activity of the new social movement. This paper’s main finding is that institutional opposition may prevail over the social one in the pandemic.

Hypocrisies Of Democracy: Existence Of Community Organization And State Control

The study of democratic hypocrisy is mainly related to state control of people’s freedom to associate and assemble, and Strategies to overcome them in Indonesia have not been comprehensive in analyzing qualitatively and identifying the emergence of social movements and what makes community organizations strong. This article aims to describe and analyze the causes of a country with a democratic system that guarantees freedom of association and assembly, plus the statement of the President Joko Widodo regime, which urges the public to be active in criticizing the government instead to act repressively and the causes of social movements through community organizations to become strong. This research was conducted by observing community organizations (Ormas) and studying literature. The results showed that repressive actions until the dissolution of mass organizations were carried out because the more significant the threat of a social movement, social movement organization, or protest activity against the government and government elites, the more possible repressive actions will be carried out. Meanwhile, what makes mass organizations exist is analyzed based on the theory of the political process, in which the mass organizations make movements because they see political opportunities and then add the strength of popular organizations. Even though political and organizational opportunities alone do not quickly produce social movements, someone with his leadership is needed to fill the political opportunity and the organization’s strength, such as the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI), which owns Habib Rizieq Shihab. The low level of public satisfaction with the regime also causes mass organizations’ social movements to exist increasingly, overlapping often inconsistent policies, especially during the Covid-19 pandemic, making community satisfaction decrease.
 
 Keywords: Community Organization, Hipocrisy Democracy, and State Control

The Effect of Insider versus Outsider Activism on Corporate Targets’ Market Performance

Although outsider activists are the main participants of social protests, the large scale protests initiated by insider activists in recent years have attracted the public eyes and induced us to wonder whether insider activists, with higher risk and more significant cost to initiate and participate in social protests, are able to achieve more social movement outcomes than outsider activists. While factors influencing social movement outcomes have received ample attention from the perspectives of structure and agency, we still lack a good understanding of the impact of activist identity on social movement outcomes. This research builds a theoretical model to explain the links between activist identity and social movement economic outcomes by employing and extending the political process mode, a particular theory to explain social movement emergence and outcomes. Hypotheses developed from the model predict that protests initiated by insiders are more destructive to corporate targets’ market performance than outsider protests and that the destructiveness advantage of insider protests would be alleviated if corporate targets enjoy higher status but strengthened if targeted firms focus on service business. Results from a sample of social protests targeting U.S. public corporations reported by the New York Times between 2001 and 2021 provide support for the predictions. This research contributes to social movement outcomes by exploring the diverse impact of different types of activists and examining and extending the mobilizing structures of the political process model. This research also extends literature about insider activism by studying the economic outcomes of insider external activism.

PTSD Coverage in the New York Times: Implications for the State of Mental Health in the U.S

Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) has been portrayed in media in a skewed way such that the coverage overrepresents combat-precipitated trauma and neglects to communicate treatment options, which has direct implications for people with PTSD. Given the traumatic nature of contemporary events such as the COVID-19 pandemic and the emergence of social movements concerning traumatic violence such as #MeToo and Black Lives Matter, this study examines if media coverage of PTSD has evolved to account for these changes. We specifically examined sourcing and framing in PTSD news coverage published by The New York Times from 1999 to 2020 using quantitative content analysis. The findings indicate that the coverage overrepresents combat trauma and neglects to communicate treatment options; favors men over women in sourcing of the news stories; and uses more thematic, compared to episodic framing. The theoretical and practical implications of the findings are discussed.

Toward a post‐neoliberal social citizenship?

Toward a post‐neoliberal social citizenship?

Nuclear Power Policy in the UK since 2010: Multiple-Elitism or Neo-Pluralism?

This study presents an analysis of nuclear power policy in the UK since 2010, associated with the Coalition government and successive Conservative government policies to address climate change and to deliver affordable and clean energy. From the analysis of semi-structured interviews with elite participants and the policy documents, this study explores in detail nuclear power policy in the UK since 2010. It applies two theories of policy process to explore the policy continuity and change in this area: multiple-elitism and neo-pluralism. In this case study continuity is a feature in nuclear power policy domain. The case study reveals battles between environmental NGOs, business groups and the government to change policy directions. Countervailing power associated with neo-pluralist theory emerged significantly to oppose special interests emphasised by multiple-elite theory. This countervailing power appeared in different forms: the emergence of social movements in nuclear power policy area, and the communication between different actors on the issue of nuclear power in an issue network. Nuclear power emerged as a privileged technology in the energy mix. It enjoyed government and business support, and key elite positions were found to advocate for this technology despite some opposition. Overall, a combination of multiple-elitist and neo-pluralist features were found in the policies pertaining nuclear power policy in the UK since 2010.

RACIAL CHANGE AND BLACK MOVEMENT EMERGENCE: A CASE FROM THE BLACK LIVES MOVEMENT

This article contributes to sociological understandings of race and social movements by reassessing the phenomenon of social movement emergence for Black social movements. Broadly, it addresses the possibility of organizational support for Black social movements. More narrowly, it seeks to understand the emergence of Black movements and racial change as outcomes of organizational transformation, specifically using the case of how the mixed-race prison reform organization Action for Police Reform (APR) joined the Black Lives movement. By providing a case of racial transformation and the spanning of tactical boundaries, I present two central arguments. First, it is necessary to look within organizational forms and at organizational dynamics to see how activists modify their organizations to support Black movements. Second, tailored more directly to the case of APR, sustained support for Black movements depends on organizational transformation, such as when activists repurpose an organization’s form and resources to maintain racially delimited tactics.

SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE IN NIGERIA SDEMOCRACY (1999-2019)

The emergence of social movement can be traced early nineteenth century. Besides, the twentieth century also mark a watershed in the development of social movement at the global scale was the fascist and right-wings groups which were regarded as social movements rather than political parties because of their approach and strategies. This study seeks to examine the challenges of social movement in Nigerias democracy and to examine the implications of civil disobedience on Nigerias democracy. Moreover, this study is situated within the new social movement theory. Besides, data for this study were collected from various secondary sources such as textbooks, journals and internet sources and content analysis was used to analysed the data collected. The challenges of social movements revealed in this study include stiffer regulations guiding social mobilization inability to develop a unifying vision, building trust among various communities, prompting extensive involvement, managing comprehensible home-grown and countrywide strategies, training participants dedicated to peaceful action, and resisting suppression. However, the implications of civil disobedience on Nigerias democracy under present democratic dispensation have been treated with mixed-feeling, as it has resulted in the loss of lives and property.Lastly, this study suggested among other things that good and inclusive governance remain key in achieving sustainable peace and political stability in Nigeria.

The politics of alliances. The making and breaking of social movement coalitions. Introduction to the special issue

ABSTRACT This special issue will focus on processes and mechanisms of the making and unmaking of alliances among different grassroots, civil society, and social movement organizations. The formation of alliances is a key principle and basic mechanism of mobilization and the emergence of social movements. When focusing on why and how alliances emerge, social movement scholars tend to neglect that the making and breaking of coalitions is embedded in and interacting with broader social dynamics of societal fragmentation and convergence. We understand the politics of alliances as a process in which decisions about friends and foes are made and where increased attachment toward one’s group helps to consolidate the constituency and create a feeling of belonging, but by doing so also accentuates antagonism and conflict structures in society, crystallizing interests into opposing fractions. Such dynamics often happen at the same time. Social movements may foster ideological alignment and belonging with some actors while creating more ideological distance towards others – thereby shaping the overall structure of societal relations. The contributions in the special issue build upon existing research on alliances and expands it – focusing on different friends and foes dynamics – in three important aspects: First, they look at how alliance formation interacts with the (re-)making of social boundaries and identities. Second, they address the consequences alliance formation can have across levels and contexts. Third, they explicitly look into cases where alliances fail or dissolve, and thus address the consequences of (un)making alliances.

After the dust settles: Community resilience legacies of unconventional gas development

This paper explores the socio-economic legacy created by an extractive industry as it developed, or sought to develop, in nine different communities or regions across Australia, Canada, the United States, and Wales – drawing on mixed-method research collected between 2011 and 2018. By the early 2010s, a number of unconventional fossil fuel companies were securing land access agreements for seismic and drilling exploration in the Western Downs region of South-East Queensland, the Northern Rivers region of North-Eastern New South Wales, the states of New York and Pennsylvania, the Province of New Brunswick, and southern Wales. Stark cultural, social and environmental contrasts between communities within each nation shaped community responses to potential industry development – levels of social license for developments, community responses and subsequent unconventional fossil fuel development varied widely. This article explores the impact of the industry on community resilience. A resilient community is likely to have high social capital, including strong social networks, feelings of safety and trust, sense of belonging, diversity, citizen power and participation. These social responses to the industry, combined with the existing local contexts and the differing regulatory frameworks of each community/region, can be argued to have led to divergent effects on overall community social and economic resilience across our case studies. Power, industrial impacts, relationships, resources, social action, timing of the debates, equity concerns, and strategic decision making (or lack thereof) shaped the degree of resilience with which each community/region responded. In four of our cases, resilience declined (e.g., due to increased economic homogenisation, decreasing social connectivity and citizen power); in five cases resilience increased (e.g., the legacy created by the emergence of social movements substantially increased social connectivity, sense of belonging and citizen power).

Counter-urbanization and “return” to rurality? Implications of COVID-19 pandemic in Bulgaria

The studies of the movements between the city and the village generally (especially in Southeastern Europe) refer to analyses of the processes of urbanization, and rarely focus on the so-called counter-urbanization. However, over the past decade, the increasing environmental sensitivity of a part of the urban population in active age, as well as the emergence of social movements that promote a slow and environmentally friendly lifestyle have intensified the anti-urban trends. The COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 and the measures introduced to limit its spread have created a new social reality in which people continue their lives in ways that for many differ from the previous routine, influencing also the mobility patterns. Hence, the article aims at analyzing the urban-rural migration in Bulgaria within the context of the current coronavirus crises. Our thesis is that the pandemic enhances internal mobility in the medium term, since the physical distancing motivates people to spend more time outdoors and away from the urban environment. At the same time, some of them are able to seek spatial freedom in rural areas due to the opportunity to work and study from distance. In this respect, the ethnographic case studies presented in the text show the peculiar impact the constantly alternating imposition and lifting of certain restrictions has on the mobility decision-making and lifestyle of individuals and entire families.

How Influential Are International NGO s in the Public Arena?

Summary International non-governmental organisations have, for some time, been operating as diplomacy actors in the national and international public spheres. There has been an increase in their influence in the local areas of intervention of their programmes and in broader spaces where polices about the environment, inequality and other issues are decided. However, their influence has been threatened by the emergence of social movements and a flexible style of individualised activism that promotes their demands, as well as by questions around their independence and legitimacy that some of their actions generate cyclically. COVID-19 has brought into the public sphere some old challenges that international non-governmental organisations (INGO s) have been working on for years: health vulnerability, economic precarity and social emergency. This essay analyses this context, in which new challenges are appearing for INGO s concerning how they can influence the public sphere and policy-making, with the collaboration of new allies and partners.

Socio-political evolution of Central Asian clans

The article is devoted to the clan organization of the post-Soviet countries of Central Asia. Recently, scientific interest in the stated topic has decreased somewhat, due to the lack of implementation of traditional institutions of Eastern societies and the decline in the influence of the liberal mainstream on the socio-political process in post-Soviet Asia, which, in turn, significantly reduced the thoroughness of criticism of the "non-Western path" of development. The author's perspective on the problem is focused on the identification of traditional institutions, their actualization in the modern political process and variants of their socio-political evolution. The authors offer an expanded understanding of the essence of a clan organization that distributes consolidating loyalty directions both horizontally within blood-related communities and vertically, reproducing the hierarchy of connections from the elite top to the rank-and-file members of associations. The authors consider the growth of social movement, self-awareness and public disillusionment with the attempt to reproduce the Western model of social development to be the main factors that actualize the clan organization in the socio-political process of post-Soviet Asian countries. The dynamically developing socio-political reality of the Asian newly independent States actualizes multidirectional vectors of social integration.

Policing the 'Anti-Social' Tourist. Mass Tourism and 'Disorderly Behaviors' in Venice, Amsterdam and Barcelona.

In the last years, several cities in Europe and around the world have witnessed the emergence of social movements critical of mass tourism, underlining a diversity of 'externalities' associated to this highly-complex global industry. The so-defined 'anti-social' (i.e. unruly, offensive, inappropriate) behavior of tourists has been highlighted by both social movements and the local and global media among these negative effects of tourism, and local authorities have responded with many campaigns and strategies to regulate the impact of visitors in the lives of locals. By focusing on three European city-cases (namely Amsterdam, Venice and Barcelona), this paper discusses the current efforts to regulate 'disruptive behavior', while examining the limits of these initiatives and the challenges that these approaches create to the daily management of public spaces.

Social movements thinking for managing change in large-scale systems

PurposeThis study explores the efficacy of social movements thinking for mobilizing resources toward sustainable change in large-scale systems such as health and social services.Design/methodology/approachThe study proceeds from a critical realist perspective employing a qualitative multi-case study approach. Drawing on the tenets of grounded theory (i.e. constant comparative analysis and theoretical sampling), data from semi-structured interviews and field notes were analyzed to facilitate theoretical integration and elaboration.FindingsOne case study explores the emergence of social movements thinking in mobilizing a community to engage in sustainable system change. Data analysis revealed a three-stage conceptual framework whereby building momentum for change requires a fundamental shift in culture through openness and engagement to challenge the status quo by acknowledging not only the apparent problems to be addressed but also the residual apathy and cynicism holding the system captive to entrenched ideas and behaviors. By challenging the status quo, energy shifts and momentum builds as the community discovers shared values and goals. Achieving a culture shift of this magnitude requires leadership that is embedded within the community, with a personal commitment to that community and with the deep listening skills necessary to understand and engage the community and the wider system in moving forward into change. This emergent conceptual framework is then used to compare and discuss more intentional applications of social movements thinking for mobilizing resources for large-scale system change.Originality/valueThis study offers a three-stage conceptual framework for mobilizing community/system resources toward sustainable large-scale system change. The comparative application of this framework to more intentional applications of social movements thinking to planned change initiatives offers insights and lessons to be learned when large-scale systems attempt to apply such principles in redesigning health and social service systems.

Rethinking the Link Between Structure and Collective Action. Capitalism, Politics, and the Theory of Social Movements

Social movement scholars have rarely paid attention to the transformations of capitalism as factors of social movement formation processes. This paper makes two different but complementary contributions. First, we provide a macro-social theory that connects the emergence of social movements to the capital circuit in order to embed social movement formation processes into the structural dynamics of capitalism. Exploring such dynamics is helpful to the understanding of social movements if one only looks at them by highlighting their socio-political—and not only merely economic—nature. Secondly, we show how and to what extent some institutional transformations involving the politics of advanced capitalist societies have been affected by the capital circuit and vice versa. More notably, we argue that these transformations have given rise to a political field centered on the ambivalence between two poles, namely, a regressive-oligarchic and a participative-mobilizing one, which is the domain of populist politics today.