Social Democratic Federation Research Articles

Notes from the Editors, May 2021

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 In 1884, important figures in England's budding socialist movement broke with the Social Democratic Federation over concealed jingoism and strong support for the British Empire. A similar division within the broad left on the issue of imperialism is threatening to reappear in our time.

Between panacea and poison: “democracy” in British socialist thought, 1881–1891

ABSTRACT The history of democracy is increasingly understood as not only the recovery of its practices and conceptualisations but also of its signifiers. In order to grasp the transition of the word “democracy” from a reviled to a revered term in Britain, this article focuses on socialist uses of the democratic idiom during the 1880s. Across a study of socialist publications, speeches and newspapers, three different uses of “democracy” emerge. First, the word could mean a political ideal to be materialised, through universal suffrage but more widely by means of popular and direct control of Parliament. Second, the term was seen as a dangerous illusion that cast a veil over capitalist oppression. Third, “democracy” could denote a political reality already present in Britain, which needed to be reflected in the economic sphere. Although sometimes diverging, these uses can be linked to three important socialist organisations: the Social Democratic Federation (S.D.F.), the Socialist League (S.L.) and the Fabian Society (F.S.). Recovering these distinctive uses illuminates the relationship between “democracy” and “socialism” and offers a key with which to understand our current political landscape.

Searching for New Jerusalems: P.H. Wicksteed’s “Jevonian” critique of Marx’s Capital

In 1884, P.H. Wicksteed published a critique of the first volume of Marx’s Capital, the first detailed analytical encounter in English between Marx’s value theory and the new discourse of “marginalism”. In revisiting that episode, this article has three principal objectives. The first is to show how Wicksteed developed his understanding of political economy, as he moved from initially following Henry George’s Progress and Poverty. The second is to examine why Wicksteed’s defence of George necessitated criticizing the Marxist Social Democratic Federation. The third is to show that Wicksteed’s criticisms of Marx were simply incorrect.

СТАНОВЛЕННЯ ТА ЕВОЛЮЦІЯ ЛЕЙБОРИСТСЬКОЇ ПАРТІЇ ВЕЛИКОЇ БРИТАНІЇ

The article examines the processes of organizational development of the British Labour Party in the early XXth century, the evolution of the party structure and political programme in the twentieths of the XXth century. Special attention is paid to researching the formation of the Social Democratic Federation, Fabian Society and Independent Labour Party till the time of its joining to the Labour Representation Committee in 1900 and adopting the “Labour Party” name in 1906. The author’s aim was to comprehensively investigate the political manifests and activities of those organizations on the way of transformation from separate trade-unions and socialist groups to apparent union of labour, and then to the mass and wide represented parliamentary party. However, the variety of social base of those societies is distinguished, and difference of socialist views and tactics of achieving the final purpose are emphasized. Considerable attention is paid to the system of the individual membership and results thereof in the process of the evolution of the Labour Party’s organization. The reorganization of the Labour party in 1918, Representation of the People Act, 1918 and the crisis in the Liberal party were favourable for the further evolution of the Labour Party. It is summarized that the social base, the history of party’s birth, the conditions of formation and the party system had influenced the process of the evolution of the ideological and political concepts of Labourizm.

The Late-Victorian Feminist Community

The Late-Victorian Feminist Community Jana Smith Elford (bio) Late-victorian feminism has often been considered a backwater of collective action. The movement has been characterized by scholars as “a fractured collectivity of groups and webs of affiliation marked by disagreement as much as by consensus” (Felski 147), with political action “in a faltering state of suspension” (Beaumont 97). Yet the fact that the feminism of the period represented a “fractured collectivity” does not mean it was politically ineffective. On the contrary, the degree to which late-Victorian feminism constituted a network rather than a singular movement provided unique strengths and opportunities. Feminists of the period—writers, activists, social reformers, and thinkers—petitioned for the improved status of women by advocating egalitarian marriage and comradeship between the sexes, improved working conditions for women, and political and legal enfranchisement. They moved sometimes together and sometimes in parallel, encountering and influencing each other’s ideas through shared connections to particular places, social organizations, and individuals. Late-Victorian feminism was informed by education advancements of the mid-Victorian period. In Britain, mid-Victorian feminists Emily Davies, Barbara Leigh Smith Bodichon, Anne Jemima Clough, and Josephine Butler made considerable advances in the higher education of women, establishing Girton and Newnham Colleges, at Cambridge University, in 1869 and 1871, respectively. Middle- and upper-class women deemed superfluous by British society took advantage of burgeoning opportunities for study and established new egalitarian communities premised on critical thought and well-considered ideas. Although some are less well-remembered than others, women belonging to the late-Victorian feminist reform community included, among others, Eleanor Marx Aveling (Karl Marx’s daughter and a member of the Social Democratic Federation, the Socialist League, and the Woman’s Trade Union League); Emma Brooke (a founding member of the Fabian Society and author of the 1894 novel A Superfluous Woman); Clementina Black (secretary of the Women’s Trade Union Association, president of the Women’s Industrial Council, and executive committee member of the National Anti-Sweating League); Mona Caird (president of the Anti-Vivisection League, member of the Pioneer Club and the Theosophical Society, and author of the inflammatory 1888 article “Marriage”); Annie Besant (theosophist, socialist, and proponent of birth control); Katharine St. John Conway (Glasier) (theosophist and founding member of the Independent Labour Party); Jane Hume Clapperton (novelist and social theorist); Isabella Ormston Ford (author, speaker, and founding member of the International Labour Party); Henrietta Müller (labour activist, suffragette, anti-war advocate, and contributor to the Westminster Review); Margaret Harkness (author of the socialist-feminist novels [End Page 32] A City Girl [1887], Out of Work [1888], and In Darkest London [1889]); and Olive Schreiner (author of the 1883 novel The Story of An African Farm; the 1890 evocative and widely influential collection of feminist visions, Dreams; and the 1911 Women and Labour). Such women depended on a network of like-minded women and men for support and companionship. In effect, feminist reformers invented new communities of their own—communities that were defined not by marital status but by a mutual desire to transform late-Victorian society. Not adhering to a single or monolithic feminist agenda, these women were involved in various and multiple overlapping social reform clubs and organizations, some with what we might see today as opposing ideological perspectives. Many of these organizations were located in London but had connections extending well beyond the limits of the metropolis. They included political groups such as the Fabian Society, the Independent Labour Party, the Social Democratic Federation, the Socialist League, the Women’s Liberal Association, the Women’s Trade Union League, and the Women’s Labour League. They also included clubs formed in response to “the woman question,” such as the Men and Women’s Club and the Pioneer Club, as well as spiritual or religion-based associations, such as the Fellowship of the New Life and the Theosophical Society. Late-Victorian feminists were also affiliated with the periodical networks of the day, including the mainstream Westminster Review and Nineteenth Century, socialist periodicals such as the well-known Labour Leader, and the woman-centred Women’s Penny Paper (which later became The Woman’s Herald). For feminist Emma Brooke...

Anarchy in the UK(‘s most famous fortress): comradeship and cupidity in Gibraltar and neighbouring Spain, 1890–1902

This article is the first to investigate the growth of anarchist ideology and tactics in Gibraltar and the surrounding Spanish region, the Campo de Gibraltar, in the period 1890–1902. We draw upon hitherto unused material from both The National Archives in London and the Gibraltar Government Archives. By doing so, we demonstrate that during this period Gibraltarian and Spanish workers came together, not only to defend and advance their interests by direct action, such as strikes and attacks on employers, but also to advance educational and social causes too. Indeed, by 1898–1899, the appeal of this movement was so strong that an attempt by the British Social Democratic Federation to establish a more constitutionalist approach to industrial relations failed. By 1902, the power of anarchist movements and tactics concerned employers in Gibraltar, so greatly that they engineered a lockout – styled a general strike by local workers – and successfully smashed the organising power of the local movement. Meanwhile, on the Spanish side of the frontier, a massacre engineered by the local Spanish authorities resulted in the deaths of a number of activists and a hiatus in the movement that would last until the Great War of 1914–1918.

The Fabian Mystique

The Fabian Mystique

Anarchism and syndicalism in an African port city: the revolutionary traditions of Cape Town's multiracial working class, 1904–1931

This paper examines the development of anarchism and syndicalism in early twentieth century Cape Town, South Africa, drawing attention to a crucial but neglected chapter of labor and left history. Central to this story were the anarchists in the local Social Democratic Federation (SDF), and the revolutionary syndicalists of the Industrial Socialist League, the Industrial Workers of Africa (IWA), and the Sweets and Jam Workers’ Industrial Union. These revolutionary anti-authoritarians, Africans, Coloureds and whites, fostered a multiracial radical movement – considerably preceding similar achievements by the Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA) in this port city. They were also part of a larger anarchist and syndicalist movement across the southern African subcontinent. Involved in activist centers, propaganda, public meetings, cooperatives, demonstrations, union organizing and strikes, and linked into international and national radical networks, Cape Town's anarchists and syndicalists had an important impact on organizations like the African Political Organization (APO), the Cape Federation of Labour Unions, the Cape Native Congress, the CPSA, the General Workers Union, and the Industrial and Commercial Workers Union of Africa (ICU). This paper is therefore also a contribution to the recovery of the history of the first generation of African and Coloured anti-capitalist radicals, and part of a growing international interest in anarchist and syndicalist history.

Edwardian Intellectuals and Political Religions: A Survey

Historians of fascism trace elements of its ‘sacralised politics’ to left-wing religiosity at the turn of the century. Emilio Gentile has provided detailed criteria to distinguish ‘political religion’ from ‘civil religion’ and ‘politicised religion’ from ‘religion as politics’. This paper tries to apply this taxonomy to late Victorian and Edwardian socialism in Britain. Intellectual arguments for a ‘religion of socialism’– as well as less-theorised religious behaviour – are evident within three groupings that shaped the British socialist revival: the Social Democratic Federation, The Fabian Society, and the Independent Labour Party. Surveying members of each, including Ernest Belfort Bax, the Webbs, Shaw, Wells; John Trevor, and Keir Hardie, the paper lastly turns to Edward Carpenter, who moved between the aforementioned groups during his career, and whose popular and influential writings vividly capture socialism’s spiritual character. His case also illustrates the major obstacle in applying Gentile’s taxonomy to this period, namely the pervasive monism of the age, which blurs concepts of the temporal and divine. In conclusion, we can see that Edwardian socialism provided good conditions for the emergence of political religion but also for the civil religion of today’s centre left. A much more detailed discussion, beyond our scope here, might consider Gentile’s distinctions between functionalist, manipulative, noumenal forms of religiosity; distinctions brought home to Edwardian intellectuals through new theories of charisma and crowd psychology. Their knowledge, and application, of these ideas more clearly anticipates the rise of fascism; although, in the same generation, we should note a return to dualism as a defence against totalitarian political religion.

John Spargo and Amencan Socialism by Markku Ruotsila (review)

774 SEER, 87, 4, OCTOBER 2OO9 revolutionary rhetoric, ordinary people soughtto defendtheirown interests and get on withtheirlivesas best theycould' (p. 243) also remindedme of Sheila Fitzpatrick's assessment of Sovietcitizensin the Stalinperiodas 'survivors'. The trendin modernhistoriography of the Russianrevolution seemsto be to emphasizetheabsenceofharmonious state-society relations; indeedto stressthe chasmbetweenelite-citizen worldoutlooks.This may be theheritage ofan under-governed late imperialadministration in which contactwiththestatewas sporadicand minimal.There was no developed civilsociety in Russiaand thiswouldhamperand obscureanygovernmental attempts to establish a societygovernedby the rule of statelaw, whether democratic or Soviet.Citizenswouldengagein variousstrategies to defend their accustomed independence. Whether thiswas at thelevelofa conscious choice betweena 'national'and a 'local' interest is stillunclear.Badcock assumes'conscious'choices:'Ordinary peopleresponded consciously to 1917' (p. 243),butwhatthey wereresponding toand how,as shehasdemonstrated, wasina constant stateofchange.Thisbook'smessageisthatweneedtoditch anynotionofmeta-narratives; everything is specific and localand understood differently bycompeting groups.As thestoreofregionalhistories buildsup we maycome to a moresettled conclusion on whether thewholeis greater thanthesumoftheparts. Politics andHistory Ian D. Thatcher Brunei University Ruotsila,Markku.JohnSpargo andAmerican Socialism. PalgraveMacmillan, Basingstoke and New York,2006. viii + 336 pp. Notes.Bibliography. Index.£45.00. John Spargo played a notablepart in the evolutionof American-Soviet relations by drafting the 'Colby Note' ofAugust1920in whichBainbridge Colby,WoodrowWilson'slast Secretary of State,proclaimedand justified a principled refusal to recognizethe Bolshevik regime.This remainedthe policyoftheUnitedStatesuntilFranklin D. Roosevelt'saccessionto power in 1933.It mayseemextraordinary thata privatecitizen, holdingno official position and representing no one buthimself, shouldbe theeffective author of such a significant diplomaticdocumentbut,as MarkkuRuotsilashows in thisimpressive biography, it was onlythe most altogether extraordinary life-story. TohnSoarão was bornin Cornwalland experience striking episode in an "da difficult and impoverished childhoodafter beingabandonedbyhismother beforehe was two yearsold. Starting workat age eleven,he became a stonemasonin the granite quarries but,inHardyesquefashion, he identified himself withgentry forebears. Despitehislack offormal schooling, he became a Methodist lay preacherin histeensand readvoraciously in socialtheory, beingconverted toMarxismbytheworks ofH. M. Hyndman.Neverbashful in approaching prominentmen, Spareo establisheda correspondencewith Hvndman and became activein his Social DemocraticFederation. He had becomea memberof the SDF's NationalExecutiveby the timethathe emigrated reviews 775 to theUnitedStatesat theage oftwenty-five forwhat,Ruotsilashows, were essentially family reasons.His politicalconnections eased his way afterhis arrival in New York.Within a fewyearshe had becomeone ofthegrowing AmericanSocialistParty'sbest-known publicists, producinga seemingly endlessstreamofarticles and books,including thefirst American biography ofMarx,a widely-read exposéofchildlabour,and a textbook on socialism thatwas adoptedinseveralcolleges.(Ruotsilahas compileda complete bibliography ofSpargo'swritings - itstretches to eighteen closely-printed pages and includes ninety-nine booksand pamphlets.) Within theparty, he became one oftheleadersoftheright wing, propagating Bernsteinian revisionism and aggressively combating theanarcho-syndicalism represented bytheIndustrial Workers oftheWorld.He brokewiththepartywhenitopposedUS entry intoWorldWar One in 1917and,likeotherpro-war Socialists, was from the beginning a fierceantagonist of theBolshevik regime, becomingas tireless a proponent of anti-Bolshevism as he had previously been of socialism.In severalbooks,he called forthe overthrow of the Bolsheviks as betrayers ofsocialismas wellas ofdemocracy butopposedthreats to theintegrity of Russia(a themeoftheColbyNote).In thiscampaign, he begantocooperate withconservative publicists and politicians and soonbegantoidentify himself as a Republican.From the 1930s,he established a close relationship with Herbert Hoover,and inthepostWorldWar Two periodhe becamea fierce Cold Warrior,publiclydefending JosephMcCarthyand later supporting BarryGoldwater. Spargo'slongpolitical journeyis skilfully reconstructed in thisbiography, thefirst tobe published. Ruotsilahaswritten before on theideological subtletiesand complexities ofthisperiod,and hishandlingofthemhereis surefootedand informed bywidereading.He is also perceptive about Spargo's personality, showing howhisambition and egocentricity led to theneglect of hisfamily as wellas theingratiating cultivation ofpowerful figures. Buthe is respectful of Spargo as a politicalthinker and is particularly concernedto rehabilitate the integrity and realismof his formof moderate,revisionist socialism from thechargesofopportunism and betrayal levelledat Spargoby hisformer colleagues(and somehistorians). Ruotsilamakesa persuasive case thatSpargo'sinitialhostility to theBolsheviks arose fromhis opposition to anarcho-syndicalism as a heresy thatwoulddiscredit and obstruct truesocialism (rather than,as was thecasewithothers, arising from their abandonment of thewar).He is right to arguethatthesocialdemocratic tradition more broadlywas an important source of principledoppositionto the Soviet regime, and thecomparison he makeswithlaterneo-conservatism is illuminating .But in claimingthattherewas an essentialcontinuity in Spargo's basicvaluesand viewofsocialevolution throughout hisprogression from the Marxistleftto the Republicanparty,freemasonry and the Episcopalian church, he has to argueat a levelofabstraction so generalas to blanchout thequestions on whichpoliticalargument in Western democracies has actuallyfocused . Notwithstanding thisreservation, thisvery thoroughly researched and beautifully written...

Dissident Missionaries? Re-Narrating the Political Strategy of the Social-Democratic Federation, 1884–1887

In the first decade of its existence, the Social-Democratic Federation (SDF) sent London-based 'missionaries' around England, in an attempt to educate and agitate amongst the workers. Using the case studies of John Burns in Nottingham and Tom Mann in Northumberland, this article examines the extent to which these missionaries negotiated the official policies of the SDF. The discussion aims to show that when both men addressed the local workers, their arguments and proposals often contrasted sharply with previously published positions. It suggests that rather than drawing, as the existing historiography has done, from the official publications of the SDF, a new narrative of the organisation's political strategies can be established by focusing on the actions and words of the missionaries. The article also offers a re-narration of the reasons for the failure of the political strategy of the SDF. Much of the historiography of the organisation has perpetuated the explanations given by the SDF itself, namely c...

“A LITTLE POLITICAL WORLD OF MY OWN”: THE NEW WOMAN, THE NEW LIFE, AND NEW AMAZONIA

“I READ THE PAPERS and have a little political world of my own.” So Margaret Harkness confided to her second cousin Beatrice Potter (who would later marry the Fabian Sidney Webb) in a letter sent in February 1880 (qtd. in Hapgood 130). Subsequently disavowed by her repressive father, an Anglican priest, because she was insufficiently subordinate to him, Harkness was still living at home at this time. Her social isolation, as well as her political frustration, is palpable. But if the tone of this apparently resigned statement is poignant, it is at the same time too defiant to be dismissed as self-pitying. Later in the 1880s she worked among the poor and unemployed in the East End of London, the environment that she explored in some seven novels written under the pseudonym “John Law,” from A City Girl (1887) to George Eastmont, Wanderer (1905). In this decade she also circulated, uneasily enough, in the Social Democratic Federation, a socialist organization dominated by the acolytes of Friedrich Engels, vainly searching for a progressive model of friendship that might alleviate her sense of alienation. Indeed, Harkness became a formidable activist as well as an impressive novelist. She seems however to have grown disillusioned with socialist politics in the 1890s and to have drifted into philanthropic activities instead (see Ledger 144).

Gentleman Crusader: Henry Hyde Champion in the Early Socialist Movement

With the exception of Henry Pelling, labour historians have found little positive in the role played by Henry Hyde Champion (18597Ð1928) in the early socialist movement, and have generally represented his motives as suspect. Tracing his political career from his 'conversion' to socialism in 1882 to his departure for Australia in 1894, this article shows how Champion's personal and class characteristics exacerbated the distrust that has always been felt in the labour movement towards would-be leaders with no roots in the working class. Although he was a hard-working publisher and journalist, he represented himself as 'one of the idle classes'; in his speech, dress, manners, and tastes, he was the epitome of the officer and gentleman; and he saw himself as leading people inferior to himself. He did establish a degree of rapport with some leaders of working-class origin, notably John Burns, Tom Mann and Keir Hardie, who did not doubt his sincerity even when they were critical of his actions, but he was always an outsider in the socialist movement, his isolation being further increased by his compulsive desire for action, and his willingness to act alone. As a young officer on sick leave from India, Champion first encountered the 'problem of poverty' in the East End of London. Shocked by what he observed, he looked for solutions, arriving at socialism by way of Henry George, to whose call for a 'new crusade' he responded by resigning his army commission. He sought to translate his idealism into action, joining various radical organizations, the most important being Hyndman's Social Democratic Federation, of which he became the first secretary in 1883. It was while holding this position that he became friendly with Maltman Barry and was involved in the 'Tory Gold' controversy. Suspicion about the source of funds that were available to him and about the motives of Barry (despite his having been Marx's 'factotum') dogged Champion for the rest of his political life. His reticence about his relationship with his benefactor, the soap manufacturer R.W. Hudson, and his insensitivity to the traditional working-class political attitudes, especially the attachment to the Liberal Party, increased his vulnerability to charges of working for the Tories. As well as challenging the generally accepted interpretation of Champion's political behaviour as being a misrepresentation of both his motivation and his specific intentions, this article claims that he was far-sighted in aiming 'to manufacture for the working classes a political machine of enormous power' (The Future of Socialism in England'). Implicit in the article is the argument that his political actions are not always wholly explicable in political terms. In line with this view, the strange fact of Champion's first marriage and Margaret Harkness's novelistic version of it, and Champion's hitherto unknown liaison with a married woman whom he followed to Melbourne in 1894 are included in this account of his political career.

Social Democratic Federation membership in London

The Social Democratic Federation (S.D.F.) was one of the founding elements of the Labour party in Britain. Many activists who would later become prominent in the labour movement and parliamentary politics obtained their introduction to political life through the S.D.F. This article aims to provide a membership profile of the London region, an area where the S.D.F. had some influence. The data gathered make possible an analysis of the branch size and turnover as well as of gender, age and occupational structure. They also illustrate in general the development of the socialist and labour movement of the capital in this period.

People, Place and Party: Describing Party Activism

The aim of this article is to present a structure for the historical study of party activism. Based on research carried out on the activities of the Social Democratic Federation (SDF) between 1884 and 1911, the article puts forward the case that current understandings of that organisation should be reassessed to include the notion of the ‘political journeys’ of the activists. Instead of focusing exclusively on ideology, the article suggests that other poles or features such as locality and collective biography should be used. If the organisation is viewed from a wider perspective and with a longer exposure time, then, this article argues, a clearer picture presents itself.

Chasing the Rat: The Language of Betrayal in Britain and Australia

This article provides a brief survey of the language of betrayal in radical groups and organizations. It compares and contrasts the ways in which radical groups have used the discourse surrounding acts of betrayal — both alleged and proven. The paper contributes to historiographical debate by seeking continuities and discontinuities in the language used by a variety of radical organizations including the Chartists, the Social Democratic Federation and the Independent Labour Party. It extends this debate by comparing these continuities and discontinuities with those in the Australian labour movement: notably at the Eureka rebellion, and in the Victorian labour movement and the Australian Labor Party. The pre-history of the term rat is also traced. The article concludes that there was both continuity and discontinuity in the language of betrayal employed in radical organizations. The language of betrayal reflected the language of the people, shifting as popular culture shifted, but drew, at the same time, on inherent themes of prostitution and faction. A significant theme in the broader issue of trust and distrust in radical organizations emerges: the role of the rat in facilitating change in the aims and agenda of a radical organization, and in uniting those members who remained.

‘MAKING REFORM THE INSTRUMENT OF REVOLUTION’: BRITISH SOCIAL DEMOCRACY, 1881–1911

The Social Democratic Federation (SDF) was the major representative of Second International socialism on British soil. As a socialist organization it is usually viewed through the distorting prism of the Russian Revolution and its aftermath. This article sets out to analyse the organization's strategy in its proper context – that of the struggle to transform Victorian and Edwardian Britain into the co-operative commonwealth. SDF views on the nature of revolution and what members called ‘palliative’ reforms are considered, as are their views on the character of the British state, the nature of democracy, the role of parliament, and the potential for violence at times of change. For them, the transition to socialism would be effected by well-fed, organized workers with a degree of education and culture, and their social reforms were designed to bring this revolutionary class into being. Campaigns against unemployment, work on school boards, boards of guardians, and local councils are found to have been conducted both as ends in themselves, and as a part of a grander strategy for the attainment of socialism. The SDF was a ‘parliamentary revolutionary party’ which sought to use reforms constructively in order to bring about the transformation of British society.

Social Democracy and Labour Politicsin Britain,1892-1911

Before the First World War European socialist parties developed in a social democratic tradition inspired by Marx. The British, however, went their own way and produced a unique and distinctive labour politics; the major organizations representing the political labour movement were the Independent Labour Party and the Labour Party. Despite this, Britain did have a party of the European type: the Social Democratic Federation (SDF). This article sets out to analyse the political differences between these organizations and to study the relationships between them. In particular, the prevailing view among contemporaries and historians that the SDF was mistaken in abandoning the labour alliance in 1901 is questioned. British social democrats adopted a more subtle and complex stance towards labour than is usually allowed. They often worked amicably with local labour activists, playing prominent roles as members of local labour representational committees, while attacking the Labour Party leadership for its moderation and closeness to the Liberals. Their contradictory stance gave them enhanced credibility among militants at a time of realignment in British politics, and allowed them to continue to influence the Labour Party from within.

Equivocal feminists: the social democratic federation and the woman question, 1884–1911

Equivocal feminists: the social democratic federation and the woman question, 1884–1911

Equivocal Feminists: The Social Democratic Federation and the Woman Question 1884-1911

Equivocal Feminists: The Social Democratic Federation and the Woman Question 1884-1911