Social Economic Inequality Research Articles

La juventud japonesa ante la crisis del neoliberalismo

Con el lema del Partido Liberal Demócrata (PLD), “Porque Japón está en crisis”, Abe Shinzō, su presidente, ganó las elecciones generales a la Cámara de Representantes en diciembre de 2012, y encabezó el gobierno por segunda ocasión.

Social Capital, Economic Inequality, and Tolerance towards Corruption

Social Capital, Economic Inequality, and Tolerance towards Corruption

A Body in Every Cellar

When asked why their highly successful second feature, Big Bad Wolves (2013), focuses on pedophilia and violence directed against children, Israeli filmmakers Aharon Keshales and Navot Papushado explain that, us, childhood essentially reflects a state of innocence and naivete. At the same time, the world to which we are born is saturated with violence and brutality. No matter what you do, you will always be exposed to violence. Every time violence breaks out, you soak it up like a passive smoker. You cannot escape it, and it informs your personality in myriad, mostly unrecognized, ways.1This claustrophobic, pessimistic, and morbid description of everyday reality, which equates violence with the suffocating smell of cigarettes refusing to evaporate from human bodies and clothes, can be found in a surprising number of Israeli features made between 2010 and 2015. These films-many of which have become festival hits and premiered in Cannes, Berlin, Venice, or Tribeca-depict a reality characterized by persistent, ubiquitous, and quotidian violence. Contrary to the most recent wave of conflict that take place on the battlefield, such as Beaufort ( Joseph Cedar, 2007), Waltz with Bashir (Ari Folman, 2008), Lebanon (Samuel Maoz, 2009), or Rock the Casbah (Yariv Horowitz, 2012), the tormenting stories of the Violence movement emerge and play out within the claustrophobic confines of the domestic sphere. Instead of a distant, faraway frontline, the combat zones are to be found everywhere: between the living room and the kitchen, the streets of Tel Aviv and the luxury villas of the wealthy beachfront district Herzliya Pituah.As in Big Bad Wolves, violence is present in almost every scene in films such as Keshales and Papushado's Rabies (2010), Hagar Ben-Asher's The Slut (2011), Michal Aviad's Invisible (2011), Dana Goldberg's Alice (2012), Johnathan Gurfinkel and Rona Segal's Six Acts (2012), Tom Shoval's Youth (2013), Maya Dreifuss's She Is Coming Home (2013), Eitan Gafny's zombie parody Cannon Fodder (2013), Tali Shalom-Ezer's Princess (2014), Keren Yedaya's That Lovely Girl (2014), and Veronica Kedar's Endtime (2014), along with other recent works. Whereas these films confront their viewers with disturbing taboos, including pedophilia, incest, rape, and torture, other young filmmakers focus their attention on social violence and economic inequalities. This group includes Nadav Lapid's Policeman (2011), Idan Hubel's The CutoffMan (2012), Amir Manor's Epilogue (2012), and Noam Kaplan's Manpower (2014), all of which are dark indie dramas protesting the waning of the Israeli middle class and the growing gap between those who have and those who have not.This essay will map, explore, and interpret the recurring themes, concerns, and confrontational aesthetic these films share, but it is important to acknowledge the risks such an undertaking entails.2 As with any scholarly endeavor based on the notion of a new cultural wave, genre, or movement, film scholars wishing to identify and isolate a cinematic period must be able to provide evidence for at least three different claims: first, that the works grouped together are substantially different from works that preceded them; second, that despite the many differences among the works, they share similar styles, themes, plotlines, or concerns; and third, that these similarities correlate with a specific national, cultural, economic, or political sphere in which the films have been made.Following this triad structure of analysis, this essay draws inspiration from two cinematic movements: the postmillennial Extremism in European cinema3 and Israel's Sensitivity movement of the 1960s and 1970s.4 As I will later demonstrate, the current wave in Israeli cinema might well be termed the Violence movement.In their study of the European New Extremism, Tanya Horeck and Tina Kendall foreground the drawbacks of using the word new in relation to a cinematic style:In using this term, we do not wish to suggest that the extremism of these films is unprecedented; nor do we intend to enumerate a comprehensive catalogue of new, or newly extreme, practices or representations. …

Social Class, Economic Inequality, and the Convergence of Policy Preferences: Evidence from 24 Modern Democracies.

Using data from the World Values Survey and national-level indicators for 24 modern democracies, we assess the influence of social class and economic inequality on preferences for government responsibility. We improve on previous research by using multilevel models that account for differences in attitudes both within (i.e., over time) and across countries. Our findings are consistent with the economic self-interest hypothesis. Specifically, working class individuals, who tend to gain the most from government intervention because of their low and often more precarious economic position, are more likely than others to support government intervention. We also find a positive relationship between national-level income inequality and support for government intervention. As income inequality rises, its social ills tend to be more pervasive, resulting in public opinion becoming more supportive of governments taking responsibility for their citizens. We further demonstrate that inequality moderates the relationship between social class and attitudes. Although the effect of income inequality is positive for all social classes, attitudes across social classes become more similar as inequality rises.

Shifting social dynamics and economic inequality in the post‐Soviet space: Networking and participation in toi among the novyi Kyrgyz

AbstractThis article analyzes recent changes in the important social gatherings of feasting celebrations in Kyrgyzstan (toi in the Kyrgyz language) as markers of significant change in social networking practices over the post‐Soviet period. I argue that the observable increase in the number of these celebrations has been mistaken for a revitalization of kinship relations, when in fact the toi often reflect more pragmatic and strategic considerations vis‐à‐vis social networking. In the context of the attrition of state services and increasing economic and social inequality since the collapse of the Soviet Union and Kyrgyzstan's subsequent independence in 1991, the resultant patterns of association evident in toi I interpret as a mélange of custom and the assimilation of neoliberal rhetoric that was widely disseminated across the former Soviet Union during this period. This has significant consequences for well‐being among the poorest segments of society that might not be appreciated by considering numerical measures of inequality alone, such as Gini measures of income inequality preferred by international development organizations like the World Bank.

Regions that Are the “Locomotives of Growth”: Their Essence and Criteria

A special role in resolving the issue of social-economic inequality between Russia’s regions is played by theinteraction and economic integration of regions that are the “locomotives of growth” with self-sufficient regionsand dotational ones. In this article, based on the criteria for economic development and contribution to fosteringnational competitiveness, the author marks out regions that are the locomotives of growth and lays out the majordimensions of their impact on the development of other regions: stimulating the development of linked andmutually complementing sectors in neighboring regions, developing infrastructure, amplifying innovationprocesses, and making a multidimensional impact.

Integrating Service Learning and Difficult Dialogues Pedagogy to Advance Social Justice Training

The integration of service learning and difficult dialogues pedagogy is one avenue for enhancing counseling psychology social justice training. We provide an illustration of this integrative model including advocacy and systems perspectives, and propose that the model can be applied to other service learning foci within counseling psychology training. The article presents an ongoing project that provides counseling graduate students the opportunity to implement skills in career and employment counseling with homeless and near homeless individuals, as well as to develop greater cultural sensitivity and humility. The model provides a structural framework for understanding poverty, homelessness, and bureaucratic systems of care as essential to knowledge, awareness, and skill development for social justice advocacy regarding social class and economic inequalities. Difficult dialogues are incorporated during pre-service, engagement, and debriefing stages of the training experience as a means of promoting best practices for social justice training in counseling psychology.

The Unified World Order

In pursuit of a capitalist world configuration, the causal phenomenon of globalization spread its cultural values in the built international system, as evidenced by the dichotomy between the rich North and the poor South. This era of cultural globalization is predominantly characterized by social inequality, economic inequality and instability, political instability, social injustice, and environmental change. Consequently, the world is empirically infected by divergent global inequalities among nations and people, as evidenced by the numerous problems plaguing humanity. This article seeks to understand Islam from the viewpoint of technological determinism in attempt to offset these diverging global inequalities for its “sociopolitical economy”1existence, as well as the stabilization of the interconnected world. Based upon the unifying view of microIslamics, the meaning of Islam and its globalizing perspectives are deciphered on a built micro-religious platform. Finally, the world is rebuilt via the Open World Peace (OWP) paradigm, from which the fluidity of open globalization is derived as a future causal phenomenon for seamlessly bridging (or contracting) the gaps between the rich-rich, rich-poor, poor-rich and poor-poor nations and people based on common civilization fronts.

The Unified World Order

In pursuit of a capitalist world configuration, the causal phenomenon of globalization spread its cultural values in the built international system, as evidenced by the dichotomy between the rich North and the poor South. This era of cultural globalization is predominantly characterized by social inequality, economic inequality and instability, political instability, social injustice, and environmental change. Consequently, the world is empirically infected by divergent global inequalities among nations and people, as evidenced by the numerous problems plaguing humanity. This article seeks to understand Islam from the viewpoint of technological determinism in attempt to offset these diverging global inequalities for its “sociopolitical economy”1existence, as well as the stabilization of the interconnected world. Based upon the unifying view of microIslamics, the meaning of Islam and its globalizing perspectives are deciphered on a built micro-religious platform. Finally, the world is rebuilt via the Open World Peace (OWP) paradigm, from which the fluidity of open globalization is derived as a future causal phenomenon for seamlessly bridging (or contracting) the gaps between the rich-rich, rich-poor, poor-rich and poor-poor nations and people based on common civilization fronts.

Noblesse Oblige? Social Status and Economic Inequality Maintenance among Politicians

Economic inequality is at historically high levels in the United States and is among the most pressing issues facing society. And yet, predicting the behavior of politicians with respect to their support of economic inequality remains a significant challenge. Given that high status individuals tend to conceive of the current structure of society as fair and just, we expected that high status members of the U.S. House of Representatives would be more likely to support economic inequality in their legislative behavior than would their low status counterparts. Results supported this prediction particularly among Democratic members of Congress: Whereas Republicans tended to support legislation increasing economic inequality regardless of their social status, the social status of Democrats – measured in terms of average wealth, race, or gender – was a significant predictor of support for economic inequality. Policy implications of the observed relationship between social status and support for economic inequality are considered.

The relation between social class and economic inequality: A strengthening or weakening nexus? Evidence from the last three decades of inequality in Italy

Recent sociological research has shown that in contemporary western societies social class remains a relevant factor in the structuration of socio-economic inequalities and individuals’ life courses. However, in the framework of class analysis, there is one aspect that has received relatively little attention: the relation between social class and earnings and income inequality. Using data from the historical archive of the Survey of Household Income and Wealth, the paper explores how it has changed the relation between social class and economic inequality in Italy in the last three decades. The findings suggest that in 2010 the quota of inequality that is accounted for by between-classes differences is similar to that registered in the late 1970s, and social class is signalling earnings and income with the same, if not more, reliability than it was the case in the late 1970s. In the last three decades, however, there have been relevant changes in the horizontal redistribution of earnings and income. In particular, there has been a significant deterioration in the economic situation of blue-collar families vis-à-vis white-collar ones. Also, the distance in median earnings and income between manager and professionals vs. white-collars has dramatically increased. The gap between high and low service class has widened so much as to suggest the existence of a process of dichotomization within the service class.

Migración y exclusión en China: Sistema hukou

This work analyzes the well-being of the Chinese population and considers some of the related problems from the point of view of capabilities and segmentation of the labor market, which has been driven by the household registration system (hukou). This study also points out that China's notable economic growth in the past few decades has resulted in social economic inequality and, despite the fact that reforms to hukou increased mobility among the population, both rural migrants and urban residents from other cities still face obstacles in accessing public benefits and services, as they are registered in a different place.

Libertarian Paternalism and the Danger of Nudging Consumers

Consumer law and policy have sought to protect consumers through various forms of information disclosure. This has, however, failed in several areas. A central reason for such a failure has been irrational consumer behavior. Libertarian paternalism, a currently influential view in the US and the UK, attempts to capture the many ways in which market behaviour can be irrational and suggests nudging consumers towards self-interest. This has important implications for consumer protection policies. In the area of healthy eating, rather than insisting on nutrition labeling and other legislative interventions, libertarian paternalism claims that nudging consumers towards healthy food is likely to improve healthy eating and reduce obesity in society. This work critically assesses the limitations of nudging consumers for healthy eating. It argues that nudge intervention can only induce short-term cosmetic behavioral changes likely to work for nutrition-conscious, somewhat informed or affluent consumers. This should not be surprising as nudge interventions have no interest in changing the structural disadvantages and social constraints that underlie the patterns of unhealthy eating; the harmful effects of corporate nudging and advertising; and the negative impact of nudged food choices on social welfare, the environment and economic inequality. This work suggests moving beyond nudge interventions and presents some evidence for combining non-regulatory and regulatory interventions in order to reduce more effectively unhealthy eating and the obesity epidemic.

Social cohesion in Europe: How do the different dimensions of inequality affect social cohesion?

This article examines the relationships between social cohesion and social inequalities in Europe by considering three interrelated issues. The first regards the definition and measurement of the concept of social cohesion. The second issue concerns the identification of the aspects of social inequality that affect the overall level of social cohesion. More precisely, I investigate two main hypotheses: the first argues the existence of a direct negative association between economic inequality and social cohesion. The second states that this relation is influenced by other aspects of social inequality such as the individuals’ position in the stratification system and the educational level. The third issue introduces the comparative analysis that has been based on the welfare regime approach. More specifically, I hypothesize that welfare state is relevant because it influences both the relationship between social position and economic inequality, and the relationship between social cohesion and economic inequality. Data from the first round of the 2002 European Social Survey have been analysed applying structural equation models in order to measure social cohesion and to estimate the effects, both direct and indirect, exerted by the different dimensions of inequalities on social cohesion. Moreover, through a multi-group analysis, I investigate the effects resulting from the different welfare regimes. It emerges that social position and welfare state are not able to fully mediate the effect played by economic condition.

The Politics of Social Policy in America: The Causes and Effects of Indirect versus Direct Social Spending

The United States has a divided social system in that both the public and private sectors provide citizens with benefits and services. The effects of political party control on public social policy are widely known. An area of study less understood is how partisanship influences private social benefits. I develop and test a theory that political parties’ choice between indirect and direct social expenditures is primarily motivated by a desire to alter the balance between public and private power in society. First, I find no statistically conclusive evidence that Democratic control of the federal government results in higher levels of total social spending. Additionally, my results show that Republican control of the legislature results in a higher ratio of indirect to direct social spending. These results have implications for determining the beneficiaries of social benefits and economic inequality.

Does Economic Vulnerability Affect Social Cohersion? Evidence from a Comparative Analysis

This article explores the relationship between social cohesion and social inequalities in Europe. The analysis is built around two main research questions: Does economic inequality exert an impact on the level of social cohesion? Does social class mediate between economic inequality and social cohesion? The comparative analysis is based on the welfare regimes perspective. In particular, I believe that welfare state is relevant because it influences both the relationship between social class and economic inequality, and the link between social cohesion and economic inequality.
 The empirical analysis, based on data from the “European Quality of Life Survey” collected by European Foundation for the Improvement of Living and Working Conditions in 2003, shows that economic inequality does influence social cohesion and that social class and welfare regime are not fully able to mediate this effect.

Embodying psychosocial health inequalities: Bringing back materiality and bioagency

In recent decades, psychosocial explanations of relationships between health and social economic inequalities have emerged. These approaches, it has been noted, de-emphasize the importance of material pathways. This article develops this critique by arguing for the relevance of sociomaterial spatiality and the materiality of social interaction. Psychosocial explanations see neurohormonal pathways as connecting the psychosocial and biological. This neurohormonal connection is developed here to include muscular, postural and other dimensions. Such approaches, furthermore, need to more adequately explicate the role and nature of agency. The notion of bioagency and its relationship to structure is used to address this issue. The conclusion briefly discusses the relevance of bioagency and materiality to psychosocial theorizing about health and social inequalities.

Having less, giving more: The influence of social class on prosocial behavior.

Lower social class (or socioeconomic status) is associated with fewer resources, greater exposure to threat, and a reduced sense of personal control. Given these life circumstances, one might expect lower class individuals to engage in less prosocial behavior, prioritizing self-interest over the welfare of others. The authors hypothesized, by contrast, that lower class individuals orient to the welfare of others as a means to adapt to their more hostile environments and that this orientation gives rise to greater prosocial behavior. Across 4 studies, lower class individuals proved to be more generous (Study 1), charitable (Study 2), trusting (Study 3), and helpful (Study 4) compared with their upper class counterparts. Mediator and moderator data showed that lower class individuals acted in a more prosocial fashion because of a greater commitment to egalitarian values and feelings of compassion. Implications for social class, prosocial behavior, and economic inequality are discussed.

Homicide and impunity: an ecological analysis at state level in Brazil

OBJECTIVE: To assess a new impunity index and variables that have been found to predict variation in homicide rates in other geographical levels as predictive of state-level homicide rates in Brazil. METHODS: This was a cross-sectional ecological study. Data from the mortality information system relating to the 27 Brazilian states for the years 1996 to 2005 were analyzed. The outcome variables were taken to be homicide victim rates in 2005, for the entire population and for men aged 20-29 years. Measurements of economic and social development, economic inequality, demographic structure and life expectancy were analyzed as predictors. An "impunity index", calculated as the total number of homicides between 1996 and 2005 divided by the number of individuals in prison in 2007, was constructed. The data were analyzed by means of simple linear regression and negative binomial regression. RESULTS: In 2005, state-level crude total homicide rates ranged from 11 to 51 per 100,000; for young men, they ranged from 39 to 241. The impunity index ranged from 0.4 to 3.5 and was the most important predictor of this variability. From negative binomial regression, it was estimated that the homicide victim rate among young males increased by 50% for every increase of one point in this ratio. CONCLUSIONS: Classic predictive factors were not associated with homicides in this analysis of state-level variation in Brazil. However, the impunity index indicated that the greater the impunity, the higher the homicide rate.

McLuhan e neuromancer: aldeia global e outros conceitos no imaginário cyberpunk

Neste artigo são explorados os pontos de intersecção entre a obra de Marshall McLuhan e o romance cyberpunk Neuromancer. Além de representar um fato social, cyberpunk é um subgênero da ficção científica que surgiu na década de 80 e que apresenta um mundo globalizado e dominado pela desigualdade sócio-econômico e, fundamentalmente, tecnológica. Já McLuhan, cujas principais obras foram escritas na década de 60, é conhecido por proposições tais como: a idéia de “aldeia global”, do meio ser a mensagem e das tecnologias como extensões dos sentidos humanos.